Political Geography最新文献

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Fragmenting forest governance: Land tenure and the REDD+ paradox in Kigoma pilot project, Tanzania 支离破碎的森林治理：坦桑尼亚基戈马试点项目中的土地保有权和 REDD+ 悖论

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-11-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103234

Emma Jane Lord

Forest economists and governance scholars disagreed in early REDD + literature over the potentially recentralizing effects of the performance-based global forest carbon mitigation mechanism. Economists argued conditional payments for measurable forest protection would incentivize sustainable forest management, despite institutional challenges. Critics viewed this assumption as too rationalistic. Proponents of participatory forest management in Tanzania argued REDD + funding was wasted creating new pilot projects from scratch, instead of upscaling existing forestry programmes. This article uses an in-depth ethnographic case study of rent and accountability relations in a failed REDD + test pilot project site, showing the complexity of trans-local governance arrangements. Fragmented actors compete over diverse interests, overlapping spheres of authority and tenure regimes. Empirically, it examines how project implementation with unclear land tenure exacerbated boundary conflict and insecurity, tracing upwards accountability relations including stigmatizing elected village leaders, overriding of decisions made within a village assembly meeting by district level authorities, using strategies of forum shopping and evoking the politics of scale via ward councils. This highlights the need for future forest policies to prioritize questions of land tenure, political accountability and the context-specific interactions of forest users before blueprint technical solutions that involve biophysical measurement of trees to estimate forest carbon densities.

在早期的 REDD + 文献中，森林经济学家和治理学者对基于绩效的全球森林碳减排机制的潜在再集中效应存在分歧。经济学家认为，尽管存在制度上的挑战，但有条件地支付可衡量的森林保护费用将激励可持续森林管理。批评者认为这一假设过于理性。坦桑尼亚参与式森林管理的支持者认为，REDD + 资金被浪费在从头开始创建新的试点项目上，而不是推广现有的林业计划。本文通过对一个失败的 REDD + 试验项目点的租金和问责关系进行深入的人种学案例研究，展示了跨地方治理安排的复杂性。分散的参与者为争夺不同的利益、重叠的权力范围和保有权制度而竞争。本报告从经验角度探讨了在土地保有权不明确的情况下，项目的实施如何加剧了边界冲突和不安全，并追溯了向上的问责关系，包括对当选村领导的污名化、地区当局推翻村民大会会议上做出的决定、使用 "挑选论坛 "的策略以及通过选区委员会唤起规模政治。这突出表明，未来的森林政策需要优先考虑土地保有权、政治问责以及森林使用者之间因地制宜的互动关系等问题，然后再制定技术解决方案蓝图，通过对树木进行生物物理测量来估算森林碳密度。

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引用次数: 0

Assembling governance in São Paulo's "Cracolândia" 在圣保罗的 "Cracolândia "组建治理机构

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103225

Matthew A. Richmond , Giordano Magri

This article explores current governance arrangements in “Cracolândia” (“Crackland”), a heterogeneous area in central São Paulo where large numbers of crack cocaine users occupy public spaces. The territory has long been subject to public interventions in the fields of security, social assistance, health and housing, but is also shaped by the activities of an array of nonstate governance actors, including community associations, NGOs, and organised crime. We present four ethnographic case studies of women who vary markedly in terms of their social characteristics, living conditions, and relationships to the territory to explore the diverse ways that they define and seek to address governance problems. We find that each uses the resources and relationships available to them to individually “assemble governance”, by developing problem-solving strategies and interacting with different combinations of state and nonstate actors. However, these contrasting cases also shed light on broader governance arrangements. They reveal how, even in the context of normative ruptures and everyday tensions, a range of situated and provisional mechanisms of mutual accommodation partially integrate distinct governance actors into a broader territorial governance assemblage.

本文探讨了 "Cracolândia"（"Crackland"）目前的治理安排，这是圣保罗中部的一个异质地区，大量快克可卡因使用者占据了该地区的公共空间。该地区长期以来一直受到安全、社会援助、卫生和住房等领域的公共干预，但同时也受到一系列非国家治理参与者（包括社区协会、非政府组织和有组织犯罪）活动的影响。我们对四位妇女进行了人种学案例研究，她们的社会特征、生活条件以及与领土的关系都有明显的不同，从而探讨了她们定义和寻求解决治理问题的不同方式。我们发现，她们各自利用现有的资源和关系，通过制定解决问题的策略以及与国家和非国家行为者的不同组合进行互动，来 "组合治理"。然而，这些对比鲜明的案例也揭示了更广泛的治理安排。它们揭示了即使在规范性破裂和日常紧张关系的背景下，一系列情景化和临时性的互谅互让机制是如何将不同的治理行为者部分地纳入更广泛的领土治理组合中的。

