Political Geography最新文献_第4页

Doing regions: multiplicity and singularization in the ontological politics of the Arctic 做区域：北极本体论政治中的多样性和单一性

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103460

Vesa Väätänen

In this paper, I show that the “turn to ontology” and the associated notion of ontological politics offer a fruitful basis for reworking the established constructionist and relational conceptualizations of regions, while providing new openings for empirical research on regional politics. From the ontological position offered by the turn to ontology regions are coextensive with the practices that enact them, and if there are practices that enact different versions of a region, then the region itself is multiple—more than one, but less than many. By emphasizing the exclusions, distributions, and coordination of the spatially and temporally situated practices that enact the region multiple the ontological politics of regions are made amenable for analysis. Empirically, I focus on the case of the Arctic region. In the context of multilateral Arctic cooperation, I show how the spatiality of the region is enacted through cooperative practices, and how distribution enables the coexistence of otherwise mutually exclusive practices. By drawing on an analysis of Finland's Arctic strategy, I further discuss the process of coordination in which different versions of the Arctic are made to cohere in policy practices. Finally, I analyze the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and discuss whether it propels the militarization of the Arctic, which here refers to the ontological politics of singularization in which the multiplicity of the Arctic is challenged by military security. I conclude by calling for further attention to be placed on the political geographies of enacted geographical entities.

在本文中，我表明，“转向本体论”和相关的本体论政治概念为重塑既定的建构主义和关系概念提供了富有成效的基础，同时为区域政治的实证研究提供了新的开端。从本体论的角度来看，本体论区域与制定它们的实践是共同扩展的，如果有实践制定了一个区域的不同版本，那么该区域本身就是多个的——多于一个，但少于多个。通过强调排除、分布和协调的空间和时间定位实践制定区域的多重，区域的本体论政治是易于分析的。从经验上看，我关注的是北极地区的情况。在北极多边合作的背景下，我展示了该地区的空间性是如何通过合作实践制定的，以及分布如何使其他相互排斥的实践能够共存。通过对芬兰北极战略的分析，我进一步讨论了协调的过程，在这个过程中，不同版本的北极在政策实践中是一致的。最后，我分析了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的影响，并讨论了它是否推动了北极的军事化，这里指的是单一性的本体论政治，其中北极的多样性受到军事安全的挑战。最后，我呼吁进一步注意已制定的地理实体的政治地理。

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引用次数: 0

“Playing the Good Samaritan”: Rethinking securitization and care work through a politics of conviviality in Santiago, Chile “扮演好撒玛利亚人”：通过智利圣地亚哥的欢宴政治重新思考证券化和护理工作

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103448

Nicholas Nikola García Johnson

This article examines how care work becomes politicized as a practice of resistance within Chile's Estallido Social (2019–2020) and the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on ethnographic research in Santiago's ollas comunes (community protest kitchens), it analyzes three cases from población Lo Hermida, where police dispersed ollas in public parks and infiltrated them under counter-insurgency operations. Authorities framed these kitchens as unlawful protests and criminal activity masquerading as humanitarian aid, revealing how state actors recast care work as a security threat. I argue that securitization in this context relied on a double dehumanization: it targeted communities as threatening “Others” while stripping security forces of their own social embeddedness. Yet this logic of separation—us/them, protector/subject, order/chaos—could not hold within the affective density of everyday life. Counterinsurgency sought to map relational ties through circuits of threat, but these persisted as affective attachments—the very texture of convivial life that securitization cannot contain or comprehend. The ollas thus exemplified a politics of convivencia (conviviality): a mode of coexistence that neither dissolves inequality nor succumbs to enmity. By tracing how politicized care work unsettled securitization in practice, the article examines a pedagogical space in which participants reimagined the rights and responsibilities of democratic life.

