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Introduction to the special issue – Frontiers of property: promises, pitfalls, and ambivalences of ‘resurgent collectivisation’ in global land and resource governance 特刊导言--财产的前沿:全球土地和资源治理中 "复苏的集体化 "的承诺、陷阱和矛盾心理
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103218
Connor Cavanagh, Adrian Nel
Over the last several decades, a growing number of states, international organisations, and NGOs have pressed for new legislation and policies to formally recognise previously neglected options for collectively owning – rather than simply accessing or managing – lands and natural resources. In both ex-European colonies and other transitional development contexts, accompanying legal reforms have often taken on explicitly restitutive overtones, framed as a means of redressing the dispossessions or other injustices associated with both colonial and authoritarian iterations of land and resource governance. In this special issue, we explore the promises, pitfalls, and ambivalences of these phenomena as manifestations of what we term “resurgent collectivisation”, understood as the (re)emergence or reconstitution of governance interventions enabling the collective ownership of lands and resources. Deepening engagements between political geography and political ecology, contributions to the special issue engage diverse case studies of resurgent collectivisation in South Africa, Kenya, India, and Romania, highlighting: i) the implications of shifting – and often contested – fixations of collective subjectivity-property relations; ii) tensions between de jure collectivisation and de facto initiatives to establish vernacular private property or hybridised property regimes; and iii) emerging articulations of collectively-titled lands and resources with resurgent influxes of (often ostensibly ‘green’) capital into rural areas.
在过去的几十年中,越来越多的国家、国际组织和非政府组织要求制定新的法律和政策,正式承认以前被忽视的集体拥有--而不仅仅是获取或管理--土地和自然资源的选择权。在前欧洲殖民地和其他过渡性发展背景下,伴随而来的法律改革往往带有明确的恢复性色彩,被视为纠正与殖民和专制迭代的土地和资源治理相关的剥夺或其他不公正现象的一种手段。在本特刊中,我们将探讨这些现象作为 "复苏的集体化 "的表现形式所带来的希望、隐患和矛盾,"复苏的集体化 "被理解为(重新)出现或重建能够实现土地和资源集体所有权的治理干预。本特刊深化了政治地理学与政治生态学之间的联系,对南非、肯尼亚、印度和罗马尼亚重新兴起的集体化进行了不同的案例研究,突出强调了以下几点i) 集体主观性与财产关系的固定性不断变化--而且往往是有争议的--所产生的影响;ii) 法律上的集体化与事实上建立乡土私有财产或混合财产制度的举措之间的紧张关系;iii) 集体所有的土地和资源与重新涌入农村地区的(通常表面上是 "绿色 "的)资本之间新出现的衔接。
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引用次数: 0
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-10-09 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103217
Olivia Mason, Jagjeet Lally, Tina Harris, Tim Oakes, Alessandro Rippa
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引用次数: 0
Checkpoints, competing ‘sovereignties’, and everyday life in Iraq 检查站、相互竞争的 "主权 "以及伊拉克的日常生活
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-10-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103220
Dylan O'Driscoll , Omran Omer Ali , Remonda Armia
Iraq is home to a patchwork of competing sovereignties with their own security actors, all of which routinely use checkpoints in the provision of ‘security’. However, as this article demonstrates, checkpoints predominantly function to assert authority over space. Utilising 262 interviews with those forced to move through checkpoints in Nineveh, Iraq, and through the development of an analytical framework that focuses on the ‘theft of time’ and the ‘stolen dignity’, this article examines the everyday strain that checkpoints exert on people's lives. It asks what the control of space by the multiplicity of competing ‘sovereignties’ means for those who must live in and in between these spaces. In doing so the article demonstrates how the impacts of creating borders reverberate way beyond the checkpoint itself, the inequalities it creates and reproduces, and the varied types of loss it fashions.