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引用次数: 0

Negotiating (under)development? Expanding bargaining power within globalised production networks 协商（欠）发展？在全球化生产网络中扩大议价能力

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103233

Martín Arias-Loyola

Global production networks keep expanding and being contested through different multi-actor power imbued processes. When actors (firms, states, collectives) engage in negotiations, they exert bargaining power to reach their strategic objectives. This ultimately shapes uneven developmental outcomes, something long acknowledged by the Global Production Network (GPN) framework and other cognate approaches. However, bargaining power remains relatively underexplored, which is why this article builds upon the existing literature on GPN and Global Value Chains (GVC) to further deepen its conceptualization.

By incorporating conceptual elements from the Power Debate, Bargaining Models and expanding recent contributions within the GPN and GVC literatures, the article proposes the conceptual definition of bargaining power (BP) as actors' deliberate, experimental and repeated mobilization of their strategic resources through different modes, in particular sets of relational dynamic spaces named bargains, to achieve their strategic goals while facing internal and external constraints. Likewise, BP can operate through different dimensions of the social realm, which is why three ideal types are defined: episodic, making other actors do something they would not have done otherwise; non-decisional, limiting the scope of decisions made by controlling the political agenda; and ideological, changing actors’ perceptions so they consider the current bargaining structures and outcomes to be natural. Thus, the article provides a broader conceptual way to empirically assess how exertion of BP, through different modes and dimensions, dynamically influence uneven developmental outcomes.

全球生产网络不断扩大，并通过不同的多行为体权力注入过程而受到争夺。当行为体（企业、国家、集体）参与谈判时，他们会发挥讨价还价的能力，以实现其战略目标。全球生产网络（GPN）框架和其他同类方法早已认识到这一点。然而，对议价能力的探讨仍相对不足，这也是本文以全球生产网络和全球价值链（GVC）的现有文献为基础，进一步深化其概念化的原因所在。通过融入 "权力辩论"（Power Debate）、"讨价还价模式"（Bargaining Models）的概念元素，并扩展全球价值链和全球网络文献中的最新贡献，本文提出了讨价还价能力（Bargaining Power，BP）的概念定义，即行为体在面临内部和外部约束时，通过不同模式，特别是一组名为 "讨价还价 "的关系动态空间，有意识地、试验性地、反复地调动其战略资源，以实现其战略目标。同样，商业计划可以通过社会领域的不同维度来运作，这也是界定三种理想类型的原因：偶发型，让其他行为者做一些他们本来不会做的事；非决策型，通过控制政治议程来限制决策范围；意识形态型，改变行为者的观念，让他们认为当前的谈判结构和结果是理所当然的。因此，这篇文章提供了一种更广泛的概念方法，以实证方式评估如何通过不同的模式和维度施加 BP，动态地影响不均衡的发展结果。

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引用次数: 0

“There, seated upon the toilet, apparently in the midst of defecation, was the president of the United States”: Toilets and elite politics in the USA and UK "美国总统坐在马桶上，显然正在排便"：美国和英国的厕所与精英政治

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-24 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103228

Marijn Nieuwenhuis, Colin Mcfarlane

What can we learn about elite politics from the humble toilet? How do the relations between toilets, bodies, and waste materially and discursively reveal, and become enrolled within, the summits of state political power? While there has been a growth in research on the political geographies of the body, including work on toilets, and a long history of research on elite politics, the two intellectual concerns and debates have not been brought together. Yet the toilet and the bathroom, in both their material and discursive reproduction, provide intriguing insights into the seemingly sanitised, even disembodied domain of elite politics. We explore the space, use, and meaning of the toilet in two powerful contexts: the White House in the United States, and Downing Street in the United Kingdom. Shaped by differences in cultural and political context, we study the ways in which toilets feature in the working of elite power, and how that connects to gender, sexuality, race, nakedness, humour, and space in the (re)making of the political. By making the toilet an object of study we aim to shed light on this often forgotten and silenced, yet inevitable geography of elite politics.

