Political Geography最新文献_第6页

Topographies of the undesired: Tracing the camp from colonial confinement to digital control in the EU asylum regime 不受欢迎的地形：追踪营地从殖民禁闭到欧盟庇护制度的数字控制

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-10-10 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103421

Giuseppe Platania

This article traces the evolution of the asylum camp in the European Union as a spatial and political technology of control, from its colonial origins to its contemporary digital form. Drawing on a historical and geographical genealogy of camps, it explores how mechanisms of segregation, containment, and racialised labour management—first developed in colonial and totalitarian regimes—have been repurposed within the EU asylum system. Based on extensive ethnographic fieldwork in Sicily between 2018 and 2021, the article examines how reception centres and hotspots function not merely as sites of detention but as nodes in a broader network of surveillance, biometric registration, and mobility governance. Through the lens of custodianship, the paper shows how contemporary camps blend humanitarian care with coercive control, enacting what Deleuze terms a “society of control.” It argues that today's asylum infrastructure no longer relies on fixed boundaries or mass internment, but instead operates through digital enclosures, legal ambiguities, and spatial marginalisation. By situating empirical observations within a critical genealogy of the camp, the article contributes to debates on bordering, biopolitics, and the postcolonial condition of asylum in Europe.

本文追溯了欧盟难民营作为一种空间和政治控制技术的演变，从其殖民起源到当代数字形式。根据集中营的历史和地理谱系，本书探讨了隔离、遏制和种族化的劳工管理机制——最初是在殖民和极权政权中发展起来的——是如何在欧盟庇护体系中被重新利用的。基于2018年至2021年在西西里岛进行的广泛的民族志田野调查，本文研究了接待中心和热点如何不仅作为拘留地点，而且作为更广泛的监测、生物识别登记和流动治理网络的节点。通过监护的视角，本文展示了当代难民营是如何将人道主义关怀与强制控制相结合的，形成了德勒兹所说的“控制社会”。它认为，今天的庇护基础设施不再依赖于固定的边界或大规模拘留，而是通过数字围栏、法律模糊和空间边缘化来运作。通过将经验观察置于营地的关键谱系中，本文有助于讨论边界，生物政治和欧洲庇护的后殖民条件。

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引用次数: 0

Governing through extra-territoriality: Jordan's clothing production zones as tools of imperial power and authoritarian rule 治外法权：约旦的服装生产区是帝国权力和独裁统治的工具

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-10-10 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103430

Katharina Grüneisl

Jordan's Export Processing Zones (EPZs) for clothing production form part of political geographies of US imperialism in the Middle East, and have served to bolster Arab-Israeli normalisation and authoritarian governance. A close-up study of these extra-territorial production spaces reveals how ‘free trade’ and associated neoliberal development agendas served to lastingly reconfigure political geographies in Jordan. Preferential US trade policies – granted to Jordan in exchange for signing peace with Israel in 1994 – translated into the creation of extra-territorial production zones (EPZs) and transformed Jordan into an attractive manufacturing location for the footloose global garment industry. Fiscal and regulatory exemptions facilitated the exploitation of labour and land reserves, benefitting a narrow local elite and thus generating new business-state alliances in favour of normalisation agendas. When Transnational Corporations (TNCs) for clothing production replaced most Jordanian-Israeli joint ventures in the EPZs in reaction to the 2001 full Free Trade Agreement with the US, foreign corporate actors began to assume a prominent role in Jordan's state performances. The co-production of positive macro-economic indicators that keep Jordan eligible for loans; as well as the redistribution of extra-territorial privilege to regions where the regime's political legitimacy is contested; expose shared mechanisms of governing through extra-territoriality. Taken together, this close-up empirical exploration of the extra-territorial clothing production regime challenges the façade of economic stability that Jordan's integration into global markets generated. Instead, it foregrounds how US free trade policies widened the rift between official state politics and the lived realities of most Jordanians, producing grievances that can only be managed through authoritarian repression.

