Political Geography最新文献_第3页

Restoring landscapes to build common futures: Land redistribution and environmental action in rural Scotland 恢复景观建设共同未来：苏格兰农村的土地再分配和环境行动

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103471

Adrien Chanteloup , Jayne Glass , Harry W. Fischer

Ecosystem restoration is crucial for reversing environmental degradation, yet contemporary approaches often frame restoration as a technical, science-driven endeavour, neglecting the social and political processes through which communities mobilise for landscape revitalisation. This paper develops the concept of restorative commoning, which we define as a bottom-up creative process in which communities envision and enact new futures for their landscapes in pursuit of collective thriving. We ground this concept in an ethnographic study of Langholm in Scotland, where local residents organised a landmark community buyout of private land, establishing the Tarras Valley Nature Reserve. Through interviews, participant observations, and transect walks, we analyse how residents engaged with restoration not just as an ecological project but as a social, political, and affective act, redefining relationships with place, community, and ecosystems. Our findings reveal how restorative commoning emerges from grassroots mobilisation, historical solidarity, and supportive policy frameworks, particularly land tenure reforms that enable collective ownership. The Langholm case demonstrates that such ownership acts as a catalyst, transforming reactive resistance into proactive reimagination of landscapes. Beyond ecological outcomes, the process nurtures civic revitalisation, challenging dominant paradigms of privatisation and expert-led restoration. We argue that restorative commoning shifts restoration from a return to past conditions to a forward-looking, collective process of socio-ecological change. The study highlights the need for policies that create enabling conditions for community-led restoration, emphasising the interdependence of ecosystem health and social well-being. By centering local agency, affective ties to place, and democratic governance, restorative commoning offers a pathway for more inclusive and sustainable approaches to landscape revitalisation.

生态系统恢复对于扭转环境退化至关重要，然而，当代的方法往往将恢复视为一项技术、科学驱动的努力，忽视了社区为景观振兴而动员起来的社会和政治进程。本文发展了恢复性共同的概念，我们将其定义为一个自下而上的创造过程，在这个过程中，社区为了追求集体繁荣，为他们的景观设想和制定新的未来。我们在苏格兰朗霍尔姆的一项民族志研究中提出了这个概念，当地居民组织了一个具有里程碑意义的私人土地买断社区，建立了塔拉斯山谷自然保护区。通过访谈、参与者观察和样带步行，我们分析了居民如何参与恢复，而不仅仅是作为一个生态项目，而是作为一种社会、政治和情感行为，重新定义与地方、社区和生态系统的关系。我们的研究结果揭示了恢复的共同性是如何从基层动员、历史团结和支持性政策框架中产生的，特别是使集体所有制成为可能的土地权属改革。朗霍尔姆的案例表明，这种所有权起到了催化剂的作用，将被动的抵抗转化为对景观的主动重新想象。除了生态结果，这一过程还促进了公民复兴，挑战了私有化和专家主导的修复的主导范式。我们认为，恢复性共同性将恢复从回归过去的条件转变为前瞻性的，社会生态变化的集体过程。该研究强调需要制定政策，为社区主导的恢复创造有利条件，强调生态系统健康和社会福祉的相互依存关系。通过以地方机构为中心，与地方的情感联系和民主治理，恢复性共同为景观振兴提供了一条更具包容性和可持续性的途径。

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引用次数: 0

Does climate adaptation aid reach those most in need? Sub-national evidence from Philippine provinces 气候适应援助能否惠及最需要帮助的人？来自菲律宾各省的地方证据

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-07 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103450