本文探讨了在智利的Estallido Social（2019-2020）和COVID-19大流行中，护理工作如何成为一种政治化的抵抗实践。根据对圣地亚哥的ollas comunes（社区抗议厨房）的人种学研究，它分析了来自población Lo Hermida的三个案例，在那里，警察在公园里驱散ollas，并在反叛乱行动中渗透他们。当局将这些厨房定性为伪装成人道主义援助的非法抗议和犯罪活动，暴露出政府行为者如何将护理工作重新塑造为安全威胁。我认为，在这种背景下，证券化依赖于双重非人性化：它将社区作为威胁“他者”的目标，同时剥夺安全部队自身的社会嵌入性。然而，这种分离的逻辑——我们/他们，保护者/主体，秩序/混乱——无法在日常生活的情感密度中维持。平叛试图通过威胁回路来描绘关系关系，但这些关系以情感依附的形式持续存在——这是证券化无法包含或理解的欢乐生活的本质。因此，奥拉夫妇体现了一种便利政治：一种既不消除不平等，也不屈服于敌意的共存模式。通过追踪政治化关怀如何在实践中解决证券化问题，本文考察了一个教育空间，参与者在其中重新想象民主生活的权利和责任。

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引用次数: 0

An assemblage approach to performances of sovereignty through Gibraltar's hosting of the 2019 International Island Games 通过直布罗陀举办2019年国际岛屿运动会，以综合方式展示主权

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103441

Matthew C. Benwell , Alasdair Pinkerton

This article examines performances of sovereignty using as its entry-point the 2019 International Island Games (IG) held in the British Overseas Territory of Gibraltar. We do so by applying assemblage theory to scales, actors, materialities, and practices that have been under-considered in existing work on assemblage in political geography, to illustrate the ways sovereignty was exercised and experienced, as well as challenged, impeded, and negotiated in the daily life of Gibraltar and Gibraltarians. We draw on emerging work that brings into dialogue feminist geopolitics and assemblage approaches to shed light on under-explored elements and scales of geopolitics, as well as recent scholarship that seeks to broaden debates regarding where, how and by whom sovereignty is practiced and performed. To do this we firstly show how the hosting of the IG enabled Gibraltar to perform sovereignty in certain ways, setting these performances in the context of Spain's long-standing territorial claim. We then demonstrate how these performances of sovereignty were not straightforward because of the wider geopolitical assemblages constitutive of Gibraltar. These were animated through overlapping and emerging events – not least the detaining of the Grace 1 oil tanker in Gibraltar's territorial waters during the games – as well as the challenges presented by geopolitics, geography, and the very materialities of Gibraltar's elemental and geological formation. The article shows how various human and non-human agencies seldom explored in political geography scholarship, collided to generate tensions that complicated or even challenged the performances of sovereignty at several sites in Gibraltar both before and during the IG.

本文以在英属直布罗陀海外领地举行的2019年国际岛屿运动会为切入点，考察主权的表现。我们这样做的方法是将集合理论应用于政治地理学中关于集合的现有工作中未得到充分考虑的规模、行动者、物质性和实践，以说明在直布罗陀和直布罗陀人的日常生活中行使和体验主权以及挑战、阻碍和谈判主权的方式。我们借鉴了将女权主义地缘政治和集合方法引入对话的新兴工作，以揭示地缘政治中未被探索的元素和规模，以及最近寻求扩大关于主权在哪里、如何以及由谁实践和执行的辩论的学术研究。为此，我们首先展示了IG的主办如何使直布罗陀以某些方式行使主权，并将这些表现置于西班牙长期领土要求的背景下。然后，我们证明，由于构成直布罗陀的更广泛的地缘政治组合，这些主权的表现如何不是直截了当的。这些都是通过重叠和新出现的事件-尤其是在奥运会期间在直布罗陀领海扣留格雷斯1号油轮-以及地缘政治，地理和直布罗陀元素和地质构造的物质所带来的挑战而活跃起来的。这篇文章展示了各种人类和非人类机构是如何在政治地理学术中很少被探索的，它们相互冲突，产生了紧张关系，使直布罗陀几个地点在IG之前和期间的主权表现复杂化甚至受到挑战。

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引用次数: 0

Caught in the net unraveling the piracy-IUU fishing milieu in Indonesian waters through survey data 通过调查数据揭示印尼海域的海盗- iuu捕鱼环境

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-18 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103449

Anup Phayal , Brandon Prins , Seyma Tufan , Sayed Fauzan Riyadi , Curie Maharani

Research on maritime crimes, such as piracy and illegal fishing, has predominantly relied on observational studies, with external observers shaping the narratives about the actors and their motivations. For instance, many studies on Somali piracy highlight the involvement of foreign illegal fishers as a key causal factor. Although some research includes interviews with former pirates, there is a limited understanding of local perspectives on these criminal activities. In this study, we surveyed 578 individuals in 13 different Indonesian fishing communities to explore local knowledge and narratives. To minimize social desirability bias when inquiring about the involvement of local fishers in maritime crimes, we embedded a list experiment into the representative survey.