约旦用于服装生产的出口加工区（EPZs）构成了美帝国主义在中东的政治地理的一部分，并促进了阿以关系正常化和威权治理。对这些域外生产空间的近距离研究揭示了“自由贸易”和相关的新自由主义发展议程如何持久地重新配置约旦的政治地理。美国给予约旦的优惠贸易政策——作为与以色列在1994年签署和平协议的交换条件——转化为建立域外生产区（EPZs），并将约旦转变为一个有吸引力的制造基地，为自由的全球服装业服务。财政和监管豁免促进了对劳动力和土地储备的剥削，使少数当地精英受益，从而催生了有利于正常化议程的新商业-国家联盟。2001年与美国签订全面自由贸易协定后，服装生产的跨国公司（TNCs）取代了加工区的大多数约旦-以色列合资企业，外国公司演员开始在约旦的国家演出中扮演重要角色。共同编制积极的宏观经济指标，使约旦有资格获得贷款；以及将域外特权重新分配给政权合法性受到质疑的地区；揭露通过治外法权进行治理的共同机制。总而言之，这种对域外服装生产制度的近距离实证探索挑战了约旦融入全球市场所产生的经济稳定的表面。相反，它揭示了美国的自由贸易政策如何扩大了官方国家政治与大多数约旦人的生活现实之间的裂痕，产生了只能通过威权镇压来解决的不满。

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引用次数: 0

Durable governance assemblages at the margins: Introduction to the special issue 边缘的持久治理组合：对特殊问题的介绍

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-10-10 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103428

Matthew A. Richmond , Frank I. Müller

This introduction to the Special Issue outlines key concepts and entry points for the analysis of ‘durable governance assemblages at the margins’. The notion of the state's margins sheds light on the ways that states continually revise their forms of order-making in relation to populations that they deem illegible and unruly. However, we argue it is necessary to also consider the role of relatively organised nonstate actors who also contribute decisively to the coordination of collective life in these settings. Analyses of governance have captured the growth of multi-actor arrangements in diverse contexts, but have typically focused on formally constituted organisations, rather than the socially embedded but institutionally invisibilised actors that typically operate at the margins. The concept of assemblage helps to capture the multipolar, situated and dynamic governance arrangements, involving both state and nonstate actors, that emerge in such contexts. Rather than just emphasising continual flux, conceiving of governance assemblages as durable helps to identify how such arrangements are in fact sustained over time through the consolidation of relationships and routines between different actors and in relation to both stable and lively material environments. To further develop this approach and introduce the diverse contributions to the SI, we present six analytical entry points, which we label: (1) the everyday state; (2) direct contestation; (3) subaltern self-organisation; (4) alternative authorities; (5) hidden interfaces; and (6) governance ecologies.

本期特刊的引言概述了分析“边缘持久治理组合”的关键概念和切入点。国家边缘的概念揭示了各州如何不断修改与他们认为难以辨认和难以驾驭的人口有关的秩序制定形式。然而，我们认为也有必要考虑相对有组织的非国家行为者的作用，他们也在这些环境中对集体生活的协调做出决定性贡献。对治理的分析已经抓住了不同背景下多参与者安排的增长，但通常侧重于正式组建的组织，而不是社会嵌入但制度上不可见的参与者，这些参与者通常在边缘运作。集合的概念有助于捕捉在这种背景下出现的涉及国家和非国家行为体的多极、定位和动态治理安排。与其仅仅强调持续的变化，不如将治理组合设想为持久的，这有助于确定这种安排实际上是如何通过不同参与者之间的关系和惯例的巩固，以及与稳定和活跃的物质环境的关系，随着时间的推移而持续下去的。为了进一步发展这种方法并介绍对SI的不同贡献，我们提出了六个分析切入点，我们将其标记为：(1)日常状态；（二）直接抗辩；(3)下级自组织；(4)替代权力机构；(5)隐藏接口；(6)治理生态。