Niklas Hänze, Viktoria Jansesberger

Despite commitments from developed nations to support the most at-risk populations in the Global South in adapting to climate change, there is little evidence on whether climate adaptation aid effectively reaches those most in need. This is partly due to a lack of attention to within-country disparities, as existing studies overwhelmingly focus on international rather than sub-national aid allocation. This study addresses this gap by analyzing the provincial distribution of multilateral climate adaptation projects in the Philippines, a country highly exposed to natural hazards, using a novel panel dataset that integrates geo-coded adaptation projects with multiple climate risk indicators. In addition to disaggregating adaptation aid spatially, the analysis contributes methodologically by developing a comprehensive measurement strategy for different dimensions of climate risk that separately accounts for natural hazard exposure, adaptive capacity, sensitivity, and realized disaster impacts. Our findings indicate that neither hazard exposure nor limited adaptive capacity or sensitivity consistently predict aid distribution. Instead, recent hazard impacts, specifically cyclone-related fatalities, emerge as the primary determinant. Moreover, our findings demonstrate that sub-national political dynamics and patterns of political alignment play a significant role in determining the distribution of adaptation projects across provinces. These results point to a predominantly reactive, rather than preventive, approach to adaptation funding at the sub-national level, highlighting the urgent need for more transparent, strategically targeted, and depoliticized aid allocation mechanisms.

尽管发达国家承诺支持全球南方最危险的人群适应气候变化，但几乎没有证据表明气候适应援助是否能有效地惠及最需要的人群。这在一定程度上是由于缺乏对国家内部差异的关注，因为现有的研究绝大多数关注的是国际援助分配，而不是地方援助分配。本研究通过分析菲律宾多边气候适应项目的省级分布，解决了这一差距，菲律宾是一个高度自然灾害暴露的国家，使用了一个新的面板数据集，该数据集将地理编码的适应项目与多个气候风险指标相结合。除了在空间上分解适应援助外，该分析还通过为气候风险的不同维度制定综合测量策略，分别考虑自然灾害暴露、适应能力、敏感性和实现的灾害影响，从而在方法上做出贡献。我们的研究结果表明，无论是灾害暴露还是有限的适应能力或敏感性，都不能一致地预测援助的分配。相反，最近的灾害影响，特别是与飓风有关的死亡，成为主要决定因素。此外，我们的研究结果表明，次国家政治动态和政治联盟模式在决定适应项目在各省之间的分布方面发挥了重要作用。这些结果表明，地方一级的适应资金主要是被动的，而不是预防性的，这突出了对更加透明、有战略针对性和非政治化的援助分配机制的迫切需要。

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引用次数: 0

The geography of the party on the ground: Local branches in Italy and Sweden in the late twentieth century 该党在当地的地理位置：二十世纪后期意大利和瑞典的地方支部

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103467

Duncan McDonnell, Sofia Ammassari

The idea that the presence of Western European political parties at grassroots level rose and fell in the twentieth century is central to some of the most influential theories of party organization. However, due to a mixture of patchy national-level data that has been provided by the parties themselves, and a focus by scholars on members rather than branches, we know little about the geography of party structures on the ground. In this article, we address these issues by using an unobtrusive method – consulting historical phonebooks – to determine exactly where parties invested in local branches in Italy and Sweden in the second half of the twentieth century. We theorize that the extent to which parties were present uniformly across a national territory depended on the degree to which politics was nationalized in that country. Using spatial lag regressions, we find strong support for our argument: in the less nationalized case of Italy, parties’ investments in local branches followed two major geographically-based cleavages – center vs periphery, and urban vs rural – while in the more nationalized Sweden, they were relatively uniform across different types of geographical areas. Overall, our findings illustrate how the extent to which you saw the rise and fall of the party on the ground in the second half of the twentieth century depended on where you were. Our research thus shines new light on the history of the party on the ground, in addition to underscoring the value of “bringing territory in” to the study of party organization.

