ObjectivesThe potential for ancillary real estate transformation and downtown revitalization has moved to the forefront of sports venue subsidy arguments. Despite the City of Detroit being in the largest municipal bankruptcy in U.S. history at the time, $324 million in public funding was directly provided to Little Caesars Arena, a new home for the Detroit Red Wings hockey team. Using the Detroit context, this article examines how a major arena subsidy deal arose in a severely financially distressed city.MethodsUsing a snowball technique, documents were collected from government, media, industry, community, legal, and academic sources to inform a retrospective, single case study. Over 300 documents covering a period from 1992 to 2021 were then reviewed for prospective relevance. A review of secondary media sources was conducted in lieu of traditional interviews.ResultsThe arena funding outcome is best explained by three interrelated aspects: local growth coalitions, real estate development promises, and lacking procedural and financial transparency exacerbated by both the chosen funding mechanism of tax increment financing (TIF) and the bankruptcy.ConclusionsWhere flexible financial subsidies and arena deal making are concerned, procedural transparency matters. Growth coalitions and rent‐seeking team owners can use the earmarked nature of TIF to circumvent traditional budgetary processes and mute prospective opposition through promises of self‐financing subsidies that will not result in new tax rate hikes. For venue deals where the substance is in the details of contractual obligations, transparency and adequate time for scrutiny are especially important.
{"title":"Subsidizing a sports arena in a bankrupt city: Detroit's Little Caesars Arena","authors":"Robert Sroka","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13424","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13424","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectivesThe potential for ancillary real estate transformation and downtown revitalization has moved to the forefront of sports venue subsidy arguments. Despite the City of Detroit being in the largest municipal bankruptcy in U.S. history at the time, $324 million in public funding was directly provided to Little Caesars Arena, a new home for the Detroit Red Wings hockey team. Using the Detroit context, this article examines how a major arena subsidy deal arose in a severely financially distressed city.MethodsUsing a snowball technique, documents were collected from government, media, industry, community, legal, and academic sources to inform a retrospective, single case study. Over 300 documents covering a period from 1992 to 2021 were then reviewed for prospective relevance. A review of secondary media sources was conducted in lieu of traditional interviews.ResultsThe arena funding outcome is best explained by three interrelated aspects: local growth coalitions, real estate development promises, and lacking procedural and financial transparency exacerbated by both the chosen funding mechanism of tax increment financing (TIF) and the bankruptcy.ConclusionsWhere flexible financial subsidies and arena deal making are concerned, procedural transparency matters. Growth coalitions and rent‐seeking team owners can use the earmarked nature of TIF to circumvent traditional budgetary processes and mute prospective opposition through promises of self‐financing subsidies that will not result in new tax rate hikes. For venue deals where the substance is in the details of contractual obligations, transparency and adequate time for scrutiny are especially important.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"66 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142196198","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveTo what extent does personal experience with discrimination moderate the effect of acculturation on policy preferences amongst Latinxs? Work on acculturation shows that acculturation is an important predictor of policy preferences in Latinxs—with more acculturated individuals generally holding attitudes closer to their non‐Latinx Anglo counterparts than less acculturated Latinxs. Substantively less is known about how personal experience with discrimination influences the extent to which Latinxs adopt more mainstream policy stances. This rings even more true for attitudes outside of immigration, an area that has been the primary focus of scholars for a long time. We begin that exploration here.MethodsWe use the 2020 Collaborative Multi‐Racial Post‐Election Survey to explore the moderating role of personal discrimination on acculturation and, by extension, police preferences. We do so in a variety of policy areas, including abortion, affirmative action, climate change, police reform, and immigration, among others.ResultsWe find that personal experience with discrimination inhibits the expected attitudinal convergence of Latinxs with their Anglo counterparts on a number of issues.ConclusionThe findings here demonstrate that migrant experiences need to be accounted for when trying to understand the political incorporation of the Latinx population in the United States.