伊拉克是一个由相互竞争的主权国家组成的国家,这些主权国家都有自己的安全行动者,他们都经常使用检查站来提供 "安全"。然而,正如本文所展示的,检查站的主要功能是对空间行使权力。本文通过对伊拉克尼尼微省被迫通过检查站的 262 人进行访谈,并通过建立一个以 "偷窃时间 "和 "偷窃尊严 "为重点的分析框架,研究了检查站对人们生活造成的日常压力。文章探讨了多重相互竞争的 "主权 "对空间的控制对那些必须生活在这些空间中的人们意味着什么。在此过程中,文章展示了设置边界的影响如何远远超出检查站本身、它所制造和复制的不平等以及它所造成的各种损失。
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引用次数: 0
Crypto/Space: Computational parasitism, virtual land grabs, and the production of Web3 Exit zones 加密/空间:计算寄生、虚拟土地掠夺和 Web3 出口区的生产
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-10-07 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103210
Peter Howson , Antulio Rosales , Olivier Jutel , Inte Gloerich , Mariel García Llorens , Alex de Vries , Jillian Crandall , Paul Dolan
This paper explores how so-called ‘Web3’ blockchain projects are materially and socially constituted. A blockchain is an append-only distributed database. The technology is being hyped as applicable for a whole range of industries, social service provisions, and as a fix for economic disparities in communities left behind by mainstream financial systems. Drawing on case studies from our ongoing research we explain how, despite being virtual, Web3 projects are dependent on clearly defined spaces of production from which they derive their speculative value. We conceptualise this relationship as Crypto/Space, where space and blockchain software are mutually constituted. We consider how Crypto/Spaces are produced in three ways: 1) how project developers are adopting a parasitic relationship with host locations to appropriate energy, infrastructure, and local resources; 2) how projects enable ‘virtual land grabs’ where developers are engaging in land acquisitions, and associated displacement of local people, with no real intention to use the land for the declared purpose; and 3) how blockchain technology and speculative finance imaginaries are inspiring new anarcho-capitalist crypto-utopian ‘Exit zones’, often in the Global South. Far from being a zero-sum virtual game world, we argue that cryptocurrency projects are parasitic, often requiring predation on poor and otherwise marginalised communities to appropriate resources, onboard new users and enable favourable regulation.
本文探讨了所谓的 "Web3 "区块链项目是如何在物质上和社会上构成的。区块链是一种仅有附录的分布式数据库。该技术被宣传为适用于一系列行业、提供社会服务,并能解决被主流金融体系抛在后面的社区的经济差距问题。根据我们正在进行的研究中的案例分析,我们解释了 Web3 项目尽管是虚拟的,但如何依赖于明确界定的生产空间,并从中获得投机价值。我们将这种关系概念化为 Crypto/空间,空间和区块链软件是相互构成的。我们从三个方面考虑 Crypto/Spaces 是如何产生的:1)项目开发商如何与项目所在地区建立寄生关系,以获取能源、基础设施和当地资源;2)项目如何促成 "虚拟土地掠夺",即开发商在无意将土地用于所宣称目的的情况下进行土地收购,并导致当地居民流离失所;以及3)区块链技术和投机性金融想象如何激发新的无政府资本主义加密乌托邦 "退出区",这些 "退出区 "通常位于全球南部。我们认为,加密货币项目远非一个零和虚拟游戏世界,而是寄生性的,往往需要掠夺贫困社区和其他边缘化社区的资源,吸纳新用户,并促成有利的监管。
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引用次数: 0
COVID-19 pandemic and competitive authoritarian regimes: Human rights and democracy in the Philippines and Nicaragua COVID-19 大流行病和竞争性专制政权:菲律宾和尼加拉瓜的人权与民主
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-10-07 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103212
Salvador Santino Regilme , Kevin Parthenay
How do competitive authoritarian regimes in the Global South respond to the COVID-19 pandemic? How do these policy responses facilitate human rights deterioration in societies that are already facing democratic regression during the pre-pandemic period? Examining evidence from the Philippines and Nicaragua during the COVID-19 pandemic, this article demonstrates that competitive authoritarian regimes have reinforced the deterioration of democratic processes and disregard for their human rights commitments amidst the global pandemic. First, such regimes weaponize the legal system to consolidate the powers of the chief executive and their allies. Second, such regimes systematically disregard transparency and accountability when executing state leaders’ public actions and responsibilities. Third, such regimes increasingly empower military personnel and intensify state violence at the expense of science-based approaches to crisis policies, thereby embracing militarism as an overarching orientation.
