Political Geography最新文献_第2页

What repoliticisation means and requires: Creating the climate for disagreement 再政治化的含义和要求：为分歧创造氛围

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-17 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103222

Joe Blakey

This paper makes a conceptual distinction between repoliticisation and politicisation and evaluates what this means for post-foundational political geography and its collective endeavour of achieving a more egalitarian future. Post-foundational political geography is being consolidated as a distinct disciplinary subfield. Within the existing body of literature, significant attention has been directed towards depoliticisation and post-politicisation, but repoliticisation is yet to amass the same critical attention. While literature nonetheless considering repoliticisation treats it as almost synonymous with politicisation, in this paper, I argue repoliticisation is more specifically about enacting, or opening the door to, politicisations. To illustrate the case, I draw upon (auto)ethnographic, scholar-activist work, operating as a carbon accountant for the City of Manchester, UK, as part of a wider project evaluating the role experts (could) play in restricting and enabling political change. Taking post-foundational political geography's insistence that expert, technocratic modes of governance depoliticise seriously, and in mobilising this distinction between repoliticisation and politicisation, I explore what existing subjects like accountants can do to repoliticise. Doing so illustrates how repoliticisations could be triggered from within existing orders of politics and demonstrates how repoliticisation and politicisation are overlapping, related, yet distinct, concepts.

本文从概念上区分了再政治化和政治化，并评估了这对后基础政治地理学及其实现更平等未来的集体努力意味着什么。后基础政治地理学作为一个独特的学科子领域正在得到巩固。在现有的文献中，去政治化和后政治化受到了极大的关注，但再政治化尚未获得同样的批判性关注。尽管考虑再政治化的文献几乎将其视为政治化的同义词，但在本文中，我认为再政治化更具体地说是制定政治化或为政治化敞开大门。为了说明这一点，我借鉴了（自）人种学、学者-活动家的工作，作为英国曼彻斯特市碳会计的工作，作为评估专家（可能）在限制和促进政治变革中所扮演角色的更广泛项目的一部分。后基础政治地理学坚持认为，专家、技术官僚的治理模式会使政治非政治化，我认真对待这一观点，并在再政治化与政治化之间做出区分，探索会计师等现有主体在再政治化方面可以做些什么。这样做说明了如何从现有的政治秩序中引发再政治化，并展示了再政治化和政治化是如何相互重叠、相互关联但又相互区别的概念。

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引用次数: 0

Strategic coupling of administrative rationality and cultural imaginaries in municipal amalgamations 市政合并中行政合理性与文化想象力的战略结合

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-16 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103227

Arie Stoffelen , Peter Groote

Municipal amalgamations are widely applied interventions for enhancing policy delivery in a political-economic context of devolution, austerity, and decentralization of welfare states. This paper studies how public stakeholders in the Netherlands walked the tightrope between ‘hard’ political-administrative logic and ‘soft’ cultural-historical discourse to justify, institutionalize, and legitimize municipal amalgamations. It uses a theoretical approach that combines literature on the rescaling of state governance and cultural political economy. Based on a discourse analysis of amalgamation reports, the paper traces the constructed political-economic and cultural imaginaries of the 26 municipal amalgamations that took place in the country between 2018 and 2023. Imaginaries underpinning the Dutch decentralization discourse were purely political-administrative in content, both regarding the necessity to act and the solutions (i.e., municipal amalgamations). Alternative, relational forms of spatial decision-making were covered by an imaginary of inefficiency and limited democratic control. Cultural imaginaries were locally mobilized to retain the top-down political-administrative logic, and to allow the municipalities to position themselves in between the citizens and the state. The amalgamation reports reflected a sometimes-difficult discursive negotiation between administrative efficiency and culture, future and past, vigour and softness, and external and internal visibility of the new municipalities. The paper concludes that the spaces of territorially bounded ways of policymaking, including municipal mergers, are intrinsically relational, jointly material-discursive/symbolic, and fluid (i.e., process-based). The cultural political economy framework provides a useful interpretative framework for debates on politics of scale, state rescaling, and (re)territorialization.