{"title":"The impact of acculturation and personal discrimination on Latinx public opinion","authors":"Giovanny D. Pleites‐Hernandez, J. Robert Shrode","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13435","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13435","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveTo what extent does personal experience with discrimination moderate the effect of acculturation on policy preferences amongst Latinxs? Work on acculturation shows that acculturation is an important predictor of policy preferences in Latinxs—with more acculturated individuals generally holding attitudes closer to their non‐Latinx Anglo counterparts than less acculturated Latinxs. Substantively less is known about how personal experience with discrimination influences the extent to which Latinxs adopt more mainstream policy stances. This rings even more true for attitudes outside of immigration, an area that has been the primary focus of scholars for a long time. We begin that exploration here.MethodsWe use the 2020 Collaborative Multi‐Racial Post‐Election Survey to explore the moderating role of personal discrimination on acculturation and, by extension, police preferences. We do so in a variety of policy areas, including abortion, affirmative action, climate change, police reform, and immigration, among others.ResultsWe find that personal experience with discrimination inhibits the expected attitudinal convergence of Latinxs with their Anglo counterparts on a number of issues.ConclusionThe findings here demonstrate that migrant experiences need to be accounted for when trying to understand the political incorporation of the Latinx population in the United States.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"57 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142196199","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Jennifer Horan, Jennifer Brubaker, Aaron King, Stephen Meinhold
ObjectiveWe examine how congressional candidates use social media such as Twitter (X) to promote a political brand and connect with voters during campaigns.MethodsUsing a mixed‐method, interdisciplinary approach, we first conduct a brand analysis using 22 candidates from 11 open‐seat races in 2020. We develop and test several hypotheses using our races from 2020 and the subsequent contests in these districts in 2022, as well as the universe of tweets from all congressional candidates from the 2020 and 2022 general election campaigns (n = 789,411).ResultsWe find the three prominent themes present in our brand analysis—the adoption of gender roles, the mimicking of Trump, and expressions of populism—persist when we examine the Twitter posts from congressional candidates in 2020 and 2022. Male and female candidates behave differently on Twitter as do Republicans and Democrats. Most Republican candidates, regardless of gender, mimic the Trump brand rife with populist themes.ConclusionWe integrate research from political science and communication studies to gain a better understanding of how congressional candidates present their political brand to voters. We raise new questions scholars from the social sciences must consider while studying these phenomena in a fast‐evolving political and social media landscape.
{"title":"Tweet like Trump: Political branding and Twitter usage among congressional candidates in 2020 and 2022","authors":"Jennifer Horan, Jennifer Brubaker, Aaron King, Stephen Meinhold","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13430","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13430","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveWe examine how congressional candidates use social media such as Twitter (X) to promote a political brand and connect with voters during campaigns.MethodsUsing a mixed‐method, interdisciplinary approach, we first conduct a brand analysis using 22 candidates from 11 open‐seat races in 2020. We develop and test several hypotheses using our races from 2020 and the subsequent contests in these districts in 2022, as well as the universe of tweets from all congressional candidates from the 2020 and 2022 general election campaigns (<jats:italic>n</jats:italic> = 789,411).ResultsWe find the three prominent themes present in our brand analysis—the adoption of gender roles, the mimicking of Trump, and expressions of populism—persist when we examine the Twitter posts from congressional candidates in 2020 and 2022. Male and female candidates behave differently on Twitter as do Republicans and Democrats. Most Republican candidates, regardless of gender, mimic the Trump brand rife with populist themes.ConclusionWe integrate research from political science and communication studies to gain a better understanding of how congressional candidates present their political brand to voters. We raise new questions scholars from the social sciences must consider while studying these phenomena in a fast‐evolving political and social media landscape.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"183 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142196200","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveThis study examined how men respond to #MeToo scenarios alongside perceptions of rape myths and gender equity. It examined social media post reactions of stigma, shame, fear repercussions, victim blaming, truth telling, and real assault belief.MethodsThe sample of 407 male survey participants responded to closed‐ and open‐ended questions in MTurk. Men responded to three #MeToo posts copied from Twitter, which included statements of sexual harassment and assault, to measure perceptions of stigmatization, shame, and victim blame. Variables also measured rape myth acceptance, gender equity ideals, and demographic variables such as race, ethnicity, employment, and relationship status.ResultsThe study demonstrated most men ascribed to rape myths and rape culture in their beliefs, but these beliefs usually did not lead directly to their written responses. The quantitative data showed men who accept rape myths also perceive victims as earning outcomes of shame, stigma, and blame. The qualitative data demonstrated most men supported victims’ posts sharing their #MeToo stories with few harmful, stigmatizing responses.ConclusionMen hold beliefs that might not lead to direct behaviors in responding to #MeToo posts. Additional research must be completed using other survey platforms to gain the male response to victim story sharing.
