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Corrigendum to “Putting geopolitics in its place: Gibraltar and the emergence of strategic locations” [Political Geography 88 (2021) 102405] “将地缘政治置于其位置:直布罗陀和战略位置的出现”的更正[政治地理88 (2021)102405]
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103427
Jason Dittmer
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引用次数: 0
Political Geography and the urgency of holding space for open and critical inquiry 政治地理学和为公开和批判性调查提供空间的紧迫性
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103481
Deirdre Conlon, Mia Bennett, Kate Coddington, Patricia Ehrkamp, Charis Enns, Christopher Lizotte, Filippo Menga, Caroline Nagel, Olivier Walther
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引用次数: 0
Reading Andrew Curley's Carbon Sovereignty: Coal, Development, and Energy Transition in the Navajo Nation. Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press (2023). 217 pp ISBN 9780816539604 阅读安德鲁·柯利的《碳主权:纳瓦霍民族的煤炭、发展和能源转型》。图森,亚利桑那州:亚利桑那大学出版社(2023)。217页,ISBN 9780816539604
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103423
Sara Smith , Angela Parker , Kaitlin Reed , Dylan M. Harris , Brittani R. Orona , Jen Rose Smith , Andrew Curley
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引用次数: 0
A time penalty for the Global South? Inequalities in visa appointment wait times at German embassies and consulates worldwide 对南半球国家处以时间惩罚?在世界各地的德国大使馆和领事馆,签证预约等待时间的不平等
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2026-01-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103440
Emanuel Deutschmann , Lorenzo Gabrielli , Alexandra Orlova , Niklas Harder , Ettore Recchi
Visas are a key tool for states to regulate incoming mobility from abroad, which can have ramifications for the establishment and perpetuation of global inequalities. In this article, we systematically analyze visa appointment wait times in German embassies and consulates worldwide. Using computational methods, we collect—and publish—fine-grained longitudinal data on the closest available appointment dates for various visa types, covering a total of 16,182 visa appointment requests. Our analysis reveals strong and systematic variance: the poorer the country a diplomatic mission is based in, the longer the wait time and the lower the chances of finding an available appointment (which ranges from almost 0 to 100 percent). We also argue that Germany's system is quite opaque compared to other established immigration countries such as the U.S. These core findings raise important questions in light of current debates about global justice, legal pathways to migration, and efforts to attract foreign talent.
签证是各国监管来自国外的人口流动的关键工具,这可能对全球不平等的建立和延续产生影响。在这篇文章中,我们系统地分析了世界各地德国使领馆的签证预约等待时间。使用计算方法,我们收集并发布了各种签证类型的最近可用预约日期的细粒度纵向数据,涵盖了总共16,182个签证预约请求。我们的分析揭示了强大的系统性差异:外交使团所在的国家越贫穷,等待时间越长,找到可用预约的机会越低(几乎从0到100%不等)。我们还认为,与美国等其他老牌移民国家相比,德国的移民制度相当不透明。这些核心发现在当前关于全球正义、移民的合法途径和吸引外国人才的努力的辩论中提出了重要的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Imposing connectivity: Privileging an elephant corridor over ecotourism in the Sigur Plateau, South India 壮观的连通性:印度南部西格尔高原的大象走廊优先于生态旅游
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103477
Ananda Siddhartha
A substantial body of critical scholarship has examined how conservation territories are expanded beyond protected area boundaries through territorialisation. This involves specific strategies such as regulating access, enforcing boundaries, and delineating spatial domains to secure control. More recently, wildlife corridors have emerged as a key mechanism for this expansion, justified by their role in maintaining connectivity between fragmented habitats. While much of the literature focuses on how conservation is prioritised over other land uses, an important question arises: what happens when a corridor is imposed on a landscape where ecotourism is already established? This article examines such a situation by analysing the case of the Sigur elephant corridor, in the South Indian state of Tamil Nadu, officially notified by the state administration and the judiciary in 2010. As part of this notification, resorts located within the corridor were ordered to close and their buildings demolished. This not only had an immediate impact on these establishments but also triggered a chain of effects on the lives and livelihoods of people living within the landscape, and further exacerbated contestations between the Forest Department and other actors. I demonstrate how the discursive power of the ecological idea of the corridor was used to territorialise this landscape, signalling a decisive governance turn whereby the political geography of the landscape is increasingly dominated by a conservation logic. This conclusion has important implications for how political ecology should understand the changing role of conservation in Indian society and beyond.
