Political Geography最新文献_第7页

Response to commentators 对评论员的回应

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-10-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103431

Oliver Belcher

引用次数: 0

Space to think? Chinese think tanks and the uneven development of party-state power 思考的空间？中国智库和党国权力的不平衡发展

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-10-09 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103408

Jamie Peck

The campaign to propagate a new generation of think tanks “with Chinese characteristics” has been one of Xi Jinping's signature projects. Charting the rise of China's “new-type” think tanks and their evolving organizational ecology, the paper asks what it means to think like a party-state through an extended ideational infrastructure. This question is explored with reference to the idealized (liberal, Western) norm of the “independent” think tank, but more importantly on its own terms, and in relation to the distinctive spatiality of party-state power in China. To this end, the paper juxtaposes a top-down reading of China's think-tank program, via authorized policy frameworks, mandates, and “guidance” from Beijing, with the experiences of an outlier case, the strategically important region of the Greater Bay Area (GBA), encompassing Hong Kong, Macao, and the Pearl River Delta. Literally and politically distant from Beijing, this was an historic epicenter of the reform process, with a long-established reputation for experimentation and independent thinking. Here, new-type think tanks are being rolled out in tandem with the ideological project of national unification, the ongoing “integration” of this uniquely heterogeneous and globally integrated region, the securitization of Hong Kong, geoeconomic stresses, and geopolitical realignments. The paper argues that the conditions of existence and operating environment of Chinese think tanks render them for the most part creatures of, and appendages to, an unevenly developed party-state, albeit with consequences that are not entirely predictable.

这篇论文描绘了中国“新型”智库的崛起及其不断演变的组织生态，并提出了一个问题：通过扩展的理念基础设施，像一个党国一样思考意味着什么？这个问题是参照理想化的（自由主义的、西方的）“独立”智库规范来探讨的，但更重要的是根据其自身的条件，并与中国党国权力的独特空间性有关。为此，本文通过授权的政策框架、授权和北京的“指导”，对中国智库计划进行了自上而下的解读，并结合了一个例外案例的经验，即包括香港、澳门和珠江三角洲在内的具有战略重要性的大湾区（GBA）地区。从字面上和政治上看，这里都远离北京，是改革进程的历史中心，长期以来以实验和独立思考而闻名。在这里，新型智库正在与国家统一的意识形态项目、这个独特的异质和全球一体化地区的持续“一体化”、香港的证券化、地缘经济压力和地缘政治重组同步推出。本文认为，中国智库的生存条件和运行环境使它们在很大程度上成为一个发展不均衡的党国的生物和附属物，尽管其后果无法完全预测。

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引用次数: 0

Durable governance assemblages at the margins: Introduction to the special issue 边缘的持久治理组合：对特殊问题的介绍

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-10-10 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103428

Matthew A. Richmond , Frank I. Müller

This introduction to the Special Issue outlines key concepts and entry points for the analysis of ‘durable governance assemblages at the margins’. The notion of the state's margins sheds light on the ways that states continually revise their forms of order-making in relation to populations that they deem illegible and unruly. However, we argue it is necessary to also consider the role of relatively organised nonstate actors who also contribute decisively to the coordination of collective life in these settings. Analyses of governance have captured the growth of multi-actor arrangements in diverse contexts, but have typically focused on formally constituted organisations, rather than the socially embedded but institutionally invisibilised actors that typically operate at the margins. The concept of assemblage helps to capture the multipolar, situated and dynamic governance arrangements, involving both state and nonstate actors, that emerge in such contexts. Rather than just emphasising continual flux, conceiving of governance assemblages as durable helps to identify how such arrangements are in fact sustained over time through the consolidation of relationships and routines between different actors and in relation to both stable and lively material environments. To further develop this approach and introduce the diverse contributions to the SI, we present six analytical entry points, which we label: (1) the everyday state; (2) direct contestation; (3) subaltern self-organisation; (4) alternative authorities; (5) hidden interfaces; and (6) governance ecologies.