全球南部的竞争性专制政权如何应对 COVID-19 大流行?在大流行之前已经面临民主倒退的社会中,这些政策反应是如何促进人权恶化的?本文通过考察 COVID-19 大流行期间菲律宾和尼加拉瓜的证据,说明在全球大流行期间,竞争性专制政权加剧了民主进程的恶化和对人权承诺的漠视。首先,这些政权利用法律制度来巩固行政长官及其盟友的权力。其次,这些政权在执行国家领导人的公共行动和责任时,一贯无视透明度和问责制。第三,这些政权越来越多地赋予军事人员权力,加强国家暴力,而不采取以科学为基础的危机政策,从而将军国主义奉为圭臬。
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引用次数: 0
Interpreting NIMBY as movements claiming participatory planning in the context of refugee camps’ siting: A comparative case study in two Greek regions 将 NIMBY 解释为在难民营选址背景下要求参与性规划的运动:希腊两个地区的比较案例研究
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-10-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103216
Alexandra Makridou , Ioannis Frangopoulos , Nikos Kapitsinis
Citizens’ reactions to planning decisions imposed from above occur commonly, especially when it comes to the siting of controversial facilities, such as refugee camps. Explaining these reactions within the context of migration governance and forms of planning (participatory vs. conventional) could provide valuable insights to deepen our understanding of the underlying causes. This paper studies top-down planning procedures of refugee camp siting vis-à-vis the bottom-up local reactions characterized as NIMBY phenomena. To this end, it adopts a socio-spatial approach, with the logics of production (top-down planning) and appropriation (bottom-up mobilizations) of space. Employing qualitative research, based on media and document analysis as well as semi-structured interviews, the paper conducts a comparative analysis of two contrasting regions with low and high refugee concentration rates in Greece: Crete and Central Macedonia. It enriches the academic discourse on geography, sociology and political science and policy debates, highlighting the NIMBY phenomena as mobilizations claiming access to information and local community participation in planning and underlining the importance of participatory planning to address these reactions.
公民对上层强加的规划决策的反应很常见,尤其是在涉及难民营等有争议的设施选址时。在移民治理和规划形式(参与式规划与传统规划)的背景下解释这些反应,可为我们加深对根本原因的理解提供有价值的见解。本文研究了自上而下的难民营选址规划程序与自下而上的当地反应(NIMBY 现象)之间的关系。为此,本文采用社会空间方法,研究空间的生产(自上而下的规划)和占有(自下而上的动员)逻辑。本文采用定性研究方法,以媒体和文件分析以及半结构式访谈为基础,对希腊难民集中率较低和较高的两个地区进行了对比分析:克里特岛和中马其顿。论文丰富了地理学、社会学、政治学和政策辩论方面的学术论述,强调了 NIMBY 现象是要求获取信息和当地社区参与规划的动员行为,并强调了参与式规划对解决这些反应的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Stay or leave? US-listed Chinese companies under financial decoupling push and the reshaping of global financial networks 留下还是离开?金融脱钩推动下的美国上市中国公司与全球金融网络的重塑
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-09-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103213
Fenghua Pan , Cheng Fang , Yulan Guo
The deterioration of Sino-US relations in recent years has led to a financial decoupling between the world's two largest economies, impacting Chinese companies listed on US stock markets. This study explores the consequential decisions of these companies to either remain listed or leave the US markets and examines their impacts on the reshaping of Global Financial Networks (GFNs). By utilizing an analytical framework encompassing listings, delistings, and cross-listings, we identify distinct channels through which Sino-US geopolitical tensions shape GFNs. Our findings reveal a notable shift towards a regionalized spatial pattern within GFNs following the return of Chinese companies to the Hong Kong and mainland China stock markets. During this transformative process, Chinese securities firms have emerged as significant players, challenging the dominance of Western bulge-bracket banks. Moreover, Hong Kong has become an increasingly central node in the GFNs shaped by Chinese companies' return listings. Nonetheless, New York sustains its pre-eminence as a leading financial centre, and the Cayman Islands retains its pivotal role as an offshore jurisdiction. These findings highlight the formative and restructuring power of world governments (WGs) within GFNs. Taken together, the contributions of this paper are twofold. First, it advances our understanding of the intricate relationship between geopolitics and GFNs, shedding light on the impacts of geopolitical tensions on global finance. Second, it argues that the GFN approach is a powerful framework for exploring how global financial activities are embedded in geopolitical dynamics.