大量的批判性学术研究了保护区如何通过属地化扩展到保护区边界之外。这涉及特定的策略,如规范访问、强制边界和划定空间域以确保控制。最近,野生动物走廊已成为这种扩张的关键机制,因为它们在维持分散栖息地之间的连通性方面发挥了作用。虽然许多文献关注的是保护如何优先于其他土地用途,但一个重要的问题出现了:当生态旅游已经建立的景观上强加一条走廊时,会发生什么?本文通过分析印度南部泰米尔纳德邦Sigur大象走廊的案例来考察这种情况,该案例于2010年由国家行政部门和司法部门正式通知。作为该通知的一部分,位于走廊内的度假村被命令关闭,其建筑物被拆除。这不仅对这些机构产生了直接影响,而且还对生活在这片土地上的人们的生活和生计产生了连锁影响,并进一步加剧了森林部与其他行动者之间的争论。我展示了走廊生态理念的话语力量是如何被用来对这一景观进行领土化的,这标志着一个决定性的治理转变,即景观的政治地理日益受到保护逻辑的支配。这一结论对于政治生态学应该如何理解保护在印度社会和其他社会中不断变化的作用具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
State making at the infrastructural frontier: bureaucratic practices and the techno-politics of hydraulic infrastructure in post-revolutionary Mexico City 基础设施前沿的国家制定:墨西哥城后革命时期水利基础设施的官僚实践和技术政治
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103482
Alejandro De Coss-Corzo
This paper analyses the role that bureaucrats play in processes of state-making at the infrastructural frontier. It does so through a close archival analysis of administrative contentions in the building of the Lerma System, an interbasin water transfer built in Central Mexico between 1942 and 1951 to supply Mexico City with fresh water. The Lerma is understood as part of a broader techno-political transition in post-revolutionary Mexico, where large infrastructures were simultaneously territorialising state power and materialising a push for modernisation, urbanisation and industrialisation. In critical dialogue with scholarship that theorises this transition as one of authoritarian centralisation, this paper shows that this process was riddled with contentions within the state apparatus, which shaped the way these infrastructures were built and had profound implications for the historical and contemporary techno-politics of hydraulic infrastructure in Mexico City. By focusing on bureaucrats and administrative practices, this paper contributes to scholarship that theorises the heterogeneity of the state and its effects by highlighting the constrained agency these state workers have in face of profound techno-political changes and political economic and ecological transitions.
本文分析了官僚在基础设施前沿国家建构过程中所扮演的角色。它通过对Lerma系统建设中的行政争议的密切档案分析来做到这一点,Lerma系统是1942年至1951年间在墨西哥中部建造的跨流域调水系统,为墨西哥城提供淡水。Lerma被理解为革命后墨西哥更广泛的技术-政治转型的一部分,在那里,大型基础设施同时使国家权力属地化,并推动现代化、城市化和工业化。在与学者的批判性对话中,学者将这一转变理论化为专制集权之一,本文表明,这一过程充满了国家机器内部的争论,这些争论塑造了这些基础设施的建造方式,并对墨西哥城水利基础设施的历史和当代技术政治产生了深远的影响。通过关注官僚和行政实践,本文通过强调这些国家工作人员在面对深刻的技术政治变革和政治经济和生态转型时所具有的受约束的代理,有助于将国家的异质性及其影响理论化的学术研究。
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引用次数: 0
Technopolitics of water appropriation: How Mumbai claims hydrological dominance in its metropolitan region 用水的技术政治:孟买如何在其大都市区宣称水文优势
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103473
Sachin Tiwale
The paper advances scholarship on water appropriation by examining the appropriation process at the metropolitan scale, foregrounding inequities in intra-metropolitan water distribution, and applying the lens of technopolitics to deepen insight into the processes underpinning water appropriation. It illustrates how water is legitimately appropriated for the city of Mumbai, depriving other municipal corporations, councils, and industrial centres within the metropolitan region. The paper demonstrates how technical decisions—such as adopting a river basin development approach and framing the diversion of water originally reserved for irrigation to Mumbai as a temporary and emergency measure—were strategically employed to legitimise appropriation as a natural, depoliticised process. The river basin approach, typically perceived as promoting integrated planning, was used to carve out the Mumbai Hydrometric Area (MHA), following hydrological boundaries to gain control over water resources on the mainland. Meanwhile, framing water diversion as a technical and emergency measure assisted in avoiding potential criticism from farmers and civil society. The sense of urgency was crafted by overestimating water demand and exaggerating short-term water shortages, thereby limiting the scope for long-term solutions and presenting diversion as the only viable technical option. Through these technopolitical manoeuvres, Mumbai, geographically located on an island, legitimately secured control and selectively appropriated suitable water resources on the mainland.
