IntroductionPublic opinion studies have traditionally relied on survey analyses. However, a qualitative approach is needed to address opinion formation's multidimensional and contextual nature. In this study, we argue that focus groups are a technique that addresses these unique challenges.MethodsWe test this argument by looking at the case of Chile, a country marked by a streak of eight elections in three years, including two national referendums for a constitutional proposal. In this politically polarized setting, and over the course of the latter election year, we conducted 10 focus groups comprising a diverse sample in terms of gender, age, socioeconomic status, and occupation. As participants shared news diets, political views, and values, data suggest a tendency to independently verify information regardless of the source, and highly influenced by their close ones.ResultsFrom a methodological perspective, our findings show that focus groups enable the assessment of the context‐situated opinion formation process, reveal emerging themes, and promote open discussion. These results also reflect the multifaceted nature of public opinion formation in a dynamic media landscape and can inform other countries undergoing a crisis of institutional legitimacy.
{"title":"“The more official, the less I believe”: Using focus groups to explore public opinion formation in politically polarized contexts","authors":"Isabel Pavez, Magdalena Saldaña, Cristian Cabalin, Andrés Scherman","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13421","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13421","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionPublic opinion studies have traditionally relied on survey analyses. However, a qualitative approach is needed to address opinion formation's multidimensional and contextual nature. In this study, we argue that focus groups are a technique that addresses these unique challenges.MethodsWe test this argument by looking at the case of Chile, a country marked by a streak of eight elections in three years, including two national referendums for a constitutional proposal. In this politically polarized setting, and over the course of the latter election year, we conducted 10 focus groups comprising a diverse sample in terms of gender, age, socioeconomic status, and occupation. As participants shared news diets, political views, and values, data suggest a tendency to independently verify information regardless of the source, and highly influenced by their close ones.ResultsFrom a methodological perspective, our findings show that focus groups enable the assessment of the context‐situated opinion formation process, reveal emerging themes, and promote open discussion. These results also reflect the multifaceted nature of public opinion formation in a dynamic media landscape and can inform other countries undergoing a crisis of institutional legitimacy.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"39 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141886455","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
BackgroundThere is a significant body of research investigating how institutions moderate the relationship between public opinion and policy in the American States, but far less attention has been given to understanding the variance of policy change. Some states have remained relatively stable in their ideological trajectory, while other states tend to see large unstable swings in policy.ObjectivesI argue that the variance of policy, not just the mean, is an important component of understanding policy responsiveness. A state's institutional design can influence both the extent to which policymakers follow public opinion and the ease of moving the status quo.MethodsI use a heteroskedastic regression to model policy responsiveness and variance in the state using a measure of the strength of a state’s checks and balance system and a measure of accountability pressure.ResultsStates with a robust checks and balances system see less policy variance, whereas there is mixed evidence that institutions designed to strengthen public opinion’s role in policy are associated with more stable policy. I also find that institutions play a much stronger role in reducing social policy variance compared to economic policy.ConclusionVariance should be incorporated into our understanding of policy responsiveness, and represents another dimension in which institutions may influence the relationship between public opinion and policy.
{"title":"Institutional design and the stability of responsiveness in the American states","authors":"Scott LaCombe","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13414","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13414","url":null,"abstract":"BackgroundThere is a significant body of research investigating how institutions moderate the relationship between public opinion and policy in the American States, but far less attention has been given to understanding the variance of policy change. Some states have remained relatively stable in their ideological trajectory, while other states tend to see large unstable swings in policy.ObjectivesI argue that the variance of policy, not just the mean, is an important component of understanding policy responsiveness. A state's institutional design can influence both the extent to which policymakers follow public opinion and the ease of moving the status quo.MethodsI use a heteroskedastic regression to model policy responsiveness and variance in the state using a measure of the strength of a state’s checks and balance system and a measure of accountability pressure.ResultsStates with a robust checks and balances system see less policy variance, whereas there is mixed evidence that institutions designed to strengthen public opinion’s role in policy are associated with more stable policy. I also find that institutions play a much stronger role in reducing social policy variance compared to economic policy.ConclusionVariance should be incorporated into our understanding of policy responsiveness, and represents another dimension in which institutions may influence the relationship between public opinion and policy.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"43 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141784712","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectivePrevious studies on charitable giving have emphasized the importance of socioeconomic status in explaining why individuals choose to donate or not to donate money. Other explanations, such as social capital or local contexts, have also been investigated, but these perspectives are rarely combined and tested against an actual behavioral outcome measure. We seek to compare the statistical importance of these explanations for individual‐level donation decisions.MethodsOur study investigates survey respondents’ choices to repeatedly donate their earned incentive after a completed interview in the three waves of the Immigrant German Election Study II from 2021. In each wave, respondents were offered an incentive worth 10 euros, which they could either keep as a gift card or donate to the local food bank. This decision is a measurement of real rather than self‐reported donation behavior. We combine individual‐level variables and neighborhood‐level variables that capture the heterogeneity of our sample to systematically compare explanations for this donation decision.ResultsWe find that the respondents’ self‐assessed economic situation and sociopolitical preferences in favor of more social spending by the state, rather than the respondents’ objective socioeconomic status, have strong positive effects on the total amount donated throughout the survey.ConclusionNot the rich per se, but those who think they are doing well economically, and who are on the redistributive left, give more to others. These findings remain robust after controlling for the strong heterogeneity of our sample.