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引用次数: 0

Space to think? Chinese think tanks and the uneven development of party-state power 思考的空间？中国智库和党国权力的不平衡发展

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-10-09 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103408

Jamie Peck

The campaign to propagate a new generation of think tanks “with Chinese characteristics” has been one of Xi Jinping's signature projects. Charting the rise of China's “new-type” think tanks and their evolving organizational ecology, the paper asks what it means to think like a party-state through an extended ideational infrastructure. This question is explored with reference to the idealized (liberal, Western) norm of the “independent” think tank, but more importantly on its own terms, and in relation to the distinctive spatiality of party-state power in China. To this end, the paper juxtaposes a top-down reading of China's think-tank program, via authorized policy frameworks, mandates, and “guidance” from Beijing, with the experiences of an outlier case, the strategically important region of the Greater Bay Area (GBA), encompassing Hong Kong, Macao, and the Pearl River Delta. Literally and politically distant from Beijing, this was an historic epicenter of the reform process, with a long-established reputation for experimentation and independent thinking. Here, new-type think tanks are being rolled out in tandem with the ideological project of national unification, the ongoing “integration” of this uniquely heterogeneous and globally integrated region, the securitization of Hong Kong, geoeconomic stresses, and geopolitical realignments. The paper argues that the conditions of existence and operating environment of Chinese think tanks render them for the most part creatures of, and appendages to, an unevenly developed party-state, albeit with consequences that are not entirely predictable.

这篇论文描绘了中国“新型”智库的崛起及其不断演变的组织生态，并提出了一个问题：通过扩展的理念基础设施，像一个党国一样思考意味着什么？这个问题是参照理想化的（自由主义的、西方的）“独立”智库规范来探讨的，但更重要的是根据其自身的条件，并与中国党国权力的独特空间性有关。为此，本文通过授权的政策框架、授权和北京的“指导”，对中国智库计划进行了自上而下的解读，并结合了一个例外案例的经验，即包括香港、澳门和珠江三角洲在内的具有战略重要性的大湾区（GBA）地区。从字面上和政治上看，这里都远离北京，是改革进程的历史中心，长期以来以实验和独立思考而闻名。在这里，新型智库正在与国家统一的意识形态项目、这个独特的异质和全球一体化地区的持续“一体化”、香港的证券化、地缘经济压力和地缘政治重组同步推出。本文认为，中国智库的生存条件和运行环境使它们在很大程度上成为一个发展不均衡的党国的生物和附属物，尽管其后果无法完全预测。

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引用次数: 0

Showerheads, coffee machines and the everyday political geographies of the green backlash 莲蓬头，咖啡机和日常的政治地理的绿色反弹

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-10-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103429

Ed Atkins

引用次数: 0

Go-along research in the UK Parliament 英国议会的随波逐流研究

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-10-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103424

Alex Prior , Samuel Johnson-Schlee , Ryan Swift

The current deadlock surrounding the prospective Restoration and Renewal of the UK Parliamentary Estate is attributable to several perceived risks. These include the suspension of parliamentary procedure, ossification of the site, the ceasing of interactions which shape both the estate and broader structures of power and governance, and the loss of narrative meaning (as a form of constitution) embedded in Parliament's constantly-changing design and function(s). Investigating such a combination of physical and conceptual concerns (resonating with broader questions about the relationship between parliamentary spaces and representative democracy) requires a research methodology that is dynamic and spatial, building on the political geography concept of ‘geo-constitution’ by applying it within the UK Parliament.