The findings support the crime-milieu hypothesis, indicating local involvement in these crimes. Additionally, the survey results reveal that respondents perceive Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) fishing as significantly more detrimental to their communities compared to maritime piracy. This perception echoes recent concerns of state officials in Indonesia and other regions about maritime resource theft. The insights gained provide a valuable foundation for future research and policy development aimed at improving maritime security and resource management. By focusing on local perspectives, this research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of maritime crimes and their impact on coastal communities.

对海盗和非法捕鱼等海上犯罪的研究主要依赖于观察性研究，由外部观察员塑造有关行为者及其动机的叙述。例如，许多关于索马里海盗的研究强调，外国非法渔民的参与是一个关键的原因。尽管一些研究包括对前海盗的采访，但对这些犯罪活动的当地观点的理解有限。在这项研究中，我们调查了印度尼西亚13个不同渔业社区的578个人，以探索当地的知识和叙述。在询问当地渔民是否参与海事犯罪时，为了最大限度地减少社会期望偏差，我们在代表性调查中嵌入了一个列表实验。这些发现支持了犯罪环境假说，表明当地参与了这些犯罪。此外，调查结果显示，受访者认为，与海盗行为相比，非法、不报告和不管制（IUU）捕鱼对其社区的危害要大得多。这种看法与印度尼西亚和其他地区的国家官员最近对海洋资源盗窃的担忧相呼应。所获得的见解为旨在改善海上安全和资源管理的未来研究和政策制定提供了宝贵的基础。通过关注当地视角，本研究有助于更细致地了解海上犯罪及其对沿海社区的影响。

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引用次数: 0

Feminist geopolitics of creativity: A study of women practicing Islamic and traditional visual arts in Istanbul 创造力的女权主义地缘政治：伊斯坦布尔妇女实践伊斯兰和传统视觉艺术的研究

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103445

Hulya Arik

This article examines intimate spaces of artistic production as critical sites of geopolitical contestation in contemporary Istanbul, where women practicing Islamic and traditional visual arts simultaneously inhabit and transform Turkish-Islamic nationalism's ideological terrain. Focusing on calligraphy, illumination, and miniature painting, I trace women artists complex negotiations with patriarchal, nationalist, and religious discourses that seek to fix their practice's meaning and legitimacy. Drawing from feminist geopolitics with influence from geopolitics of art and with an understanding of Islam as a discursive tradition, I analyze arts and creativity as sites of embodied knowledge production where multiple power axes intersect. Based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted in 2018–2019, including participant observation, interviews, and narrative analysis of artworks, I examine women artists' use of Islamic traditions, Ottoman history, and artistic techniques to participate in ongoing conflicts over meaning, authority, and authenticity. I develop the concept of a feminist geopolitics of creativity to analyze the intimate and mundane spaces of creative production where hegemonic and alternative political narratives are negotiated. This research reveals the complexity of the positions artists inhabit in relation to Islamic legitimacy and secularist exclusion, and the patriarchal and nationalist discourses that circumscribe these frameworks. I demonstrate how creative practices simultaneously serve hegemonic reproduction and generate spaces for alternative interpretations, revealing tradition as a dynamic resource for reimagining seemingly fixed categories of Islamic, Turkish and traditional.