本期特刊的引言概述了分析“边缘持久治理组合”的关键概念和切入点。国家边缘的概念揭示了各州如何不断修改与他们认为难以辨认和难以驾驭的人口有关的秩序制定形式。然而，我们认为也有必要考虑相对有组织的非国家行为者的作用，他们也在这些环境中对集体生活的协调做出决定性贡献。对治理的分析已经抓住了不同背景下多参与者安排的增长，但通常侧重于正式组建的组织，而不是社会嵌入但制度上不可见的参与者，这些参与者通常在边缘运作。集合的概念有助于捕捉在这种背景下出现的涉及国家和非国家行为体的多极、定位和动态治理安排。与其仅仅强调持续的变化，不如将治理组合设想为持久的，这有助于确定这种安排实际上是如何通过不同参与者之间的关系和惯例的巩固，以及与稳定和活跃的物质环境的关系，随着时间的推移而持续下去的。为了进一步发展这种方法并介绍对SI的不同贡献，我们提出了六个分析切入点，我们将其标记为：(1)日常状态；（二）直接抗辩；(3)下级自组织；(4)替代权力机构；(5)隐藏接口；(6)治理生态。

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引用次数: 0

Governing through extra-territoriality: Jordan's clothing production zones as tools of imperial power and authoritarian rule 治外法权：约旦的服装生产区是帝国权力和独裁统治的工具

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-10-10 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103430

Katharina Grüneisl

Jordan's Export Processing Zones (EPZs) for clothing production form part of political geographies of US imperialism in the Middle East, and have served to bolster Arab-Israeli normalisation and authoritarian governance. A close-up study of these extra-territorial production spaces reveals how ‘free trade’ and associated neoliberal development agendas served to lastingly reconfigure political geographies in Jordan. Preferential US trade policies – granted to Jordan in exchange for signing peace with Israel in 1994 – translated into the creation of extra-territorial production zones (EPZs) and transformed Jordan into an attractive manufacturing location for the footloose global garment industry. Fiscal and regulatory exemptions facilitated the exploitation of labour and land reserves, benefitting a narrow local elite and thus generating new business-state alliances in favour of normalisation agendas. When Transnational Corporations (TNCs) for clothing production replaced most Jordanian-Israeli joint ventures in the EPZs in reaction to the 2001 full Free Trade Agreement with the US, foreign corporate actors began to assume a prominent role in Jordan's state performances. The co-production of positive macro-economic indicators that keep Jordan eligible for loans; as well as the redistribution of extra-territorial privilege to regions where the regime's political legitimacy is contested; expose shared mechanisms of governing through extra-territoriality. Taken together, this close-up empirical exploration of the extra-territorial clothing production regime challenges the façade of economic stability that Jordan's integration into global markets generated. Instead, it foregrounds how US free trade policies widened the rift between official state politics and the lived realities of most Jordanians, producing grievances that can only be managed through authoritarian repression.

约旦用于服装生产的出口加工区（EPZs）构成了美帝国主义在中东的政治地理的一部分，并促进了阿以关系正常化和威权治理。对这些域外生产空间的近距离研究揭示了“自由贸易”和相关的新自由主义发展议程如何持久地重新配置约旦的政治地理。美国给予约旦的优惠贸易政策——作为与以色列在1994年签署和平协议的交换条件——转化为建立域外生产区（EPZs），并将约旦转变为一个有吸引力的制造基地，为自由的全球服装业服务。财政和监管豁免促进了对劳动力和土地储备的剥削，使少数当地精英受益，从而催生了有利于正常化议程的新商业-国家联盟。2001年与美国签订全面自由贸易协定后，服装生产的跨国公司（TNCs）取代了加工区的大多数约旦-以色列合资企业，外国公司演员开始在约旦的国家演出中扮演重要角色。共同编制积极的宏观经济指标，使约旦有资格获得贷款；以及将域外特权重新分配给政权合法性受到质疑的地区；揭露通过治外法权进行治理的共同机制。总而言之，这种对域外服装生产制度的近距离实证探索挑战了约旦融入全球市场所产生的经济稳定的表面。相反，它揭示了美国的自由贸易政策如何扩大了官方国家政治与大多数约旦人的生活现实之间的裂痕，产生了只能通过威权镇压来解决的不满。