This article discusses go-along interviews as crucial to a spatial understanding of Parliament. They allowed us to directly experience the estate – alongside our research participants – and the ongoing negotiations and interactions which produce it as a living site. Our observations lead us to advocate for a widening of participation in future research, incorporating estates and service staff (to inform and enrich understanding of ‘backstage’ parliamentary processes) and members of the public, whose access to Parliament also tends to be on foot and whose experiences of the estate (as a synecdoche for Parliament and representative democracy) should be a central consideration in Restoration and Renewal. We also conclude that the Parliamentary Estate has a geo-constitutional significance, accounting for anxieties relating to Restoration and Renewal and what this might mean for the estate, for Parliament and for the UK.

目前围绕英国议会地产的预期修复和更新的僵局可归因于几个可感知的风险。其中包括议会程序的暂停，场地的僵化，影响遗产和更广泛的权力和治理结构的互动的停止，以及议会不断变化的设计和功能中嵌入的叙事意义（作为一种宪法形式）的丧失。调查这种物理和概念问题的结合（与有关议会空间与代议制民主之间关系的更广泛问题产生共鸣）需要一种动态和空间的研究方法，建立在“地缘宪法”的政治地理概念上，并将其应用于英国议会。本文讨论了随访访谈对于理解国会的空间至关重要。他们让我们与我们的研究参与者一起直接体验了这个庄园，以及正在进行的谈判和互动，这些谈判和互动使它成为一个生活场所。我们的观察结果使我们主张扩大对未来研究的参与，包括庄园和服务人员（告知和丰富对“后台”议会过程的理解）和公众成员，他们进入议会也往往是步行的，他们的庄园经历（作为议会和代议制民主的喻喻）应该是恢复和更新的核心考虑因素。我们还得出结论，议会遗产具有地缘宪法意义，考虑到与恢复和更新有关的焦虑，以及这对遗产、议会和英国可能意味着什么。

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引用次数: 0

Hijacking legality: Corruption and property creation in Brazil's frontiers 劫持合法性：巴西边境的腐败和财产创造

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-30 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103407

Joachim S. Stassart , Flávia Mendes de Almeida Collaço , Dário Cardoso Jr. , Renato Morgado

Corruption undermines natural resource governance and conservation efforts, fueling deforestation and violence against land and environmental defenders. To address this complex issue and avoid stereotypical and colonial perspectives, the literature in political ecology and geography has called for shifting the focus from legal definitions of corruption to an emphasis on power dynamics. While this approach has led to innovative analyses, it has often pushed the question of legality into the background. In this paper, we bring law back to the forefront and analyze the relationship between corruption and landed property. We examine land tenure laws and regulations, along with 15 inquiries into corruption in land-grabbing schemes in Brazil's two main agricultural frontiers, the Amazon and the Matopiba. We argue that, in resource frontiers, corruption and legality co-constitute each other. Corruption hijacks different legal processes establishing and protecting landed property. Regarding the recognition of land claims and property formation, land grabbers can (1) dismantle policies recognizing competing land uses to make them illegible; and (2) capture tenure formalization policies to legalize land grabs. Likewise, processes intended to protect property rights and ensure legal certainty are vulnerable to hijacking, as (3) land registries and cadastres can be defrauded to distort property rights; and (4) law enforcement mechanisms can be co-opted to enact abusive land claims. Therefore, we reject the notion that legality precedes corruption in resource frontiers. Instead, these findings suggest a recursive relationship between corruption and legality. The uncritical use of legal dichotomies to guide understandings of corruption can reproduce legalized abuses.