目的以往关于慈善捐赠的研究强调社会经济地位在解释个人选择捐赠或不捐赠的原因中的重要性。其他解释，如社会资本或当地环境，也曾被研究过，但这些观点很少被结合起来，并通过实际的行为结果测量进行检验。我们的研究调查了受访者在完成 2021 年德国移民选举研究 II 的三波访谈后，对重复捐赠所获奖励的选择。在每一轮调查中，受访者都会获得价值 10 欧元的奖励，他们可以将其作为礼品卡保存或捐给当地的食品银行。这一决定是对真实而非自我报告的捐赠行为的测量。结果我们发现，在整个调查过程中，受访者自我评估的经济状况和支持国家增加社会支出的社会政治偏好，而不是受访者客观的社会经济地位，对捐赠总额有很强的正向影响。结论不是富人本身，而是那些认为自己经济状况良好、处于再分配左翼的人对他人的捐赠更多。在控制了样本的强烈异质性后，这些发现仍然是可靠的。
{"title":"Are charitable donations a luxury good of the rich? Evidence from a survey and actual behavior in a superdiverse metropolis","authors":"Jonas Elis, Sabrina Jasmin Mayer, Achim Goerres","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13418","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13418","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectivePrevious studies on charitable giving have emphasized the importance of socioeconomic status in explaining why individuals choose to donate or not to donate money. Other explanations, such as social capital or local contexts, have also been investigated, but these perspectives are rarely combined and tested against an actual behavioral outcome measure. We seek to compare the statistical importance of these explanations for individual‐level donation decisions.MethodsOur study investigates survey respondents’ choices to repeatedly donate their earned incentive after a completed interview in the three waves of the Immigrant German Election Study II from 2021. In each wave, respondents were offered an incentive worth 10 euros, which they could either keep as a gift card or donate to the local food bank. This decision is a measurement of real rather than self‐reported donation behavior. We combine individual‐level variables and neighborhood‐level variables that capture the heterogeneity of our sample to systematically compare explanations for this donation decision.ResultsWe find that the respondents’ self‐assessed economic situation and sociopolitical preferences in favor of more social spending by the state, rather than the respondents’ objective socioeconomic status, have strong positive effects on the total amount donated throughout the survey.ConclusionNot the rich per se, but those who think they are doing well economically, and who are on the redistributive left, give more to others. These findings remain robust after controlling for the strong heterogeneity of our sample.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141784867","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Zachary Albert, Robert G. Boatright, Lane Cuthbert, Adam Eichen, Wouter van Erve, Raymond J. La Raja, Meredith Rolfe
ObjectiveRanked‐choice voting (RCV) is increasingly seen as a way to reduce political polarization and increase voter choice in elections, but little is known about its effect on candidate fundraising. In 2022, Alaska held its first election using a nonpartisan Top 4 primary followed by a ranked‐choice general election. We analyze the effect of this new system on campaign financing practices in state legislative elections. There are many reasons to expect RCV to increase campaign spending, broaden the donor pool, and prompt donors to support candidates to whom they would not otherwise contribute.MethodWe measure changes in fundraising over the past decade in Alaska legislative elections. We conduct a network analysis of campaign contributors in Alaska for the 2018, 2020, and 2022 state legislative elections.ResultsRCV had minimal consequences for campaign fundraising. Our ability to draw broader conclusions about the relationship between RCV and campaign finance is complicated by unusual features of Alaska politics.ConclusionsThere is little evidence that the adoption of a Top 4/RCV system in Alaska had immediate effects on campaign finance in state legislative elections. However, patterns may change as legislators and donors adapt to the new system.