在权力下放、财政紧缩和福利国家权力下放的政治经济背景下，市政合并被广泛应用于加强政策执行的干预措施。本文研究荷兰的公共利益相关者如何在 "硬 "的政治行政逻辑和 "软 "的文化历史话语之间游走，以证明市政合并的合理性、制度化和合法性。本研究采用了一种理论方法，将有关国家治理的重构和文化政治经济学的文献结合起来。基于对合并报告的话语分析，本文追溯了 2018 年至 2023 年间全国 26 个市镇合并所构建的政治经济和文化想象。支撑荷兰权力下放话语的想象在内容上纯粹是政治行政性的，既涉及采取行动的必要性，也涉及解决方案（即市镇合并）。低效率和有限民主控制的想象掩盖了空间决策的其他关系形式。文化想象在当地被调动起来，以保留自上而下的政治-行政逻辑，并允许市政当局将自己定位在公民和国家之间。合并报告反映了新市政当局在行政效率与文化、未来与过去、活力与软性、外部与内部能见度之间时而艰难的话语协商。本文的结论是，以地域为界限的决策方式（包括市镇合并）的空间本质上是关系性的、共同的物质-话语/符号性的、流动的（即基于过程的）。文化政治经济学框架为有关规模政治、国家重构和（再）领土化的辩论提供了一个有用的解释框架。

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引用次数: 0

‘I felt’: Intimate geographies of sentient diplomacy 我感觉到了有知觉外交的亲密地理学

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-14 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103221

Alun Jones

This paper explores feelings in diplomatic intimacies in the United Nations in New York. Drawing upon arguments in philosophy on emotional experience and supported by oral testimonies of diplomats, it supplements and complements the rich body of work on practices in diplomacy by exploring how feelings can reach out and be directed towards things in the world beyond the bounds of the body and this is part of the phenomenology of everyday diplomatic lives. I set out three key interconnected goals in order to personify state diplomacy: First, I show how feelings are bound up with cognition and perception and are not the mere effects of these. Secondly, I link feelings with the affective context of the United Nations Security Council in order to expose everyday existential experiences of individual diplomats. Thirdly, I reveal the perceived importance of eliciting events in this geopolitical setting, and the personal meaning of these to diplomats as expressed through their own feelings as state representatives. This is a unique approach to understanding diplomacy in political geography, and also the first of its kind in the study of the intimate geopolitics of the UN.

本文探讨了纽约联合国外交亲密关系中的情感。本文以哲学中关于情感体验的论点为基础，以外交官的口述为佐证，通过探讨情感如何能够触及并指向身体界限之外的世界事物，补充并完善了有关外交实践的丰富研究成果，这也是日常外交生活现象学的一部分。为了将国家外交人格化，我设定了三个相互关联的关键目标：首先，我展示了感受是如何与认知和感知联系在一起的，而不仅仅是认知和感知的结果。其次，我将感受与联合国安理会的情感背景联系起来，以揭示外交官个人的日常生存体验。第三，我揭示了在这一地缘政治环境中引发事件的重要意义，以及这些事件对外交官的个人意义，他们通过自己作为国家代表的感受来表达这些意义。这是一种理解政治地理学中外交的独特方法，也是研究联合国亲密地缘政治的首创方法。

引用次数: 0

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-11 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103219

Jesse Fox, Talia Margalit

In this study, we examine recent actions taken by the Israeli state to naturalize technocratic understandings of land-use plans through the mass media, and assess the implications of this for power-knowledge relations between the state, planners and citizens. Our research focuses on the years 2013–2018, when state planners and officials began working with PR agents to promulgate state-generated, pro-growth representations of plans through mainstream media outlets. We focus on coverage of three types of large-scale plans, all of which involve complex and varied knowledge contents: city master plans, new neighborhood plans, and urban renewal plans. Using critical discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews with key planners and journalists, we examined what kinds of knowledge and information about these plans were conveyed, and how. We found that a significant percentage (some 40%) of the articles published during this period were based directly on state-issued press releases, and exclusively conveyed state-sanctioned perspectives. We interpret this as an attempt by the state to highlight its own role in planning and housing, while taking advantage of journalists' lack of planning knowledge and pressure to publish in order to construct ‘citizen-technocrats’ whose knowledge mirrors that of state-affiliated actors. We situate these findings within the emerging academic discourse on “technocratic populism,” a form of governance in which populist regimes communicate technocratic knowledge directly to citizens, and show how mis/disinformation tactics usually associated with populist discourse now appear in planning communications in Israel. This practice, we argue, has served to entrench a shift toward a centralized form of neoliberalism, while promoting illiberal conceptions of state-citizen relations in the planning context.