腐败破坏了自然资源的治理和保护工作，助长了森林砍伐和针对土地和环境维护者的暴力行为。为了解决这个复杂的问题，避免刻板印象和殖民主义的观点，政治生态学和地理学的文献呼吁将重点从腐败的法律定义转移到强调权力动态。虽然这种方法导致了创新的分析，但它往往把合法性问题推到次要地位。在这篇文章中，我们将法律重新拉回到最重要的位置，并分析腐败与土地财产之间的关系。我们研究了土地所有权法律和法规，并对巴西两个主要农业前沿地区——亚马逊和马托皮巴的土地掠夺计划中的腐败行为进行了15次调查。我们认为，在资源边界，腐败与合法性是相互构成的。腐败劫持了建立和保护土地财产的不同法律程序。在承认土地要求和财产形成方面，土地掠夺者可以(1)废除承认竞争土地用途的政策，使其难以辨认；(2)制定权属正规化政策，使征地合法化。同样，旨在保护产权和确保法律确定性的程序也容易受到劫持，因为(3)土地登记和地籍可能被欺骗，从而扭曲产权；(4)可以采用执法机制制定滥用土地索赔。因此，我们反对在资源边界上合法性先于腐败的观念。相反，这些发现表明腐败与合法性之间存在递归关系。不加批判地使用法律二分法来指导对腐败的理解，可能会重现合法化的滥用行为。

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引用次数: 0

Migrant struggles in the Darién Gap-Tapón: Rethinking a more-than-human border 达里萨海的移民斗争Gap-Tapón：重新思考超越人类的边界

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103426

Mauricio Palma-Gutiérrez

The Darién rainforest between Panama and Colombia has been commonly conceived as a wild, inaccessible, and lawless borderland marking a social and territorial rupture in the Americas. Yet, recent precarious migration journeys have challenged its imagined function as a “natural border” between the “South” and the “North” of the continent. Amid migration management anxiety, authorities and institutional actors have sought to re-instate the border, by positioning the rainforest as both a dangerous place and a place in need of conservation. In this text, I advance a More-than-Human framework to approach mobility-related complications in this context, which are meaningful in assessing how people on the move navigate re/bordering throughout their trajectories. Conceptually, I rely on the bilingual term Darién Gap-Tapón (“clog”) and assess how migrant struggles are mediated by the agencies of non-human lives, geomorphic bodies, and things. In so doing, I comment on a thematic analysis of an eclectic virtual dataset produced between 2021 and 2024, including 19 portrayals of migrants' journeys on YouTube. Using the metaphors of unclogging and reclogging in my analysis, I approach the complicated, overlapping, and often diffuse ways in which the Darién both borders migrants’ mobility and struggles along with migrants for mobility. I hence contribute to the dialogue between Critical Border Studies and More-than-Human ontologies aiming at imagining viable analytical alternatives on dominant unequal forms of global migration management.

巴拿马和哥伦比亚之间的达里萨芬雨林通常被认为是一片荒凉、人迹罕至、无法无天的边境地带，标志着美洲社会和领土的破裂。然而，最近不稳定的移民之旅已经挑战了它作为欧洲大陆“南”和“北”之间“自然边界”的想象功能。在移民管理方面的焦虑中，当局和机构行动者试图通过将雨林定位为一个危险的地方和一个需要保护的地方来恢复边界。在本文中，我提出了一个超越人类的框架来处理这种情况下与移动性相关的复杂性，这对于评估人们在移动中如何在其轨迹中导航/边界是有意义的。从概念上讲，我依赖于双语术语dari Gap-Tapón（“堵塞”），并评估移民的斗争是如何被非人类生命、地貌体和事物中介的。在此过程中，我评论了对2021年至2024年间制作的折衷虚拟数据集的主题分析，其中包括YouTube上19个移民旅程的描述。在我的分析中，我使用了疏通和重新记录的隐喻，探讨了达利姆族既与移民的流动性接壤，又与移民为流动性而斗争的复杂、重叠和经常分散的方式。因此，我为批判性边界研究和超越人类本体论之间的对话做出了贡献，旨在想象全球移民管理的主要不平等形式的可行分析替代方案。

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引用次数: 0

Two crises. Constructing the meaning of the “climate crisis” by the residents of Gdańsk 两个危机。Gdańsk居民建构“气候危机”的意义

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-19 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103422