本文考察了艺术生产的私密空间作为当代伊斯坦布尔地缘政治争论的关键场所，在这里，从事伊斯兰和传统视觉艺术的妇女同时居住并改变了土耳其-伊斯兰民族主义的意识形态地形。我关注书法、照明和微型绘画，追踪女性艺术家与父权、民族主义和宗教话语的复杂谈判，这些话语试图确定她们的实践的意义和合法性。从女权主义地缘政治中汲取艺术地缘政治的影响，并将伊斯兰教理解为一种话语传统，我将艺术和创造力作为体现知识生产的场所进行分析，其中多个权力轴相交。基于2018-2019年进行的民族志田野调查，包括参与者观察，访谈和艺术品的叙事分析，我研究了女性艺术家对伊斯兰传统，奥斯曼历史和艺术技巧的使用，以参与意义，权威和真实性的持续冲突。我发展了女权主义的创造力地缘政治的概念，以分析创造性生产的亲密和世俗空间，在这些空间中，霸权和另类的政治叙事被协商。这项研究揭示了艺术家在伊斯兰合法性和世俗主义排斥以及限制这些框架的父权和民族主义话语方面所处位置的复杂性。我展示了创造性实践如何同时服务于霸权再生产，并为其他解释创造空间，揭示了传统作为一种动态资源，可以重新构想看似固定的伊斯兰、土耳其和传统类别。

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引用次数: 0

Settling on their ground: The shifting land politics of armed actors in the urban margins of Medellín 在他们的土地上定居：Medellín城市边缘武装行动者的土地政治变化

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103443

Keisha Corantin

How do armed groups shape land orders in the urban margins? While the power dynamics of non-state armed actors over land resources have been extensively studied in rural contexts, urban settings have received far less attention. In response to the growing influence of criminal organizations in the informal land markets of Latin American cities, this article offers a historical perspective on the involvement of armed actors in Medellín’s political economy of urban land. From guerrilla movements in the 1970s to contemporary criminal gangs, we trace how different groups have exercised land control in informal settlements. Building on this historical perspective, we argue that, while control over land access has long been a tool of territorialization for non-state armed actors, the contemporary criminal land market reflects a shift compared to earlier periods, as these actors seek to monopolize land control and extend their regulatory power over local populations.

武装组织如何影响城市边缘地区的土地秩序？虽然非国家武装行为体对土地资源的权力动态在农村环境中得到了广泛研究，但城市环境受到的关注要少得多。针对犯罪组织在拉丁美洲城市非正式土地市场中日益增长的影响力，本文从历史角度探讨武装行动者参与Medellín城市土地政治经济的情况。从20世纪70年代的游击运动到当代的犯罪团伙，我们追溯了不同的群体如何在非正式定居点实施土地控制。基于这一历史视角，我们认为，虽然对土地使用权的控制长期以来一直是非国家武装行为者的领土化工具，但与早期相比，当代犯罪土地市场反映了一种转变，因为这些行为者寻求垄断土地控制并将其监管权力扩展到当地人口。

引用次数: 0

Political socialization across places: differential effects on multiculturalist attitudes in urban and rural areas? 跨地域的政治社会化：对城市和农村地区多元文化态度的不同影响？

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103442

Twan Huijsmans , Jaap van Slageren

Extensive literature shows that inhabitants from urbanized areas tend to have more multicultural attitudes than those from rural areas, and these differences seem especially pronounced among younger generations. To explore why, we study ‘the formative years of adolescence’ and focus on an often-overlooked mechanism in the literature: political socialization through discussing politics with various actors such as parents, peers, and teachers. We argue that political socialization differently affects multicultural attitudes in urban and rural areas, and test our hypotheses by using the Dutch Adolescent Panel on Democratic Values (DAPDV) dataset, a representative panel study among adolescents in the Netherlands between ages 11 and 16. This allows us to not only analyze whether the associations between political discussion and multicultural attitudes differ between urban and rural areas, but to also disentangle influence from selection effects. We find that political socialization through parents and peers is related to multicultural attitudes differently in urban and rural contexts. It is associated with more multiculturalism in urban areas but not in rural areas. These associations are fully the result of selection mechanisms, and no support for the direct influence of political socialization on multicultural attitudes is found. Overall, our findings stress the importance of further studying the role of political socialization in adolescence to help us understand increasing geographic political polarization across many democratic societies.