在本研究中，我们考察了以色列国家最近采取的行动，即通过大众媒体将技术官僚对土地使用规划的理解自然化，并评估这对国家、规划者和公民之间权力-知识关系的影响。我们的研究主要集中在 2013-2018 年，当时国家规划人员和官员开始与公关人员合作，通过主流媒体渠道发布由国家制定的、有利于增长的规划表述。我们重点关注三类大型规划的报道，它们都涉及复杂多样的知识内容：城市总体规划、新社区规划和城市更新规划。通过批判性话语分析以及对主要规划师和记者的半结构式访谈，我们研究了这些规划传达了哪些知识和信息，以及如何传达的。我们发现，在此期间发表的文章中，有很大一部分（约 40%）是直接根据国家发布的新闻稿撰写的，而且只传达国家认可的观点。我们将此解释为国家试图突出自身在规划和住房方面的作用，同时利用记者缺乏规划知识和发表文章的压力来塑造 "公民技术官僚"，他们的知识与国家相关人员的知识如出一辙。我们将这些研究结果与新兴的 "技术官僚民粹主义 "学术话语相结合，"技术官僚民粹主义 "是民粹主义政权直接向公民传播技术官僚知识的一种治理形式。我们认为，这种做法有助于巩固新自由主义向中央集权形式的转变，同时在规划领域推广国家与公民关系的非自由主义概念。

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引用次数: 0

Introduction to the special issue – Frontiers of property: promises, pitfalls, and ambivalences of ‘resurgent collectivisation’ in global land and resource governance 特刊导言--财产的前沿：全球土地和资源治理中 "复苏的集体化 "的承诺、陷阱和矛盾心理

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-10 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103218

Connor Cavanagh, Adrian Nel

Over the last several decades, a growing number of states, international organisations, and NGOs have pressed for new legislation and policies to formally recognise previously neglected options for collectively owning – rather than simply accessing or managing – lands and natural resources. In both ex-European colonies and other transitional development contexts, accompanying legal reforms have often taken on explicitly restitutive overtones, framed as a means of redressing the dispossessions or other injustices associated with both colonial and authoritarian iterations of land and resource governance. In this special issue, we explore the promises, pitfalls, and ambivalences of these phenomena as manifestations of what we term “resurgent collectivisation”, understood as the (re)emergence or reconstitution of governance interventions enabling the collective ownership of lands and resources. Deepening engagements between political geography and political ecology, contributions to the special issue engage diverse case studies of resurgent collectivisation in South Africa, Kenya, India, and Romania, highlighting: i) the implications of shifting – and often contested – fixations of collective subjectivity-property relations; ii) tensions between de jure collectivisation and de facto initiatives to establish vernacular private property or hybridised property regimes; and iii) emerging articulations of collectively-titled lands and resources with resurgent influxes of (often ostensibly ‘green’) capital into rural areas.

在过去的几十年中，越来越多的国家、国际组织和非政府组织要求制定新的法律和政策，正式承认以前被忽视的集体拥有--而不仅仅是获取或管理--土地和自然资源的选择权。在前欧洲殖民地和其他过渡性发展背景下，伴随而来的法律改革往往带有明确的恢复性色彩，被视为纠正与殖民和专制迭代的土地和资源治理相关的剥夺或其他不公正现象的一种手段。在本特刊中，我们将探讨这些现象作为 "复苏的集体化 "的表现形式所带来的希望、隐患和矛盾，"复苏的集体化 "被理解为（重新）出现或重建能够实现土地和资源集体所有权的治理干预。本特刊深化了政治地理学与政治生态学之间的联系，对南非、肯尼亚、印度和罗马尼亚重新兴起的集体化进行了不同的案例研究，突出强调了以下几点i) 集体主观性与财产关系的固定性不断变化--而且往往是有争议的--所产生的影响；ii) 法律上的集体化与事实上建立乡土私有财产或混合财产制度的举措之间的紧张关系；iii) 集体所有的土地和资源与重新涌入农村地区的（通常表面上是 "绿色 "的）资本之间新出现的衔接。

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引用次数: 0

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-09 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103217