{"title":"Election reform and campaign finance: Did Alaska's top 4 nonpartisan primaries and ranked‐choice general elections affect political spending?","authors":"Zachary Albert, Robert G. Boatright, Lane Cuthbert, Adam Eichen, Wouter van Erve, Raymond J. La Raja, Meredith Rolfe","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13422","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13422","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveRanked‐choice voting (RCV) is increasingly seen as a way to reduce political polarization and increase voter choice in elections, but little is known about its effect on candidate fundraising. In 2022, Alaska held its first election using a nonpartisan Top 4 primary followed by a ranked‐choice general election. We analyze the effect of this new system on campaign financing practices in state legislative elections. There are many reasons to expect RCV to increase campaign spending, broaden the donor pool, and prompt donors to support candidates to whom they would not otherwise contribute.MethodWe measure changes in fundraising over the past decade in Alaska legislative elections. We conduct a network analysis of campaign contributors in Alaska for the 2018, 2020, and 2022 state legislative elections.ResultsRCV had minimal consequences for campaign fundraising. Our ability to draw broader conclusions about the relationship between RCV and campaign finance is complicated by unusual features of Alaska politics.ConclusionsThere is little evidence that the adoption of a Top 4/RCV system in Alaska had immediate effects on campaign finance in state legislative elections. However, patterns may change as legislators and donors adapt to the new system.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141612133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveEfforts to measure cultural identities in survey research rely on self‐reported ethnic, racial, and national identities. We test how survey operationalization of grid–group cultural theory (CT) influences the classification of individuals’ (sub)cultural identities.MethodsA national online sample of Americans (n = 697 for current analyses) rated items from CT indices, CT statements, and cultural cognition theory (CCT) indices in a 2016–2017 panel survey. Individuals were classified as identifying with a culture if they supported it (e.g., rating it above the scale mean or median, or in the top 35 percent of the scale distribution) or agreed with each item constituting the scale (the “midpoint method” introduced here).ResultsDifferent classification methods and cultural measures yield different proportions of support of cultural biases, yielding statistically significant differences despite most people being similarly classified. Survey measures can unequivocally assign a minority of people to a single cultural identity, with a majority so classified only if one does not require the individual to support only one bias.ConclusionsUsing a short, conceptually valid measure of culture with the novel midpoint method seems best for CT survey researchers but should have implications more broadly in cultural identity research and social science efforts to classify individuals.
{"title":"Measuring cultural identities in cultural theory survey research","authors":"Branden B. Johnson, Brendon Swedlow","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13419","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13419","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveEfforts to measure cultural identities in survey research rely on self‐reported ethnic, racial, and national identities. We test how survey operationalization of grid–group cultural theory (CT) influences the classification of individuals’ (sub)cultural identities.MethodsA national online sample of Americans (<jats:italic>n</jats:italic> = 697 for current analyses) rated items from CT indices, CT statements, and cultural cognition theory (CCT) indices in a 2016–2017 panel survey. Individuals were classified as identifying with a culture if they supported it (e.g., rating it above the scale mean or median, or in the top 35 percent of the scale distribution) or agreed with each item constituting the scale (the “midpoint method” introduced here).ResultsDifferent classification methods and cultural measures yield different proportions of support of cultural biases, yielding statistically significant differences despite most people being similarly classified. Survey measures can unequivocally assign a minority of people to a single cultural identity, with a majority so classified only if one does not require the individual to support only one bias.ConclusionsUsing a short, conceptually valid measure of culture with the novel midpoint method seems best for CT survey researchers but should have implications more broadly in cultural identity research and social science efforts to classify individuals.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"60 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141612134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveThis article employs three theoretical approaches (cultural, institutional, and informational) to explain public willingness to support two major forms of digital surveillance policies—video surveillance and internet surveillance—in the countries with varying levels of political trust.MethodsUtilizing the data from World Values Survey (WVS) and the other sources, this study conducts a multi‐level analysis involving 75,721 respondents from 50 countries or regions.ResultsThe results show that public support for digital surveillance policies varies across digital surveillance types and political trust contexts. The cultural approach demonstrates consistent effects that remain robust irrespective of the type of digital surveillance or political trust. The institutional approach varies by the level of political trust, and the informational approach differs between video and internet surveillance.ConclusionThe effects of three theoretical approaches are compared across digital surveillance types and across political trust contexts. The comparison examines the privacy calculus theory in different scenarios and reveals the intricate trade‐off mechanism inherent in public support for digital surveillance policy.