大量文献表明，来自城市化地区的居民往往比来自农村地区的居民有更多的多元文化态度，这些差异在年轻一代中似乎尤为明显。为了探究其中的原因，我们研究了“青春期的形成期”，并将重点放在文献中一个经常被忽视的机制上：通过与父母、同龄人和老师等各种参与者讨论政治而实现的政治社会化。我们认为，政治社会化对城市和农村地区多元文化态度的影响是不同的，并通过使用荷兰青少年民主价值观小组（DAPDV）数据集来验证我们的假设，该数据集是荷兰11至16岁青少年的代表性小组研究。这使我们不仅可以分析政治讨论和多元文化态度之间的联系在城市和农村地区是否不同，而且还可以从选择效应中分离出影响。我们发现，通过父母和同伴的政治社会化与城市和农村背景下的多元文化态度有不同的关系。它与城市地区的多元文化联系在一起，而不是在农村地区。这些关联完全是选择机制的结果，没有证据支持政治社会化对多元文化态度的直接影响。总的来说，我们的研究结果强调了进一步研究政治社会化在青少年中的作用的重要性，以帮助我们理解许多民主社会中日益增长的地理政治两极分化。

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引用次数: 0

Promotora m(other)work: A Latinx feminist geopolitics toward environmental justice futures 促进（其他）工作：拉丁女性主义地缘政治走向环境正义的未来

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103432

Cristina Faiver-Serna

Childhood asthma is an epidemic in the shadow of the Port of Long Beach. Majority Latinx and diverse fenceline communities in Long Beach, California experience environmental racism and injustice due to concentrated ultrafine particulate pollution. Beginning in the late 1990s, Latina mothers and their allies have been working to improve environmental conditions in their city and health outcomes for their children and communities. Their advocacy efforts produced a horizontal and relational assemblage of political action. This was rooted in giving their testimonio (public testimony) at community and public meetings with City of Long Beach officials, and in the development and growth of promotora de salud (community health worker) programs at nonprofit community health organizations. Beginning in 2010 the Port of Long Beach began to fund local promotora programs aimed at improving childhood asthma outcomes for those most affected by its pollution as a form of environmental mitigation. This article proposes promotora m(other)work as a framework to conceptualize the horizontal and relational social reproductive labor between Latina mothers and promotoras de salud between 1999 and 2013 as a form of Latinx feminist geopolitics that arose to ensure community survival and build environmental justice futures. Promotora m(other)work is a framework built from the innovative tradition of feminist geopolitics, rooted in Chicana, Latina, and Black feminist theory and conceptualized through a critical environmental justice lens.

儿童哮喘在长滩港的阴影下是一种流行病。美国加州长滩的拉丁裔居民和各种围栏社区因高浓度的超细颗粒物污染而遭受环境种族歧视和不公正待遇。从1990年代末开始，拉丁裔母亲及其盟友一直在努力改善其城市的环境条件，改善其子女和社区的健康状况。他们的宣传努力产生了横向和相互关联的政治行动集合。这源于他们在与长滩市官员举行的社区和公共会议上发表证词（公开证词），以及非营利社区卫生组织的promotora de salud（社区卫生工作者）项目的发展和壮大。从2010年开始，长滩港开始资助当地的推广项目，旨在改善受其污染影响最严重的儿童哮喘的结果，作为一种环境缓解形式。本文提出将促进者（其他）工作作为框架，概念化1999年至2013年间拉丁裔母亲和促进者之间的横向和关系社会生殖劳动，作为拉丁女性主义地缘政治的一种形式，以确保社区生存和建立环境正义的未来。Promotora m（其他）工作是一个基于女权主义地缘政治创新传统的框架，植根于墨西哥人、拉丁裔和黑人女权主义理论，并通过批判性的环境正义镜头概念化。

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引用次数: 0

Camp studies trapped in the camp? Re-articulating recent Greek history through the camp as a productive device 营区研究困在营区？通过作为一种生产手段的营地重新阐释希腊近代史

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-13 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103447

Lafazani Olga

This paper critically examines dominant approaches in camp studies, by shifting the analytical focus away from the camp as a self-contained site. Drawing on over two decades of research and political engagement with migration, borders, and camps in Greece, this paper is an attempt to articulate Greece's recent history through the analytical lens of the camp—not as an isolated space, but as a productive device embedded within broader sociopolitical, economic, and spatial transformations. Tracing the evolving materialities, functions, governance practices, and struggles in and around camps from the early 1990s to the post-2015 period, the paper outlines how various camp phases have been shaped by—and have actively shaped—shifting regimes of border control, labor exploitation, crisis management, statecraft, and social antagonisms. Emphasizing multiscalar and relational understandings of camps—as assemblages always in the making—it calls for camp studies to move beyond conceptual and empirical confinement, and to engage more deeply with the complex histories and geographies of power and resistance at play that camps both reflect and produce.