关于西欧基层政党在20世纪兴衰的观点，是一些最有影响力的政党组织理论的核心。然而，由于政党本身提供的国家层面的数据参差不齐，加上学者们关注的是党员而不是分支机构，我们对政党结构的地理位置知之甚少。在本文中，我们通过一种不引人注目的方法——查阅历史电话簿——来解决这些问题，以确定各方在20世纪下半叶在意大利和瑞典投资当地分支机构的确切位置。我们的理论是，政党在全国范围内统一存在的程度取决于该国政治国有化的程度。利用空间滞后回归，我们发现我们的论点得到了强有力的支持：在国有化程度较低的意大利，政党对地方分支机构的投资遵循两个主要的基于地理的分裂——中心与外围，城市与农村——而在国有化程度较高的瑞典，它们在不同类型的地理区域中相对统一。总的来说，我们的研究结果表明，在20世纪下半叶，你在多大程度上看到了共和党的兴衰，这取决于你在哪里。因此，我们的研究在强调党组织研究“带域”价值的同时，也为基层党史提供了新的视角。

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引用次数: 0

Police use of force data collection issues in Florida: A minor critique 佛罗里达州警察使用武力的数据收集问题：一个小的批评

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-04 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103468

Adam Rose , Tyler McCreary , Miltonette Craig , April Jackson

Public scrutiny of policing depends on access to data about police activity. Yet, despite widespread calls for transparency, data on police actions remain largely inscrutable to the public. Law enforcement agencies tightly control access to information on police-involved shootings. This paper details our Kafkaesque experiences attempting to obtain and analyze data on police use of force in Florida, a jurisdiction that legally mandates its public release. Building on scholarship on data justice and policing, we develop a minor critique of police statistics and data collection practices. By minor critique, we mean a critique from a minority perspective of majoritarian institutions. Drawing upon Kafka's minor critique of bureaucratic and legal institutions, and Deleuze and Guattari's theorization of minor literature, we emphasize three aspects of the minor approach. First, minority experience is marginalized by the dominant language of police statistics (deterritorialization of language); second, from a minoritarian position, all police interactions are political (connection of the individual to the political); third, reasserting minority knowledge requires interpreting collective experience through individual interactions (collective utterance). Comparing Florida law enforcement data with the activist-compiled Mapping Police Violence database, we identify major flaws within both datasets. Given the systemic erasure of police violence in official statistics, we argue that it remains indispensable to build community and consciousness around individual stories, contest the obfuscations of police policies, and demand another regime of transparency as both possible and necessary. Ultimately, the limitations of statistical data make the politicization of individual incidents of police brutality necessary.

公众对警察的监督取决于能否获得有关警察活动的数据。然而，尽管公众普遍呼吁提高透明度，但有关警方行动的数据在很大程度上仍是不可理解的。执法机构严格控制获取与警方有关的枪击事件信息的渠道。本文详细介绍了我们试图获取和分析佛罗里达州警察使用武力数据的卡夫卡式经历，佛罗里达州的司法管辖区在法律上要求公开发布这些数据。在数据正义和警务方面的学术研究基础上，我们对警察统计和数据收集实践进行了轻微的批评。所谓小众批判，我们指的是从少数人的角度对多数制度的批判。借鉴卡夫卡对官僚和法律制度的次要批判，以及德勒兹和瓜塔里关于次要文学的理论，我们强调了次要方法的三个方面。首先，少数民族经验被警察统计的主导语言边缘化（语言的非领土化）；其次，从少数民族的立场来看，所有的警察互动都是政治性的（个人与政治的联系）；第三，重申少数人知识需要通过个人互动（集体话语）来解释集体经验。将佛罗里达州执法部门的数据与活动人士编制的警察暴力地图数据库进行比较，我们发现了这两个数据集中的主要缺陷。鉴于官方统计数据中对警察暴力的系统性抹除，我们认为围绕个人故事建立社区和意识，质疑警察政策的混乱，并要求另一种可能且必要的透明制度，仍然是必不可少的。最终，统计数据的局限性使得将个别警察暴力事件政治化成为必要。

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引用次数: 0

Own, fund, and spill: Canada's ‘frontier-making state project,’ 1973–84 拥有、资助和泄漏：1973-84年加拿大的“开拓边疆的国家项目”