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引用次数: 0

Migrant struggles in the Darién Gap-Tapón: Rethinking a more-than-human border 达里萨海的移民斗争Gap-Tapón：重新思考超越人类的边界

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-12-01 Epub Date: 2025-09-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103426

Mauricio Palma-Gutiérrez

The Darién rainforest between Panama and Colombia has been commonly conceived as a wild, inaccessible, and lawless borderland marking a social and territorial rupture in the Americas. Yet, recent precarious migration journeys have challenged its imagined function as a “natural border” between the “South” and the “North” of the continent. Amid migration management anxiety, authorities and institutional actors have sought to re-instate the border, by positioning the rainforest as both a dangerous place and a place in need of conservation. In this text, I advance a More-than-Human framework to approach mobility-related complications in this context, which are meaningful in assessing how people on the move navigate re/bordering throughout their trajectories. Conceptually, I rely on the bilingual term Darién Gap-Tapón (“clog”) and assess how migrant struggles are mediated by the agencies of non-human lives, geomorphic bodies, and things. In so doing, I comment on a thematic analysis of an eclectic virtual dataset produced between 2021 and 2024, including 19 portrayals of migrants' journeys on YouTube. Using the metaphors of unclogging and reclogging in my analysis, I approach the complicated, overlapping, and often diffuse ways in which the Darién both borders migrants’ mobility and struggles along with migrants for mobility. I hence contribute to the dialogue between Critical Border Studies and More-than-Human ontologies aiming at imagining viable analytical alternatives on dominant unequal forms of global migration management.

巴拿马和哥伦比亚之间的达里萨芬雨林通常被认为是一片荒凉、人迹罕至、无法无天的边境地带，标志着美洲社会和领土的破裂。然而，最近不稳定的移民之旅已经挑战了它作为欧洲大陆“南”和“北”之间“自然边界”的想象功能。在移民管理方面的焦虑中，当局和机构行动者试图通过将雨林定位为一个危险的地方和一个需要保护的地方来恢复边界。在本文中，我提出了一个超越人类的框架来处理这种情况下与移动性相关的复杂性，这对于评估人们在移动中如何在其轨迹中导航/边界是有意义的。从概念上讲，我依赖于双语术语dari Gap-Tapón（“堵塞”），并评估移民的斗争是如何被非人类生命、地貌体和事物中介的。在此过程中，我评论了对2021年至2024年间制作的折衷虚拟数据集的主题分析，其中包括YouTube上19个移民旅程的描述。在我的分析中，我使用了疏通和重新记录的隐喻，探讨了达利姆族既与移民的流动性接壤，又与移民为流动性而斗争的复杂、重叠和经常分散的方式。因此，我为批判性边界研究和超越人类本体论之间的对话做出了贡献，旨在想象全球移民管理的主要不平等形式的可行分析替代方案。

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引用次数: 0

Residual urbanism: sanitary infrastructures and the governance of waste in Rio de Janeiro 残留的城市主义：卫生基础设施和里约热内卢的废物治理

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-08-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103406

Mariana Cavalcanti , Maria Raquel Passos Lima

This article is an historically-minded ethnographic exploration of the making of Rio de Janeiro's first sacrifice zone. Drawing from research undertaken in and on the neighborhood of Caju since May 2022 as part of a collective research and documentary film project, we revisit the structuring of 19th-century sanitary governance in Rio de Janeiro by focusing on three key infrastructures built by the state in the 19th century: a cemetery, a landfill, and a hospital for the treatment of epidemic diseases. Our research methods include ethnographic fieldwork, photography and filmmaking, in-depth interviews with residents and social actors such as government officials, street level bureaucrats, activists and local political leaders, and iconographic archival research in public city archives and in residents' private collections. We propose the idea of residual urbanism as a perspective to explore the logics of agglomeration and the generative dimension of infrastructures produced through the everyday governance of death, waste and disease. Finally, we examine the entanglements of nature, labor, knowledge and politics that highlight the invisible centrality of materialities, relations, agents and processes at the margins of modern master narratives of urbanization.