{"title":"Comparing public support for digital surveillance policies in 50 countries","authors":"Jing Jin, Yufan Guo, Jia Lu","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13423","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13423","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThis article employs three theoretical approaches (cultural, institutional, and informational) to explain public willingness to support two major forms of digital surveillance policies—video surveillance and internet surveillance—in the countries with varying levels of political trust.MethodsUtilizing the data from World Values Survey (WVS) and the other sources, this study conducts a multi‐level analysis involving 75,721 respondents from 50 countries or regions.ResultsThe results show that public support for digital surveillance policies varies across digital surveillance types and political trust contexts. The cultural approach demonstrates consistent effects that remain robust irrespective of the type of digital surveillance or political trust. The institutional approach varies by the level of political trust, and the informational approach differs between video and internet surveillance.ConclusionThe effects of three theoretical approaches are compared across digital surveillance types and across political trust contexts. The comparison examines the privacy calculus theory in different scenarios and reveals the intricate trade‐off mechanism inherent in public support for digital surveillance policy.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"2012 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141614817","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abbie Eastman, Andrea Junqueira, Ali Kagalwala, Andrew Q. Philips, Guy D. Whitten
ObjectiveThe study aims to demonstrate the utility of modeling compositional volatility in substantive domains beyond budgeting.MethodsWe show how to model compositional volatility on its own or as a part of a system of equations in which the component parts of the compositional outcome variable are also modeled.ResultsUsing data on the volatility of support for German political parties, we demonstrate the usefulness of stand‐alone models of compositional volatility. Using data on the volatility of income shares in the United States, we demonstrate the usefulness of modeling volatility together with compositional components.ConclusionThere is considerable potential for modeling compositional volatility.
{"title":"Volatile pies: Modeling compositional volatility","authors":"Abbie Eastman, Andrea Junqueira, Ali Kagalwala, Andrew Q. Philips, Guy D. Whitten","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13406","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13406","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThe study aims to demonstrate the utility of modeling compositional volatility in substantive domains beyond budgeting.MethodsWe show how to model compositional volatility on its own or as a part of a system of equations in which the component parts of the compositional outcome variable are also modeled.ResultsUsing data on the volatility of support for German political parties, we demonstrate the usefulness of stand‐alone models of compositional volatility. Using data on the volatility of income shares in the United States, we demonstrate the usefulness of modeling volatility together with compositional components.ConclusionThere is considerable potential for modeling compositional volatility.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"37 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141572853","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveThis study mainly focuses on the relationship between development aid and growth as well as examines the role of the institutional development levels of countries in this relationship and makes economic inferences.MethodsThe analysis is conducted for 64 countries receiving official development assistance in the 2000–2020 period. To provide robust estimates in these studies, the Driscoll and Kraay estimator is used after fixed and random effects models.ResultsIn almost all of the estimated models, a significant relationship between official development assistance per capita and growth is found. Moreover, the models with institutional factors and interaction terms also support the results. According to the robust estimation results, official development assistance per capita positively affects growth.ConclusionThe results for all countries do not mean that good policies and strong institutions are unnecessary. In contrast, they show that the priority is the sum of aid per capita.