本文通过考察城市尺度的用水过程,突出城市内部水资源分配的不平等,并运用技术政治的视角加深对水资源分配基础过程的洞察,从而推进了水资源分配的学术研究。它说明了水是如何合法地为孟买市占用的,剥夺了都市区内其他市政公司、委员会和工业中心的用水。这篇论文展示了技术决策——比如采用流域开发方法,将原本用于灌溉的水作为临时和紧急措施转移到孟买——是如何被战略性地用于使拨款合法化的,这是一个自然的、非政治化的过程。通常被视为促进综合规划的流域方法被用来划分孟买水文区(MHA),沿着水文边界获得对大陆水资源的控制。与此同时,将调水作为一项技术和紧急措施有助于避免农民和民间社会的潜在批评。这种紧迫感是通过高估水需求和夸大短期水资源短缺来制造的,从而限制了长期解决方案的范围,并将调水作为唯一可行的技术选择。通过这些技术政治手段,地理上位于岛屿上的孟买合法地获得了控制权,并有选择地占用了大陆上合适的水资源。
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引用次数: 0
Polish geopolitical vertigo: Grassroots popular geopolitics meets right-wing populism 波兰地缘政治眩晕:草根大众地缘政治遇上右翼民粹主义
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103475
Anna Wojciuk , Tomasz Pawłuszko
Russia’s 2014 aggression against Ukraine generated a crisis of liberal security identities in Poland, producing a condition of geopolitical vertigo. Building on scholarship in geopolitics, popular geopolitics, populism, and right-wing worldviews, this article examines the revival of geopolitics as a grassroots phenomenon unfolding outside the control of traditional political, professional, and cultural elites, and enabled by digital communication. Drawing on qualitative analysis of leading grassroots geopoliticians’ content, elite interviews, audience engagement, and additional qualitative materials, we show how new discursive actors naturalize spatial understandings of international politics, recast friend/enemy distinctions, and articulate criticism of incumbent elites amid the crisis of the liberal security order. We also analyze how epistemic elites responded to their declining authority and how audiences embraced alternative geopolitical interpretations. Our findings demonstrate that grassroots geopolitics has become a significant channel for right-wing populist mobilization, that it moved beyond what any segment of the political elite could openly endorse, and that it amplified the divide between elites and “the people” over the foundations of foreign policy.
2014年俄罗斯对乌克兰的侵略在波兰引发了一场自由主义安全认同的危机,造成了地缘政治上的眩晕。本文以地缘政治、大众地缘政治、民粹主义和右翼世界观的学术研究为基础,考察了地缘政治作为一种草根现象的复兴,这种现象在传统政治、专业和文化精英的控制之外展开,并由数字通信实现。通过对主要基层地缘政治学家的内容、精英访谈、受众参与和其他定性材料的定性分析,我们展示了新的话语参与者如何将国际政治的空间理解自然化,重塑朋友/敌人的区分,并在自由安全秩序危机中对现任精英进行清晰的批评。我们还分析了知识精英如何应对他们日益衰落的权威,以及受众如何接受不同的地缘政治解释。我们的研究结果表明,草根地缘政治已经成为右翼民粹主义动员的一个重要渠道,它超出了任何政治精英都能公开支持的范围,而且它扩大了精英和“人民”之间在外交政策基础上的分歧。
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引用次数: 0
Amplifying vulnerability: State policy and the consolidation of a migratory chokepoint on Mexico's southern border 放大脆弱性:国家政策和墨西哥南部边境移民阻塞点的巩固
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103474
Miguel Paradela López , Charles Larratt-Smith
Over the past decade, Tapachula, a peripheral city located on Mexico's southern border, has emerged as one of the most significant territorial bottlenecks for migrants, asylum seekers, and refugees traveling towards the United States. While officially framed as a humanitarian entry point to Mexico, the city functions as a site of bureaucratic containment where restrictive immigration policies and an overwhelmed asylum system render tens of thousands of migrants immobile. Drawing on extensive fieldwork conducted in Tapachula, this article examines how immigration control on Mexico's southern border is shaped by state policies that have constructed an extensive subnational infrastructure centered around documentation, surveillance, and spatial confinement, complementary strategies that have converted this urban space into a migratory chokepoint. There, a range of actorspublic and private, national and local have converged to capitalize on the migrant population's vulnerability, often in ways that exacerbate the widespread precarity in which migrants exist in this border city. Yet, we also find that migrants are not merely passive victims of this enforced immobility. Rather, they engage in chokepoint pragmatics, everyday strategies of adaptation, resistance, and negotiation, to navigate Tapachula's realities in the hopes of continuing their journeys northwards.