这篇文章是对巴西里约热内卢第一个祭祀区制作的历史思想的民族志探索。作为一个集体研究和纪录片项目的一部分，我们从2022年5月以来在Caju社区进行的研究中，通过关注19世纪国家建造的三个关键基础设施：墓地、垃圾填埋场和治疗流行病的医院，重新审视了巴西里约热内卢19世纪卫生治理的结构。我们的研究方法包括民族志田野调查、摄影和电影制作、对居民和社会行为者（如政府官员、街头官僚、活动家和地方政治领导人）的深入访谈，以及公共城市档案馆和居民私人收藏中的图像档案研究。我们提出剩余城市主义的概念，作为一个视角来探索集聚的逻辑，以及通过对死亡、浪费和疾病的日常治理而产生的基础设施的生成维度。最后，我们考察了自然、劳动、知识和政治的纠缠，这些纠缠突出了现代城市化主叙事边缘的物质、关系、代理人和过程的无形中心地位。

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引用次数: 0

Local and indigenous knowledge systems on nature-based solutions: Addressing Green Colonialism in Mangrove restoration of the Indian Sundarbans 基于自然的解决方案的地方和土著知识体系：解决印度孙德尔本斯红树林恢复中的绿色殖民主义问题

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-08-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103405

Mehebub Sahana

Nature-based solutions (NbS) have increasingly become mechanisms of ‘green colonialism,’ driven by global interest in green development within a green capitalist framework. The dual impact of ‘green colonialism’ and climate change is creating a compounded burden on marginalised and Indigenous communities, highlighting the urgent need to address its effects on their livelihoods and to advocate for their active participation in climate adaptation efforts. Drawing on extensive ethnographic fieldwork (2022–2024), qualitative geo-spatial analysis (2018–2024), and reflexive epistemologies through first-person narratives rooted in personal lived and work experiences, this study establishes a theoretical foundation to address two critical questions: how does NbS influence ‘green colonialism’ in the Indian Sundarbans, and how might Local and Indigenous Knowledge Systems (LINKS) contribute to NbS for mangrove regeneration and climate adaptation? Findings indicate that Indigenous communities face substantial obstacles in asserting their environmental rights, often affected by externally imposed NbS conservation practices. Furthermore, integrating LINKS can enhance community-led NbS, embodying an “alternative environmentalism” that challenges dominant green development paradigms. This article contributes to the global climate adaptation debate by illustrating how ‘green colonialism’ exposes the intersection of capital expansion and environmentalism, and the marginalisation of LINKS within this framework.

基于自然的解决方案（NbS）日益成为“绿色殖民主义”的机制，受到绿色资本主义框架下全球对绿色发展的兴趣的驱动。“绿色殖民主义”和气候变化的双重影响正在给边缘化社区和土著社区造成复杂的负担，这突出表明迫切需要解决其对其生计的影响，并倡导他们积极参与气候适应工作。通过广泛的民族志田野调查（2022-2024）、定性地理空间分析（2018-2024）和基于个人生活和工作经验的第一人称叙述的反思性认识论，本研究为解决两个关键问题奠定了理论基础：国家公园如何影响印度孙德尔本斯的“绿色殖民主义”，以及地方和土著知识系统（LINKS）如何促进国家公园对红树林再生和气候适应的贡献？调查结果表明，土著社区在维护其环境权利方面面临重大障碍，往往受到外部强加的国家统计局保护做法的影响。此外，整合LINKS可以加强社区主导的国家发展计划，体现一种挑战主流绿色发展模式的“另类环保主义”。本文通过阐述“绿色殖民主义”如何暴露资本扩张与环境主义的交叉点，以及在这一框架下LINKS的边缘化，为全球气候适应辩论做出了贡献。