Olivia Mason, Jagjeet Lally, Tina Harris, Tim Oakes, Alessandro Rippa

引用次数: 0

Checkpoints, competing ‘sovereignties’, and everyday life in Iraq 检查站、相互竞争的 "主权 "以及伊拉克的日常生活

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103220

Dylan O'Driscoll , Omran Omer Ali , Remonda Armia

Iraq is home to a patchwork of competing sovereignties with their own security actors, all of which routinely use checkpoints in the provision of ‘security’. However, as this article demonstrates, checkpoints predominantly function to assert authority over space. Utilising 262 interviews with those forced to move through checkpoints in Nineveh, Iraq, and through the development of an analytical framework that focuses on the ‘theft of time’ and the ‘stolen dignity’, this article examines the everyday strain that checkpoints exert on people's lives. It asks what the control of space by the multiplicity of competing ‘sovereignties’ means for those who must live in and in between these spaces. In doing so the article demonstrates how the impacts of creating borders reverberate way beyond the checkpoint itself, the inequalities it creates and reproduces, and the varied types of loss it fashions.

伊拉克是一个由相互竞争的主权国家组成的国家，这些主权国家都有自己的安全行动者，他们都经常使用检查站来提供 "安全"。然而，正如本文所展示的，检查站的主要功能是对空间行使权力。本文通过对伊拉克尼尼微省被迫通过检查站的 262 人进行访谈，并通过建立一个以 "偷窃时间 "和 "偷窃尊严 "为重点的分析框架，研究了检查站对人们生活造成的日常压力。文章探讨了多重相互竞争的 "主权 "对空间的控制对那些必须生活在这些空间中的人们意味着什么。在此过程中，文章展示了设置边界的影响如何远远超出检查站本身、它所制造和复制的不平等以及它所造成的各种损失。

引用次数: 0

Crypto/Space: Computational parasitism, virtual land grabs, and the production of Web3 Exit zones 加密/空间：计算寄生、虚拟土地掠夺和 Web3 出口区的生产

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-07 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103210

Peter Howson , Antulio Rosales , Olivier Jutel , Inte Gloerich , Mariel García Llorens , Alex de Vries , Jillian Crandall , Paul Dolan

This paper explores how so-called ‘Web3’ blockchain projects are materially and socially constituted. A blockchain is an append-only distributed database. The technology is being hyped as applicable for a whole range of industries, social service provisions, and as a fix for economic disparities in communities left behind by mainstream financial systems. Drawing on case studies from our ongoing research we explain how, despite being virtual, Web3 projects are dependent on clearly defined spaces of production from which they derive their speculative value. We conceptualise this relationship as Crypto/Space, where space and blockchain software are mutually constituted. We consider how Crypto/Spaces are produced in three ways: 1) how project developers are adopting a parasitic relationship with host locations to appropriate energy, infrastructure, and local resources; 2) how projects enable ‘virtual land grabs’ where developers are engaging in land acquisitions, and associated displacement of local people, with no real intention to use the land for the declared purpose; and 3) how blockchain technology and speculative finance imaginaries are inspiring new anarcho-capitalist crypto-utopian ‘Exit zones’, often in the Global South. Far from being a zero-sum virtual game world, we argue that cryptocurrency projects are parasitic, often requiring predation on poor and otherwise marginalised communities to appropriate resources, onboard new users and enable favourable regulation.

本文探讨了所谓的 "Web3 "区块链项目是如何在物质上和社会上构成的。区块链是一种仅有附录的分布式数据库。该技术被宣传为适用于一系列行业、提供社会服务，并能解决被主流金融体系抛在后面的社区的经济差距问题。根据我们正在进行的研究中的案例分析，我们解释了 Web3 项目尽管是虚拟的，但如何依赖于明确界定的生产空间，并从中获得投机价值。我们将这种关系概念化为 Crypto/空间，空间和区块链软件是相互构成的。我们从三个方面考虑 Crypto/Spaces 是如何产生的：1）项目开发商如何与项目所在地区建立寄生关系，以获取能源、基础设施和当地资源；2）项目如何促成 "虚拟土地掠夺"，即开发商在无意将土地用于所宣称目的的情况下进行土地收购，并导致当地居民流离失所；以及3）区块链技术和投机性金融想象如何激发新的无政府资本主义加密乌托邦 "退出区"，这些 "退出区 "通常位于全球南部。我们认为，加密货币项目远非一个零和虚拟游戏世界，而是寄生性的，往往需要掠夺贫困社区和其他边缘化社区的资源，吸纳新用户，并促成有利的监管。