Danuta Uryga , Hanne Cecilie Geirbo , Małgorzata Romanowska , Ewa Duda

Widespread mobilisation is needed to mitigate the climate crisis and adapt to its ongoing consequences. Drawing on the ‘pedagogy of common place’ we attend to the conceptual basis for individual barriers against climate action and ask ‘how do urban residents conceptualise the climate crisis in the context of their city?’ We have conducted four focus group discussions in the city of Gdańsk, Poland, each with a duration of 2 h. Two groups consisted of people with ‘moderately environmental' views, and two groups consisted of people with ‘strongly environmental views'. Across both groups, we found a conceptual distinction between a ‘big crisis' (global), calling for an urgent and devoted response but also instilling severe distress that triggers distancing, and a ‘small crisis' (local), which is also emotionally challenging but easier to relate to because it concerns local, tangible issues. Based on our findings, we suggest that evoking the ‘small crisis' can be a means of mobilising citizens outside the category of those with ‘strongly environmental views’ to engage in actions to mitigate and adapt to the ongoing climate action.

需要广泛的动员来缓解气候危机并适应其持续的后果。利用“公共场所教学法”，我们关注个体阻碍气候行动的概念基础，并询问“城市居民如何在其城市背景下概念化气候危机？”“我们在波兰的Gdańsk市进行了四次焦点小组讨论，每次持续2小时。两组由持‘适度环保’观点的人组成，两组由持‘强烈环保观点’的人组成。”在这两个群体中，我们发现了“大危机”（全球性）和“小危机”（地方性）之间的概念区别，前者需要紧急和投入的回应，但也会带来严重的痛苦，从而引发疏远，后者也在情感上具有挑战性，但更容易联系起来，因为它涉及当地的、切实的问题。根据我们的研究结果，我们建议，唤起“小危机”可以作为一种手段，动员那些“强烈环境观点”之外的公民参与行动，以减轻和适应正在进行的气候行动。

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引用次数: 0

When “conflict free” minerals go to war 当“无冲突”矿物参战时

IF 4.9 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2025-09-18 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103425

Kali Rubaii , Mohamed El-Shewy , Mark Griffiths

The article develops a simple but important argument: “conflict free” minerals are essential to the waging of contemporary war. This argument is substantiated over three main sections. First, we provide historical background to the idea of “conflict minerals” to show how they are narrowly associated with the violence of extraction and with consumer products (phones, electric vehicles, etc) in way that forecloses their use in weapons manufacturing and war further along the supply chain. Second, we draw from fieldwork in Rwanda and secondary sources to explicate the ways that minerals attain “conflict free” certification despite documented links with conflict in central Africa. Transparency in supply chains, we show, is carefully angled: issues of provenance (i.e., the movement of minerals to and in Rwanda) are obscured yet meticulous systems are in place to enable and trace the movement of minerals from Rwanda. In the third section, we focus on the supply of tin and tantalum from Rwanda to weapons suppliers and outline the use of those minerals in contemporary military hardware. In conclusion we sketch an agenda for future research on “conflict free” minerals that go to war.

这篇文章提出了一个简单但重要的论点：“无冲突”矿产对当代战争的发动至关重要。这一论点可以从三个主要部分得到证实。首先，我们提供了“冲突矿产”概念的历史背景，以显示它们如何与开采暴力和消费品（电话，电动汽车等）紧密联系在一起，从而阻止它们在武器制造和进一步沿着供应链的战争中使用。其次，我们从卢旺达的实地调查和二手资料中得出结论，说明尽管与中非冲突有书面记录，但矿物获得“无冲突”认证的方式。我们表明，供应链的透明度是经过精心设计的：来源问题（即矿物运往卢旺达和在卢旺达的流动）是模糊的，但有细致的系统来启用和追踪来自卢旺达的矿物流动。在第三节中，我们集中讨论卢旺达向武器供应商供应锡和钽的情况，并概述这些矿物在当代军事硬件中的使用情况。最后，我们概述了未来对“无冲突”矿物进行战争研究的议程。

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引用次数: 0