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引用次数: 0

Urbanisation, democracy, and political regime transformations 城市化、民主和政治体制转型

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-07-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103382

Nick Dorward , Sean Fox , Kristian Hoelscher

Cities, and the process of urbanisation more broadly, have long been associated with political change – and democratisation in particular. However, there is little cross-country empirical research on the relationship between urbanisation and political change, and a tendency to conflate urbanisation with industrialisation and economic development. This gap is significant for two reasons. First, many of the hypothesised mechanisms linking urbanisation to political change are associated with socioeconomic changes driven by industrialisation and economic development. Second, many low- and middle-income countries have undergone rapid “urbanisation without industrialisation”. What then are the political consequences of urbanisation without industrialisation?

To answer this, we draw a key conceptual distinction between urbanisation – the increase in the relative share of a country's population living in urban areas – and urban population scale – the absolute size of urban populations. While much of the literature focuses upon the political implications of urbanisation, we argue that the sheer scale of urban populations may be more consequential for political change. Specifically, we suggest that although the hypothesised associations between urban living and democratic preferences among citizens are weak, urban living facilitates political engagement, and hence large urban populations may stimulate political change.

We test this hypothesis with cross-national regressions analysing the determinants of levels of democracy and episodes of political regime transformation since 1960 in 161 countries. We find no association between levels of urbanisation or urban population size and levels of democracy. By contrast, we find a positive and significant association between urban population size and political regime transformations, with a bias towards democratic change. Our study offers important insights into the relationship between urbanisation and political change and the political implications of rapid urbanisation without industrialisation unfolding in many parts of the world today.

长期以来，城市，以及更广泛意义上的城市化进程，一直与政治变革——尤其是民主化——联系在一起。然而，关于城市化与政治变革之间关系的跨国实证研究很少，并且倾向于将城市化与工业化和经济发展混为一谈。这一差距之所以显著，有两个原因。首先，将城市化与政治变革联系起来的许多假设机制都与工业化和经济发展推动的社会经济变化有关。第二，许多中低收入国家经历了快速的“未工业化的城市化”。那么，没有工业化的城市化会带来怎样的政治后果呢？为了回答这个问题，我们在城市化（一个国家生活在城市地区的人口相对份额的增加）和城市人口规模（城市人口的绝对规模）之间划出了一个关键的概念区别。虽然大部分文献关注的是城市化的政治影响，但我们认为，城市人口的绝对规模可能对政治变革产生更大的影响。具体来说，我们认为，尽管城市生活与公民的民主偏好之间的假设关联很弱，但城市生活促进了政治参与，因此大量城市人口可能会刺激政治变革。我们用跨国回归分析了自1960年以来161个国家民主水平的决定因素和政治体制转型的事件来检验这一假设。我们发现城市化水平或城市人口规模与民主水平之间没有关联。相比之下，我们发现城市人口规模与政治体制转型之间存在显著的正相关关系，并倾向于民主变革。我们的研究为城市化与政治变革之间的关系以及当今世界许多地区在没有工业化的情况下快速城市化的政治影响提供了重要见解。

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引用次数: 0

Seizing the means of innovation: On the relationship between Marxism and ecomodernism 把握创新手段：论马克思主义与经济现代主义的关系

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-07-09 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103388