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103470

James Wilt

Since the Liberal Party of Canada's re-election in April 2025, Prime Minister Mark Carney has initiated a major reconfiguration of the federal government's approach to resource extraction and transportation projects, many of which implicate the country's Northern regions. Drawing on Bob Jessop's concept of “state projects,” this article offers historical context for better understanding this political and geographical shift by examining the Liberal government's “frontier-making state project” of 1973–84 that poured immense resources into accelerating oil and gas exploration in Canada's Arctic and Atlantic offshores. It identifies three fundamental characteristics of this historical state project—direct ownership/participation, financial and pricing incentives, and oil spill research—and traces their usage over time, including through the subsequent period of neoliberalization. It concludes by suggesting that the federal government's new vision for resource extraction and transportation represents the revival of a“frontier-making state project” that hybridizes an older style of government involvement with more recent aspects of neoliberalization. Building on Jessop's theoretical work and the historical example of the former state project, it also highlights the potential for conflict over and even failure of such a project in the context of intersecting pressures and contingencies.

自加拿大自由党于2025年4月再次当选以来，总理马克·卡尼（Mark Carney）对联邦政府在资源开采和运输项目上的做法进行了重大调整，其中许多项目涉及加拿大北部地区。本文借鉴鲍勃·杰瑟普的“国家项目”概念，通过考察1973年至1984年自由党政府的“边境建设国家项目”，为更好地理解这一政治和地理转变提供了历史背景，该项目为加速加拿大北极和大西洋近海的石油和天然气勘探投入了大量资源。它确定了这一历史性国家项目的三个基本特征——直接所有权/参与、财政和定价激励以及石油泄漏研究——并追溯了它们在一段时间内的使用情况，包括随后的新自由主义化时期。报告的结论是，联邦政府对资源开采和运输的新愿景代表了“开拓边疆的国家项目”的复兴，它将旧的政府参与方式与新自由主义化的最新方面相结合。在杰索普的理论工作和前国家项目的历史例子的基础上，它还强调了在交叉压力和突发事件的背景下，这种项目的冲突甚至失败的可能性。

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引用次数: 0

(Un)Making mess at Europe's data borders: Order, control, critique 在欧洲数据边界制造混乱：秩序、控制、批评

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103444

Claudia Aradau , Lucrezia Canzutti , Sarah Perret

Critical border and migration studies have shown that border practices are often messy, ambiguous, improvised and uncertain, while datafication has amplified messiness and its effects on migrants. Describing ‘mess’ at borders has been a critical intervention against the myth of order, homogeneity, predictability, clarity or efficiency. Yet, ‘mess’ can also open spaces for agency and resisting data borders. What do these ambiguities mean for the critical potential of diagnosing mess? Drawing on research we have conducted in border zones in France, Italy, Germany and Spain, we show that the critical potential of mess cannot be gauged through the binary of mess/order. We argue that we need to introduce a third term – control – to understand the critical potential of mess. To do so, we first unpack three dimensions of ‘mess’ – spatial, temporal and material – to situate it in relation to diagnoses of failure, friction, improvisation and non-knowledge in bordering practices. Second, we raise questions about the limits that the co-constitution of mess/order entails for critical research on data borders. Third, we show how control transforms the binary of mess/order into a question about ‘kinds of mess’.

关键的边境和移民研究表明，边境实践往往是混乱的、模糊的、临时的和不确定的，而数据化放大了混乱及其对移民的影响。描述边境上的“混乱”是对秩序、同质性、可预测性、清晰度或效率神话的关键干预。然而，“混乱”也可以为代理和抵制数据边界打开空间。这些模棱两可对于诊断混乱的关键潜力意味着什么？根据我们在法国、意大利、德国和西班牙边境地区进行的研究，我们表明，混乱的临界潜力不能通过混乱/秩序的二元性来衡量。我们认为，我们需要引入第三个术语——控制——来理解混乱的临界潜力。为此，我们首先解析了“混乱”的三个维度——空间、时间和物质——将其与边界实践中失败、摩擦、即兴和无知的诊断联系起来。其次，我们提出了关于混乱/秩序的共构成对数据边界的批判性研究所带来的限制的问题。第三，我们展示了控制如何将混乱/有序的二元问题转化为关于“混乱种类”的问题。