{"title":"How men view stigma, shame, and blame in #MeToo","authors":"Jennifer L. Huck, Megan Homer","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13428","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13428","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThis study examined how men respond to #MeToo scenarios alongside perceptions of rape myths and gender equity. It examined social media post reactions of stigma, shame, fear repercussions, victim blaming, truth telling, and real assault belief.MethodsThe sample of 407 male survey participants responded to closed‐ and open‐ended questions in MTurk. Men responded to three #MeToo posts copied from Twitter, which included statements of sexual harassment and assault, to measure perceptions of stigmatization, shame, and victim blame. Variables also measured rape myth acceptance, gender equity ideals, and demographic variables such as race, ethnicity, employment, and relationship status.ResultsThe study demonstrated most men ascribed to rape myths and rape culture in their beliefs, but these beliefs usually did not lead directly to their written responses. The quantitative data showed men who accept rape myths also perceive victims as earning outcomes of shame, stigma, and blame. The qualitative data demonstrated most men supported victims’ posts sharing their #MeToo stories with few harmful, stigmatizing responses.ConclusionMen hold beliefs that might not lead to direct behaviors in responding to #MeToo posts. Additional research must be completed using other survey platforms to gain the male response to victim story sharing.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142196202","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveThis article examines the diffusion of paramilitary police units across the United States to consider the computational turn in social science.MethodsThe process of police diffusion is modeled by comparing traditional predictive models with agent‐based modeling (ABM) under constant and flexible binding conditions. The data are drawn from the Census of State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies 2000, 2004 and the United States Cities Database.ResultsABM was not superior to traditional predictive models when it came to predicting policy diffusion and that flexible binding provides superior predictive capabilities over constant binding.ConclusionsPublic policy scholars should exercise caution in adopting computational methods as they may not offer advantages over traditional predicative analysis. Policy diffusion of police militarization is not driven by geographical proximity but may reflect hierarchical influences in the form of federal policy or the influence of far‐flung organizations perceived to be similar. This may cause inappropriate policies and practices to be adopted.