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引用次数: 0

COVID-19 pandemic and competitive authoritarian regimes: Human rights and democracy in the Philippines and Nicaragua COVID-19 大流行病和竞争性专制政权：菲律宾和尼加拉瓜的人权与民主

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-07 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103212

Salvador Santino Regilme , Kevin Parthenay

How do competitive authoritarian regimes in the Global South respond to the COVID-19 pandemic? How do these policy responses facilitate human rights deterioration in societies that are already facing democratic regression during the pre-pandemic period? Examining evidence from the Philippines and Nicaragua during the COVID-19 pandemic, this article demonstrates that competitive authoritarian regimes have reinforced the deterioration of democratic processes and disregard for their human rights commitments amidst the global pandemic. First, such regimes weaponize the legal system to consolidate the powers of the chief executive and their allies. Second, such regimes systematically disregard transparency and accountability when executing state leaders’ public actions and responsibilities. Third, such regimes increasingly empower military personnel and intensify state violence at the expense of science-based approaches to crisis policies, thereby embracing militarism as an overarching orientation.

全球南部的竞争性专制政权如何应对 COVID-19 大流行？在大流行之前已经面临民主倒退的社会中，这些政策反应是如何促进人权恶化的？本文通过考察 COVID-19 大流行期间菲律宾和尼加拉瓜的证据，说明在全球大流行期间，竞争性专制政权加剧了民主进程的恶化和对人权承诺的漠视。首先，这些政权利用法律制度来巩固行政长官及其盟友的权力。其次，这些政权在执行国家领导人的公共行动和责任时，一贯无视透明度和问责制。第三，这些政权越来越多地赋予军事人员权力，加强国家暴力，而不采取以科学为基础的危机政策，从而将军国主义奉为圭臬。

引用次数: 0

Interpreting NIMBY as movements claiming participatory planning in the context of refugee camps’ siting: A comparative case study in two Greek regions 将 NIMBY 解释为在难民营选址背景下要求参与性规划的运动：希腊两个地区的比较案例研究

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-01 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103216

Alexandra Makridou , Ioannis Frangopoulos , Nikos Kapitsinis

Citizens’ reactions to planning decisions imposed from above occur commonly, especially when it comes to the siting of controversial facilities, such as refugee camps. Explaining these reactions within the context of migration governance and forms of planning (participatory vs. conventional) could provide valuable insights to deepen our understanding of the underlying causes. This paper studies top-down planning procedures of refugee camp siting vis-à-vis the bottom-up local reactions characterized as NIMBY phenomena. To this end, it adopts a socio-spatial approach, with the logics of production (top-down planning) and appropriation (bottom-up mobilizations) of space. Employing qualitative research, based on media and document analysis as well as semi-structured interviews, the paper conducts a comparative analysis of two contrasting regions with low and high refugee concentration rates in Greece: Crete and Central Macedonia. It enriches the academic discourse on geography, sociology and political science and policy debates, highlighting the NIMBY phenomena as mobilizations claiming access to information and local community participation in planning and underlining the importance of participatory planning to address these reactions.

公民对上层强加的规划决策的反应很常见，尤其是在涉及难民营等有争议的设施选址时。在移民治理和规划形式（参与式规划与传统规划）的背景下解释这些反应，可为我们加深对根本原因的理解提供有价值的见解。本文研究了自上而下的难民营选址规划程序与自下而上的当地反应（NIMBY 现象）之间的关系。为此，本文采用社会空间方法，研究空间的生产（自上而下的规划）和占有（自下而上的动员）逻辑。本文采用定性研究方法，以媒体和文件分析以及半结构式访谈为基础，对希腊难民集中率较低和较高的两个地区进行了对比分析：克里特岛和中马其顿。论文丰富了地理学、社会学、政治学和政策辩论方面的学术论述，强调了 NIMBY 现象是要求获取信息和当地社区参与规划的动员行为，并强调了参与式规划对解决这些反应的重要性。

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引用次数: 0