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引用次数: 0

Hosting as a border making process: Understanding the role of proximity in explaining the motivations of British hosts in the Homes for Ukraine scheme 作为边界制定过程的托管：理解邻近在解释英国东道主在乌克兰家园计划中的动机中的作用

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-02 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103446

Audrey Lumley-Sapanski , Kate Garbers

The Homes for Ukraine (HfU) scheme provided a bespoke emergency visa pathway, accommodation in a host's home, and exceptional rights to Ukrainians for a period of three years. Established by the government of the United Kingdom it is the first large-scale hosting programme of its kind in the UK with 125,000 placements to date. To understand how the programme was successful in recruiting the large number of hosts, this research explored the motivations of participating members of the British public. We identify three common forms of proximity within host interviews: perceptions of common identity of guest and host as members of a bounded European community, shared geopolitical threat to that same European community (and the spatialized proximity of the threat), and the ability of the British public to situate Ukrainians within a collective British memory of war time hosting. Together these forms of proximity drove a sense of responsibility in hosts to participate in the ‘war effort.’ This willingness was made possible by the governmental programme and state response which distinguished this population of displaced persons in terms of deservingness, giving them privileged access to resources upon arrival. We demonstrate how the larger migration governance systems used proximity to both motivate welcome and conversely justify the exclusion of others. Findings are based on interviews and surveys with thirty-one hosts participating in the HfU scheme conducted in 2022 and review of media and government sources.

乌克兰之家（HfU）计划为乌克兰人提供定制的紧急签证途径、寄宿家庭和为期三年的特殊权利。该项目由英国政府设立，是英国同类项目中第一个大型项目，迄今已有12.5万个安置名额。为了了解该项目是如何成功招募到大量主持人的，本研究探讨了参与英国公众成员的动机。我们在主持人访谈中确定了三种常见的接近形式：嘉宾和主持人作为一个有限的欧洲共同体成员的共同身份的感知，对同一个欧洲共同体的共同地缘政治威胁（以及威胁的空间接近性），以及英国公众将乌克兰人置于英国集体记忆中的能力。这些形式的接近共同推动了东道国参与“战争努力”的责任感。“这种意愿之所以成为可能，是因为政府的方案和国家的反应使这些流离失所的人在应得方面得到了区分，让他们在抵达时享有获得资源的特权。”我们展示了更大的迁移治理系统如何使用接近性来激励欢迎和反过来证明排斥他人。研究结果基于对参与2022年HfU计划的31位主持人的访谈和调查，以及对媒体和政府来源的审查。

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引用次数: 0

Organising at the margins: Spaces of worker resistance in late twentieth century Britain 边缘组织：20世纪后期英国工人抵抗的空间

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103461

Paul Griffin, Sarah Peck

Drawing from past examples of marginal worker organising, this paper engages with the diverse spatial politics of labour to reflect on questions of worker resistance within and beyond the workplace. This contribution connects with challenges faced by the trade union movement and ongoing academic commentary across labour geography and industrial relations more broadly. In doing so, we combine literature around worker organising margins and trade union orientations to shape our approach. Empirically, the paper draws upon two examples of worker organising at the margins; the Indian Workers Association (Great Britain) and Unemployed Workers’ Centres, arguing that their emergence in the 1970s and 1980s reflected an intersectional and dynamic spatial politics of labour organising. Through this analysis, and our use of collaborative historical geography methods, the paper argues that such organising at the margins illustrates how trade unions historically engaged beyond the workplace through matters of race, migration and unemployment. We illustrate how such an extension of trade union organising, beyond the workplace, shaped and contested more established trade union principles and grammars through a variety of uneven spaces, relations and practices. In doing so, we contribute to the theorising of spatial politics and resistance within and beyond the sub-discipline of labour geography.