{"title":"Understanding the adoption of military equipment by local law enforcement agencies in the United States","authors":"Keith Baker, Joseph Cochran, Haci Duru","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13427","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13427","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThis article examines the diffusion of paramilitary police units across the United States to consider the computational turn in social science.MethodsThe process of police diffusion is modeled by comparing traditional predictive models with agent‐based modeling (ABM) under constant and flexible binding conditions. The data are drawn from the Census of State and Local Law Enforcement Agencies 2000, 2004 and the United States Cities Database.ResultsABM was not superior to traditional predictive models when it came to predicting policy diffusion and that flexible binding provides superior predictive capabilities over constant binding.ConclusionsPublic policy scholars should exercise caution in adopting computational methods as they may not offer advantages over traditional predicative analysis. Policy diffusion of police militarization is not driven by geographical proximity but may reflect hierarchical influences in the form of federal policy or the influence of far‐flung organizations perceived to be similar. This may cause inappropriate policies and practices to be adopted.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141948953","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveThe policy implemented in Israel with the purpose of eradicating the COVID‐19 pandemic restricted Israeli citizens’ individual freedom. During this period, Israel was suffering from government instability that led to recurring election campaigns within a short period. In addition, the prime minister was under legal investigation for suspicions of government corruption. This study examines the legitimization of government by the Israeli public during the COVID‐19 pandemic.MethodsThe research findings are based on a representative attitude survey conducted by a survey company among Israeli citizens (men and women older than 18), including 604 respondents from the Jewish population and others and another 135 respondents from the Arab sector, that is, a total of 739 respondents, where the sampling error was 4.4 percent.ResultsThe findings indicate that right‐wing voters tended to support governmental legitimization at a higher rate compared to voters from opposing blocs. Correspondingly, they tended to oppose claims attacking governmental legitimization at a lower rate in comparison to coalition party voters.ConclusionThe conclusion indicates that the party identification of the respondents is a mediating variable in their perception of governmental legitimacy vis‐à‐vis each of the three variables examined, thereby strengthening the perceptual screening.
{"title":"Party identification as a mediating variable in the perception of governmental legitimacy in Israel during the coronavirus epidemic","authors":"Erez Cohen","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13425","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13425","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveThe policy implemented in Israel with the purpose of eradicating the COVID‐19 pandemic restricted Israeli citizens’ individual freedom. During this period, Israel was suffering from government instability that led to recurring election campaigns within a short period. In addition, the prime minister was under legal investigation for suspicions of government corruption. This study examines the legitimization of government by the Israeli public during the COVID‐19 pandemic.MethodsThe research findings are based on a representative attitude survey conducted by a survey company among Israeli citizens (men and women older than 18), including 604 respondents from the Jewish population and others and another 135 respondents from the Arab sector, that is, a total of 739 respondents, where the sampling error was 4.4 percent.ResultsThe findings indicate that right‐wing voters tended to support governmental legitimization at a higher rate compared to voters from opposing blocs. Correspondingly, they tended to oppose claims attacking governmental legitimization at a lower rate in comparison to coalition party voters.ConclusionThe conclusion indicates that the party identification of the respondents is a mediating variable in their perception of governmental legitimacy vis‐à‐vis each of the three variables examined, thereby strengthening the perceptual screening.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"141 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141948954","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Muhamadu Awal Kindzeka Wirajing, Alang Ernest Wung, Tii N. Nchofoung, Armand Mboutchouang Kountchou
ObjectiveRegions with multi‐ethnicity like Africa benefit from religiosity and freedom for improved mental and physical well‐being. Although religious freedom in its original sense advocates for peace, there are questions about whether it results in making healthy decisions that are beneficial to one's well‐being. This argument is made in light of the crimes carried out globally in the name of religious freedom, even though it is considered to be wrongly expressed if the expression does not improve well‐being. As a symbol of democracy, religious freedom is expected to boost sentiments of personal authenticity and belonging, and enhance support networks. This study explores the impact of freedom of religion on basic welfare in 49 African countries from 2000 to 2020.MethodologyTo control for potential endogeneity, the authors adopted the smoothed instrumental‐variables quantile regression strategy. The outcome variable of basic welfare is measured using an index that includes life expectancy, literacy rate, and calorie supply while religious freedom is proxied on a 4‐point scale that indicates the extent to which individuals could freely express their religious beliefs.ResultsThe findings reveal a statistically significant positive impact of freedom of religion on basic welfare in Africa. It manifests itself in protecting the rights of individuals, especially the most vulnerable, and promotes social belonging and cohesion. In addition, the results reveal that freedom of religion enhances basic welfare in both former British and French African colonies when the differences in the legal systems are considered.ConclusionsThe study's findings support the religious freedom‐welfare enhancing relationship and are consistent after considering life expectancy and literacy rate as indicators of basic welfare. Policymakers are encouraged to promote democracy and healthy religious behaviors that enhance basic well‐being.