近年来,中美关系的恶化导致世界上最大的两个经济体之间的金融脱钩,影响了在美国股市上市的中国公司。本研究探讨了这些公司继续上市或退出美国市场的相应决定,并研究了它们对全球金融网络(GFN)重塑的影响。通过利用包括上市、退市和交叉上市在内的分析框架,我们确定了中美地缘政治紧张局势塑造全球金融网络的不同渠道。我们的研究结果表明,在中国公司回归香港和中国大陆股市后,全球金融市场网的空间格局发生了明显的区域化转变。在这一转变过程中,中国证券公司成为重要的参与者,挑战了西方大银行的主导地位。此外,在中国公司回归上市所形成的全球金融网络中,香港已成为一个日益重要的节点。尽管如此,纽约仍保持着其作为主要金融中心的突出地位,开曼群岛则继续保持着其作为离岸司法管辖区的关键作用。这些发现凸显了世界政府(WGs)在全球金融网络中的形成和重组力量。综上所述,本文有两方面的贡献。首先,它加深了我们对地缘政治与全球金融网络之间错综复杂关系的理解,揭示了地缘政治紧张局势对全球金融的影响。其次,本文论证了全球金融网络方法是探索全球金融活动如何嵌入地缘政治动态的有力框架。
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引用次数: 0
The remaking of social property and wind energy trajectories in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Mexico 墨西哥特万特佩克地峡社会财产和风能轨迹的重塑
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-09-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103209
Gerardo A. Torres Contreras
This paper asks how social property and wind energy trajectories have remade each other in the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, Mexico, since 1994. To this end, the paper identifies two social property regimes in the region: the ejido system, with well-defined property rights, in the northern section of the region and the agrarian community of Juchitán Agrarian Nucleus, where a set of competing claims over land championed by different social groups co-exist. Drawing on 83 interviews with local stakeholders and continuous fieldwork since 2017, the paper argues that wind energy and social property have remade each other through two central dynamics. In the ejido system, first, wind power expansion treated the land as private property because of processes of certification and parcellation resulting from the 1992 agrarian reform. In this regime, contestations against wind power expansion have revolved around contractual terms rather than about the installation of wind farms. In the agrarian community, on the other hand, wind power has facilitated efforts to regularise private property through a unique agrarian figure of possession of the land of communal origin. At the same time, it has collided with the resurgence of collective land authorities in the town of Unión Hidalgo. This galvanised contestations against wind energy to revolve around the defence collective land. Therefore, this paper contributes to the scholarship analysing the agrarian consequences of climate mitigation technologies in Mexico and Latin America.
本文探讨了自 1994 年以来,墨西哥特万特佩克地峡的社会财产和风能发展轨迹是如何相互影响的。为此,本文确定了该地区的两种社会财产制度:一种是该地区北部具有明确产权的 ejido 制度,另一种是 Juchitán Agrarian Nucleus 农业社区,在该社区中,不同社会群体对土地的一系列相互竞争的主张并存。根据对当地利益相关者的 83 次访谈以及自 2017 年以来的持续实地调查,本文认为风能和社会财产通过两个核心动力相互重塑。首先,在 ejido 系统中,由于 1992 年土地改革所产生的认证和分割过程,风电扩张将土地视为私有财产。在这种制度下,反对风电扩张的争论围绕着合同条款而不是风电场的安装。另一方面,在农业社区,风力发电通过一种独特的农业图景--占有公有土地,促进了私有财产的规范化。与此同时,风力发电还与伊达尔戈市集体土地管理机构的复兴相冲突。这促使反对风能的争论围绕着保卫集体土地展开。因此,本文对分析墨西哥和拉丁美洲气候减缓技术的农业后果的学术研究有所贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Inner Mongolian poetry and song as a form of resistance 作为一种反抗形式的内蒙古诗歌和歌曲
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-09-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103214
Jesse Segura , Filka Sekulova
Against the backdrop of cultural assimilation policies taking place in Inner Mongolia and associated with a political regime geared to economic expansion, this article seeks to explore in which ways Mongolian poetry and song are being mobilized as a tacit and non-violent mode of resistance. Resistance in this paper does not only refer to challenging an immediate power structure with the objective of changing the status quo. Defined through a wider epistemological lens, it represents actions that continually empower the individual and the group to have autonomy over their history and future. We argue that by providing a means to contest, or reject the sanitized, stripped, and depoliticized Mongolian identity pushed by the Chinese state, poetry and songs serve as acts and spaces of resistance and emancipation, upheld by the continuous co-creation, and defense of collective memories.
在内蒙古实施文化同化政策并与以经济扩张为导向的政治体制相联系的背景下,本文试图探讨蒙古族诗歌和歌曲以何种方式被动员起来,作为一种默示的非暴力抵抗方式。本文中的抵抗不仅指挑战直接的权力结构,以改变现状为目标。从更广阔的认识论视角来定义,它代表的是不断赋予个人和群体权力,使其对自己的历史和未来拥有自主权的行动。我们认为,诗歌和歌曲通过不断共同创造和维护集体记忆,提供了一种手段来质疑或拒绝中国政府推行的净化、剥离和非政治化的蒙古身份,从而成为抵抗和解放的行为和空间。
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引用次数: 0
International law: Israel's fig leaf or a route to Palestinian statehood? 国际法:以色列的遮羞布还是巴勒斯坦建国之路?
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-09-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103208
Dalal Iriqat
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引用次数: 0
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Political Geography
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