{"title":"Revisiting the nexus between development aid, institutions, and growth: A global evidence","authors":"Ömer Faruk Biçen, Mustafa Necati Çoban","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13417","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13417","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThis study mainly focuses on the relationship between development aid and growth as well as examines the role of the institutional development levels of countries in this relationship and makes economic inferences.MethodsThe analysis is conducted for 64 countries receiving official development assistance in the 2000–2020 period. To provide robust estimates in these studies, the Driscoll and Kraay estimator is used after fixed and random effects models.ResultsIn almost all of the estimated models, a significant relationship between official development assistance per capita and growth is found. Moreover, the models with institutional factors and interaction terms also support the results. According to the robust estimation results, official development assistance per capita positively affects growth.ConclusionThe results for all countries do not mean that good policies and strong institutions are unnecessary. In contrast, they show that the priority is the sum of aid per capita.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141552135","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveAttention to levels of socioeconomic inequality has given rise to work investigating its potential to influence political actors and, thus, policy outcomes. These studies have focused on elected actors in legislative contexts. Ours fills this gap by assessing the consequences of a judge's wealth on decision making.MethodsWe obtain data on federal appellate judges’ wealth and explore its influence in cases involving economic issues. We estimate logit models controlling for other factors and include fixed effects for circuit, specific issue area, and year of the decision. The models consider both the main effects of wealth and its potential interaction with judicial ideology to influence decision making.ResultsWe find no direct relationship between a judge's wealth and her decision making in economic cases. However, wealth interacts with ideology to exert a significant influence on decision making; here, greater wealth amplifies the ideological predilections of more conservative judges.ConclusionsThis is the first study to document a link between wealth and the choices judges make on the bench. It adds a new dimension to the ways economic inequality can influence political actors and raises new questions about the mechanisms by which such inequality is consequential for elite political behavior.
{"title":"Exploring the influence of wealth on judicial decision making","authors":"Banks Miller, Brett Curry","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13412","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13412","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveAttention to levels of socioeconomic inequality has given rise to work investigating its potential to influence political actors and, thus, policy outcomes. These studies have focused on elected actors in legislative contexts. Ours fills this gap by assessing the consequences of a judge's wealth on decision making.MethodsWe obtain data on federal appellate judges’ wealth and explore its influence in cases involving economic issues. We estimate logit models controlling for other factors and include fixed effects for circuit, specific issue area, and year of the decision. The models consider both the main effects of wealth and its potential interaction with judicial ideology to influence decision making.ResultsWe find no direct relationship between a judge's wealth and her decision making in economic cases. However, wealth interacts with ideology to exert a significant influence on decision making; here, greater wealth amplifies the ideological predilections of more conservative judges.ConclusionsThis is the first study to document a link between wealth and the choices judges make on the bench. It adds a new dimension to the ways economic inequality can influence political actors and raises new questions about the <jats:italic>mechanisms</jats:italic> by which such inequality is consequential for elite political behavior.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"177 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141516039","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IntroductionSupport for anti‐racism policies such as mandatory diversity training and affirmative action varies by race. Research in the racial resentment and symbolic racism traditions focuses on whites’ endorsements of stereotypes that blame blacks for their unequal position in society, causing whites to be less supportive of anti‐racism policies. Systemic racism theory suggests an additional hypothesis: People who believe whites are not doing enough to dismantle the systemically racist system that disadvantages blacks and other groups should be more supportive of anti‐racism policies.MethodsWe examine both hypotheses using data from a national YouGov survey of 1125 U.S. adults gathered in 2021.ResultsRace differences in support for anti‐racism policies are accounted for by race differences in endorsements of both anti‐black and anti‐white stereotypes.ConclusionFuture studies of support for anti‐racism policies should consider the influence of both anti‐black and anti‐white stereotypes.
{"title":"Race differences in support for anti‐racism policies: Endorsements of anti‐black and anti‐white stereotypes","authors":"Eric Silver, John Iceland, Kerby Goff","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13416","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13416","url":null,"abstract":"IntroductionSupport for anti‐racism policies such as mandatory diversity training and affirmative action varies by race. Research in the racial resentment and symbolic racism traditions focuses on whites’ endorsements of stereotypes that blame blacks for their unequal position in society, causing whites to be less supportive of anti‐racism policies. Systemic racism theory suggests an additional hypothesis: People who believe whites are not doing enough to dismantle the systemically racist system that disadvantages blacks and other groups should be more supportive of anti‐racism policies.MethodsWe examine both hypotheses using data from a national YouGov survey of 1125 U.S. adults gathered in 2021.ResultsRace differences in support for anti‐racism policies are accounted for by race differences in endorsements of both anti‐black <jats:italic>and</jats:italic> anti‐white stereotypes.ConclusionFuture studies of support for anti‐racism policies should consider the influence of both anti‐black and anti‐white stereotypes.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"17 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-07-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141516040","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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