{"title":"Religious freedom and welfare in Africa","authors":"Muhamadu Awal Kindzeka Wirajing, Alang Ernest Wung, Tii N. Nchofoung, Armand Mboutchouang Kountchou","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13429","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13429","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveRegions with multi‐ethnicity like Africa benefit from religiosity and freedom for improved mental and physical well‐being. Although religious freedom in its original sense advocates for peace, there are questions about whether it results in making healthy decisions that are beneficial to one's well‐being. This argument is made in light of the crimes carried out globally in the name of religious freedom, even though it is considered to be wrongly expressed if the expression does not improve well‐being. As a symbol of democracy, religious freedom is expected to boost sentiments of personal authenticity and belonging, and enhance support networks. This study explores the impact of freedom of religion on basic welfare in 49 African countries from 2000 to 2020.MethodologyTo control for potential endogeneity, the authors adopted the smoothed instrumental‐variables quantile regression strategy. The outcome variable of basic welfare is measured using an index that includes life expectancy, literacy rate, and calorie supply while religious freedom is proxied on a 4‐point scale that indicates the extent to which individuals could freely express their religious beliefs.ResultsThe findings reveal a statistically significant positive impact of freedom of religion on basic welfare in Africa. It manifests itself in protecting the rights of individuals, especially the most vulnerable, and promotes social belonging and cohesion. In addition, the results reveal that freedom of religion enhances basic welfare in both former British and French African colonies when the differences in the legal systems are considered.ConclusionsThe study's findings support the religious freedom‐welfare enhancing relationship and are consistent after considering life expectancy and literacy rate as indicators of basic welfare. Policymakers are encouraged to promote democracy and healthy religious behaviors that enhance basic well‐being.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141948976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveA critical area of study of the federal courts includes those who serve on the nation's highest tribunals. While most studies of judicial diversity address the crucial issues of race or gender, we examine the cross‐time dynamics of religious affiliations within the federal courts in the United States to more broadly encompass the concept of diversity.MethodsWe analyze over two centuries of data on the religious affiliations of judges on the District Courts and Courts of Appeals, as well as that of justices on the Supreme Court, by employing descriptive data derived from public sources and our own survey instrument, and multivariate time‐series models.ResultsOur mixed‐method analyses show that the federal courts, traditionally the near‐exclusive province of Protestants, have grown more religiously diverse over time. We illustrate that specific, salient political events, including President Wilson's appointment of Supreme Court Justice Brandeis in 1916 and the elections of Presidents Kennedy in 1960 and Carter in 1976, directly influenced the dynamics of religious affiliations in the federal courts.ConclusionsThe ascent of religious diversity in the federal courts was neither smooth nor inevitable. By incorporating the notion of belonging as a measure of religious identity and affiliation, we exhibit that a multifaceted process over time transformed religious diversity in the federal courts.