从过去边缘工人组织的例子中，本文涉及劳动力的不同空间政治，以反思工人在工作场所内外的抵抗问题。这一贡献与工会运动所面临的挑战以及正在进行的跨劳动地理和更广泛的工业关系的学术评论联系在一起。在此过程中，我们结合了有关工人组织边缘和工会方向的文献来塑造我们的方法。从经验上看，本文借鉴了两个边缘工人组织的例子；印度工人协会（英国）和失业工人中心，认为他们在20世纪70年代和80年代的出现反映了劳工组织的交叉和动态的空间政治。通过这一分析，以及我们对协作历史地理方法的使用，本文认为，这种边缘组织说明了工会在历史上是如何通过种族、移民和失业等问题超越工作场所的。我们说明了工会组织的这种延伸，超越了工作场所，如何通过各种不平衡的空间、关系和实践来塑造和挑战更成熟的工会原则和语法。在这样做的过程中，我们为劳动地理学子学科内外的空间政治和抵抗的理论化做出了贡献。

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引用次数: 0

Seams of power: Migration, state capitalism, and the dual mobilities of European energy investment in Jordan 权力的接缝：移民，国家资本主义，以及欧洲能源投资在约旦的双重流动性

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103465

Kendra Kintzi

In the unfolding wake of the refugee and energy crises of the past decade, the Eastern Mediterranean has become an increasingly prominent arena of European Union intervention and site of energy investment. As a constitutive node in the EU's European Neighborhood Policy, Jordan is a key part of the terrain of an expanding EU geopolitical economy. Bridging recent geographic scholarship on state capitalism and critical migration studies, this article examines how Jordan is reconfigured as fertile terrain for EU financial investment and securitization. Focusing on European Investment Bank and European Bank for Reconstruction and Development's renewable energy investments in Jordan, I analyze how new configurations of state capitalism materialize from the household, to the national exchequer, to the export terminal. I argue that refining our understanding of the state as an evolving, interconnected configuration reveals new constellations of power that materialize through the seams of transnational energy transitions. EU intervention generates new pathways of financial mobility, enacting a particular vision of energy security that prioritizes the movement of capital and electricity, while containing and constraining the movement of displaced populations across the Mediterranean. For political geographies of global energy transition, this article makes the case to take not as given the power of particular political-economic configurations, but to question how investors, hosts, and households advance particular political visions, practices, and projects, to reveal the seams through which social and political orders might be reconfigured.

在过去十年的难民危机和能源危机之后，东地中海已成为欧盟日益突出的干预场所和能源投资地点。作为欧盟欧洲邻国政策的一个构成节点，约旦是不断扩大的欧盟地缘政治经济版图的关键组成部分。结合最近关于国家资本主义和关键移民研究的地理研究，本文探讨了约旦如何被重新配置为欧盟金融投资和证券化的沃土。以欧洲投资银行和欧洲复兴开发银行在约旦的可再生能源投资为重点，我分析了国家资本主义的新配置是如何从家庭、国家财政到出口终端实现的。我认为，将我们对国家的理解细化为一个不断发展的、相互关联的结构，揭示了通过跨国能源转型的缝隙实现的新的权力星座。欧盟的干预产生了新的金融流动途径，制定了一种特殊的能源安全愿景，优先考虑资本和电力的流动，同时遏制和限制地中海地区流离失所人口的流动。对于全球能源转型的政治地理，本文不考虑特定政治经济配置的力量，而是质疑投资者、东道国和家庭如何推进特定的政治愿景、实践和项目，以揭示社会和政治秩序可能被重新配置的接缝。

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引用次数: 0

The case for feminist electoral geography 女权主义选举地理的案例

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103463

Claire McGing , Lisa Keenan , Fiona Buckley

引用次数: 0