本文通过将分析焦点从作为独立场所的营地转移，批判性地考察了营地研究中的主要方法。借鉴二十多年来对希腊移民、边境和难民营的研究和政治参与，本文试图通过难民营的分析镜头来阐明希腊的近代史——不是作为一个孤立的空间，而是作为嵌入更广泛的社会政治、经济和空间变革的生产设备。本文追溯了从20世纪90年代初到2015年后，难民营内部及其周围不断演变的物质、功能、治理实践和斗争，概述了不同的难民营阶段是如何被边境控制、劳动剥削、危机管理、治国方术和社会对抗等不断变化的制度所塑造的，并积极塑造了这些制度。强调对营地的多尺度和关系的理解——作为总是在形成的集合——它要求营地研究超越概念和经验的限制，并更深入地参与营地反映和产生的复杂的权力和抵抗的历史和地理。

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引用次数: 0

The art of renewable energy risk management. The governmentality of GET FiT Uganda 可再生能源风险管理的艺术。GET FiT乌干达的治理

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-11-09 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103437

Steffen Haag

The mobilization of sufficient financing for renewable energies in Africa remains a critical challenge. One instrument of development finance – heralded almost as a panacea – are investment guarantee instruments, so-called de-risking, with the goal to mobilize private investments. Development finance institutes are increasingly adopting de-risking instruments in order to leverage finance into renewable energy sources. The article critically investigates de-risking instruments and demonstrates how these facilities reflect global power relations echoing colonial power. The article proposes a critical scrutiny of the GET FiT Uganda program that has attracted attention in the renewable energy finance community. GET FiT is a de-risking development finance program from European countries that combines regulatory interventions into the Ugandan energy market with financial support instruments to attract private finance. Analytically, I apply the Foucauldian concept of governmentality to examine how de-risking governs the energy transition through risk management combined with the concept of Othering. The empirical approach is based on a discourse analysis to identify relations of power within renewable energy finance schemes. Based on the GET FiT example, the article analyses how European countries intervene into Ugandan energy politics to create new market opportunities for European energy developers and investors. By analyzing GET FiT through the lens of governmentality, the paper shows how different power strategies – understood as sovereign, disciplinary, and security dispositifs – operate in practice, with security playing a central role in how de-risking rearranges power relations and renders African energy markets investible. As such, power is a subtle force within political technologies serving foreign investors’ needs.

为非洲的可再生能源筹集足够的资金仍然是一项重大挑战。发展融资的一个工具——几乎被誉为灵丹妙药——是投资担保工具，即所谓的降低风险工具，其目标是动员私人投资。开发性金融机构越来越多地采用降低风险的工具，以便将资金用于可再生能源。本文批判性地研究了降低风险的工具，并展示了这些工具如何反映了与殖民权力相呼应的全球权力关系。这篇文章提出了对GET FiT乌干达项目的批判性审查，该项目已经引起了可再生能源金融界的关注。GET FiT是一项来自欧洲国家的去风险发展融资计划，该计划将对乌干达能源市场的监管干预与金融支持工具相结合，以吸引私人融资。在分析上，我运用福柯的治理概念来研究如何通过风险管理与他者概念相结合来控制能源转型。实证方法是基于话语分析来确定可再生能源融资计划中的权力关系。本文以GET FiT为例，分析了欧洲国家如何干预乌干达能源政治，为欧洲能源开发商和投资者创造新的市场机会。通过从治理的角度分析GET FiT，本文展示了不同的权力战略（被理解为主权、纪律和安全配置）在实践中是如何运作的，其中安全在降低风险重新安排权力关系和使非洲能源市场具有可投资性方面发挥了核心作用。因此，权力是政治技术中的一种微妙力量，服务于外国投资者的需求。

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引用次数: 0