{"title":"The pew and the bench: The dynamics of religious affiliations of federal court judges","authors":"Drew Noble Lanier, Mark S. Hurwitz","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13426","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13426","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveA critical area of study of the federal courts includes those who serve on the nation's highest tribunals. While most studies of judicial diversity address the crucial issues of race or gender, we examine the cross‐time dynamics of religious affiliations within the federal courts in the United States to more broadly encompass the concept of diversity.MethodsWe analyze over two centuries of data on the religious affiliations of judges on the District Courts and Courts of Appeals, as well as that of justices on the Supreme Court, by employing descriptive data derived from public sources and our own survey instrument, and multivariate time‐series models.ResultsOur mixed‐method analyses show that the federal courts, traditionally the near‐exclusive province of Protestants, have grown more religiously diverse over time. We illustrate that specific, salient political events, including President Wilson's appointment of Supreme Court Justice Brandeis in 1916 and the elections of Presidents Kennedy in 1960 and Carter in 1976, directly influenced the dynamics of religious affiliations in the federal courts.ConclusionsThe ascent of religious diversity in the federal courts was neither smooth nor inevitable. By incorporating the notion of belonging as a measure of religious identity and affiliation, we exhibit that a multifaceted process over time transformed religious diversity in the federal courts.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141948955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
ObjectiveIn this article, we aim to determine whether there are gender differences about the importance of psychological pressure at the time of the penalty kick event in soccer. Soccer is a formidable framework because it is easier to disentangle the psychological aspects from clearly observable actions, strategies, and outcomes. We are interested in identifying whether there is choking under pressure, a phenomenon characterized by individuals performing worse than they would under the absence of factors that trigger stress.MethodsFour different pressure mechanisms are considered and tested using data from all 494 penalty kicks in the top male and female soccer tournament.ResultsOur findings show that the stress mechanisms considered affect scoring rates; however, we fail to identify statistically significant differences by gender.ConclusionTherefore, the design of programs aimed to help choking‐prone individuals should not over‐emphasize gender differences in this setting.
{"title":"Gender differences in the determinants of choking under pressure: Evidence from penalty kicks in soccer","authors":"Ricardo Manuel Santos","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13415","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13415","url":null,"abstract":"ObjectiveIn this article, we aim to determine whether there are gender differences about the importance of psychological pressure at the time of the penalty kick event in soccer. Soccer is a formidable framework because it is easier to disentangle the psychological aspects from clearly observable actions, strategies, and outcomes. We are interested in identifying whether there is choking under pressure, a phenomenon characterized by individuals performing worse than they would under the absence of factors that trigger stress.MethodsFour different pressure mechanisms are considered and tested using data from all 494 penalty kicks in the top male and female soccer tournament.ResultsOur findings show that the stress mechanisms considered affect scoring rates; however, we fail to identify statistically significant differences by gender.ConclusionTherefore, the design of programs aimed to help choking‐prone individuals should not over‐emphasize gender differences in this setting.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"152 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141887201","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
IntroCommunication is understood to be a pillar of democracy. Therefore, governments around the world enact laws which make it easier for politicians to communicate with their constituents. However, some governments also restrict this ability during campaign seasons as a way of unclogging the media. In the United States, congressional election blackout dates are periods in which politicians are not allowed to engage in mass unsolicited mailing of political advertising. Because the prohibition only applies to unsolicited media, we theorize that we should see the transition from one type of communication to another.MethodsTo test this effect, we created a database containing all tweets by all Members of Congress from the last three Congresses.ResultsWe find that immediately during the blackout periods, members of Congress substantially increase the number of tweets they post.DiscussionWe conclude that Members of Congress are strategic in their ability to exchange communication outlets.
{"title":"The Twitter Blackout: Do congressional rules influence the cyberworld?","authors":"Carlos Gutierrez‐Mannix, Thomas R. Gray","doi":"10.1111/ssqu.13432","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.13432","url":null,"abstract":"IntroCommunication is understood to be a pillar of democracy. Therefore, governments around the world enact laws which make it easier for politicians to communicate with their constituents. However, some governments also restrict this ability during campaign seasons as a way of unclogging the media. In the United States, congressional election blackout dates are periods in which politicians are not allowed to engage in mass unsolicited mailing of political advertising. Because the prohibition only applies to unsolicited media, we theorize that we should see the transition from one type of communication to another.MethodsTo test this effect, we created a database containing all tweets by all Members of Congress from the last three Congresses.ResultsWe find that immediately during the blackout periods, members of Congress substantially increase the number of tweets they post.DiscussionWe conclude that Members of Congress are strategic in their ability to exchange communication outlets.","PeriodicalId":48253,"journal":{"name":"Social Science Quarterly","volume":"133 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.9,"publicationDate":"2024-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141886453","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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