在过去的十年里,位于墨西哥南部边境的外围城市塔帕丘拉已经成为移民、寻求庇护者和难民前往美国的最重要的领土瓶颈之一。虽然官方将其定义为进入墨西哥的人道主义入口点,但这座城市实际上是官僚主义控制的场所,限制性的移民政策和不堪重负的庇护体系使成千上万的移民无法流动。根据在塔帕丘拉进行的广泛的实地调查,本文研究了墨西哥南部边境的移民控制是如何受到国家政策的影响的,这些政策建立了以文件、监视和空间限制为中心的广泛的地方基础设施,这些互补的战略将这个城市空间变成了移民的瓶颈。在那里,公共和私人、国家和地方等一系列行为者聚集在一起,利用移民人口的脆弱性,往往以加剧移民在这个边境城市普遍存在的不稳定的方式。然而,我们也发现,移民不仅仅是这种强制不流动的被动受害者。相反,他们从事阻塞点语用学,适应、抵抗和谈判的日常策略,以驾驭塔帕丘拉的现实,希望继续他们的北上之旅。
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引用次数: 0
Decolonising animal activism: engaging with Indigenous activist perspectives 非殖民化动物行动主义:参与土著活动家的观点
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-12 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103472
Esther Tordjmann , Nicole T Cook
Animal rights activism has been criticised in settler-colonial states for overlooking human rights abuses and shielding colonial powers. However, the efforts of animal rights activists to expand their political alliances with subaltern and colonised others are laden with tensions, stemming from the oppression and violence of settler-colonial projects. The steps that progressive non-Indigenous activists can take to support alliances with colonised others are therefore unclear. In this article, we contend that Indigenous activists' perspectives offer critical insights into the development of alliances between Indigenous and non-Indigenous activists towards linked human and animal rights in settler-colonial states. Drawing on an ethnography with Indigenous activists in Occupied Palestine (pre-October 7), we show that the conditions for alliance-building exceed the rejection of racialised settler colonialism. They also require commitments by non-Indigenous activists towards Indigenous grassroots movements encompassing the diverse political agendas and heterogeneity of Indigenous societies. Beyond the hegemony of Israeli occupation, Palestinian activists seek alliances that centre community and youth development, and self-determination as key dimensions of linked animal and human rights. These priorities unsettle the Western strictures of animal rights anchored in veganism as the sole political concern of Palestinian activists. Questioning the efficacy of inflexible moral and ethical frameworks as platforms for alliance-building, we instead locate alliances for linked animal and human rights within a politics of listening anchored in settler-colonial discomfort, the labour of yielding to Indigenous priorities and remaining open to contingent, ‘on the ground’ politics. In so doing, we show that activist ethnography can reveal complex postcolonial engagements with the political, and the plural and hybrid human and animal activisms that these geographies give rise to.
动物权利运动在移民殖民国家受到批评,因为他们忽视了侵犯人权的行为,庇护了殖民大国。然而,由于移民-殖民项目的压迫和暴力,动物权利活动家扩大与次等和被殖民者的政治联盟的努力充满了紧张局势。因此,进步的非土著积极分子可以采取哪些步骤来支持与其他殖民地的联盟尚不清楚。在这篇文章中,我们认为土著活动家的观点为移民-殖民国家中土著和非土著活动家之间的联盟发展提供了重要的见解,这些联盟旨在将人类和动物权利联系起来。通过与被占领的巴勒斯坦的土著活动家的民族志(10月7日之前),我们表明,建立联盟的条件超过了拒绝种族化的定居者殖民主义。它们还要求非土著积极分子对土著基层运动作出承诺,这些运动包括各种政治议程和土著社会的异质性。在以色列占领的霸权之外,巴勒斯坦活动人士寻求以社区和青年发展为中心的联盟,以及作为动物和人权相关的关键方面的自决。这些优先事项动摇了西方对动物权利的限制,这些限制以素食主义为基础,是巴勒斯坦激进分子唯一的政治关注点。我们质疑僵化的道德和伦理框架作为联盟建立平台的有效性,而是将动物和人权联系在一起的联盟定位在一种倾听政治中,这种政治植根于定居者-殖民地的不适,屈服于土著优先事项的劳动,并对“实地”政治保持开放。在这样做的过程中,我们表明,激进民族志可以揭示复杂的后殖民时期与政治的接触,以及这些地理位置产生的多元和混合的人类和动物活动。
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Political Geography
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