Govand Khalid Azeez, Jonathan Symons

Recent efforts to articulate a “socialist ecomodernist” politics have spurred debate over the relationship between Marxism and ecomodernism. Degrowth-aligned socialists critique ecomodernism for its productivism and naive techno-optimism; ecomodernist socialists respond that ecomodernism's grounding of ecological politics in human material needs and focus on production's technological metabolism broadly aligns with historical materialism. This paper first outlines the homologies and contradictions between Marxism and ecomodernism and then turns to one area of potential dialectical synthesis: addressing capitalism's ecological crises requires a systematic account of technological innovation. To this end we put forward eleven axioms distilling Marx's philosophico-anthropological account of technology. These axioms reflect Marx's understanding of technological innovation as both a source of tension, since productive forces consistently outpace the social world and the relations of production, and crucial to transcending class societies. We argue that a Marxist response to climate breakdown must address how a communist movement will manage the unintended, indirect ecological impacts of production. Marxists have always understood that the proletariat must control the means of production in order to address class-based inequality. In the era of climate breakdown, Marxists must be equally explicit about technological innovation. If we are to protect nature while progressing toward Marx's “realm of freedom”, the task now is also to seize and reconfigure the means of innovation.

最近对“社会主义经济现代主义”政治的阐述引发了关于马克思主义和经济现代主义之间关系的争论。支持去增长的社会主义者批评生态现代主义的生产主义和天真的技术乐观主义；生态现代主义社会主义者回应说，生态现代主义将生态政治建立在人类物质需求的基础上，并将重点放在生产的技术代谢上，这与历史唯物主义大体一致。本文首先概述了马克思主义和生态现代主义之间的同源性和矛盾，然后转向一个潜在的辩证综合领域：解决资本主义的生态危机需要对技术创新进行系统的描述。为此，我们提出了11条公理，提炼了马克思对技术的哲学人类学解释。这些公理反映了马克思对技术创新的理解，即技术创新既是紧张的根源，因为生产力始终超过社会世界和生产关系，也是超越阶级社会的关键。我们认为，马克思主义对气候崩溃的回应必须解决共产主义运动将如何管理生产的意外的、间接的生态影响。马克思主义者一直认为，无产阶级必须控制生产资料，以解决基于阶级的不平等问题。在气候崩溃的时代，马克思主义者必须对技术创新同样明确。如果我们要在向马克思的“自由王国”前进的同时保护自然，那么现在的任务就是抓住并重新配置创新的手段。

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引用次数: 0

Green national paradox? How the far right turned Sweden from a (reputed) pioneer of climate mitigation to an obstructor 绿色国家悖论？极右翼是如何将瑞典从一个（公认的）减缓气候变化的先驱变成一个阻碍者的

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-01 Epub Date: 2025-07-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103390

Andreas Malm , Kristoffer Ekberg , Christina Englund , Johanne Tagmose Grønkjær , Martin Charlier , Olivia Medin , Ståle Holgersen

Sweden has swiftly transitioned from being considered a progressive pioneer in climate mitigation to the forefront of late obstruction. The proximate cause was the general elections in 2022, after which the Sweden Democrats (SD) gained authority over the country's climate policies. This paper explores how the far right turned Sweden from a (reputed) pioneer of climate mitigation to an obstructor, and discuss if this transition is also an expression of a ‘green national paradox’. Through interviews with SD members and analysis of political documents, we observe how the SD explicitly and extensively exploits Sweden's progressive image to justify its obstructionist climate agenda. Focusing on energy and transportation policies, our study delves into the SD's perception of Sweden's global climate role and discusses how this is used by the far right in their policies towards climate mitigation.

瑞典迅速从被认为是减缓气候变化的进步先驱转变为后期阻碍的前沿。直接原因是2022年的大选，之后瑞典民主党（SD）获得了对该国气候政策的权威。本文探讨了极右翼是如何将瑞典从一个（著名的）减缓气候变化的先驱转变为一个阻碍者的，并讨论了这种转变是否也是“绿色国家悖论”的一种表现。通过对瑞典民主党成员的采访和对政治文件的分析，我们观察到瑞典民主党如何明确而广泛地利用瑞典的进步形象来为其阻挠气候议程辩护。以能源和交通政策为重点，我们的研究深入探讨了瑞典民主党对瑞典在全球气候变化中的作用的看法，并讨论了极右翼如何利用这一点制定气候减缓政策。

引用次数: 0