我们能从简陋的厕所中了解到什么是精英政治？厕所、身体和废物之间的关系是如何从物质和话语上揭示并融入国家政治权力的顶峰的？虽然包括厕所在内的身体政治地理学研究不断发展，而精英政治学的研究也由来已久，但这两种知识界关注的问题和争论并没有结合在一起。然而，厕所和浴室在其物质和话语再现方面，为精英政治这一看似洁净、甚至无实体的领域提供了耐人寻味的见解。我们将在美国白宫和英国唐宁街这两个强大的环境中探索厕所的空间、用途和意义。在文化和政治背景差异的影响下，我们研究了厕所在精英权力运作中的特点，以及在（重新）创造政治的过程中，厕所与性别、性、种族、裸体、幽默和空间之间的联系。通过将厕所作为研究对象，我们旨在揭示这一经常被遗忘和沉默，但又不可避免的精英政治地域。

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引用次数: 0

Beyond anti-urban sentiment: Rural consciousness and affect toward undocumented immigrants 超越反城市情绪：农村对无证移民的意识和情感

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103231

Kristin Lunz Trujillo

Stricter immigration attitudes are associated with rurality. I argue that rural consciousness can help explain this tendency; those Americans higher in rural consciousness should theoretically see undocumented immigrants as a lower-status out-group unduly favored by decision-makers. Using ANES data, I find that colder feelings toward undocumented/illegal immigrants and harsher immigration policy attitudes significantly and positively associate with rural consciousness for rural/small-town residents. This is not moderated by partisanship or racial resentment, though the effect is stronger for non-whites. Further, exposure to an experimental treatment article sympathizing with rural way of life being disrespected – i.e., highlighting rural people being disrespected, which is an element of rural consciousness– results in significantly warmer feelings toward undocumented immigrants for rural/small-town respondents compared to those in the control condition. Conversely, exposure to an article about racial demographic changes in rural areas, or to a lagging rural economic recovery article, did not consistently or significantly affect the outcome variable. This study both confirms links between rural resentment or consciousness in similar contexts, while providing evidence that such a relationship is driven by feelings of in-group disrespect over economic or racial/ethnic threat.

更严格的移民态度与乡村性相关。我认为，乡村意识有助于解释这种倾向；理论上，那些乡村意识较强的美国人应将无证移民视为地位较低的外来群体，受到决策者的不当青睐。通过使用 ANES 数据，我发现对于农村/小城镇居民来说，对无证/非法移民的冷淡态度和对移民政策的苛刻态度与乡村意识有显著的正相关。这并不受党派或种族怨恨的调节，尽管对非白人的影响更大。此外，与对照组相比，接触一篇同情农村生活方式不受尊重的实验性文章（即强调农村人不受尊重，这也是农村意识的一个要素），会使农村/小城镇受访者对无证移民的感情显著升温。相反，接触一篇关于农村地区种族人口变化的文章或一篇滞后的农村经济复苏文章，并没有持续或显著地影响结果变量。这项研究既证实了类似情况下农村人的怨恨或意识之间的联系，同时也提供了证据，证明这种关系是由群体内不尊重经济或种族/民族威胁的情绪所驱动的。

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引用次数: 0

Making sense of clandestine graves: Material epistemology and the political geography of uncertain knowledge 地下坟墓的意义：物质认识论与不确定知识的政治地理学

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103223

Graham Denyer Willis , Angélica Durán-Martínez

How might we begin to establish meaning, understanding and justice out of something that is meant not to be found? In this article, we approach the growing problem of clandestine graves to ask what can be read from them, including why they matter, why they are found, and how they are becoming an intractable part of life for millions of citizens. Departing from the clandestine graves of São Paulo and Mexico, we argue that these material spaces are produced by ambiguous governance structures, and in turn reproduce them in ways that are unevenly knowable. The characteristics of these spaces that are otherwise shrouded in suspicion and deliberate efforts to make them unknowable reveal patterns and practices of political order while simultaneously creating certainty and fear about the governance they perpetuate. In taking the mass grave as an epistemology, we seek to establish identifiable tenents and patterns for further research and action while recognizing the challenges in asserting a knowledge claim about material spaces that are so intentionally, but unevenly, unknowable.

我们如何开始从那些注定不会被发现的东西中确立意义、理解和正义？在这篇文章中，我们将探讨日益严重的秘密坟墓问题，询问从这些坟墓中可以读出什么，包括它们为什么重要、为什么会被发现，以及它们如何成为数百万公民生活中难以解决的一部分。从圣保罗和墨西哥的地下墓穴出发，我们认为这些物质空间是由模棱两可的治理结构产生的，反过来又以不均衡的可知方式再现了治理结构。这些空间的特征本来是笼罩在怀疑和刻意使其不为人所知的努力中的，但它们揭示了政治秩序的模式和实践，同时又为它们所延续的治理创造了确定性和恐惧感。在将万人冢作为一种认识论的过程中，我们试图为进一步的研究和行动建立可识别的原则和模式，同时也认识到对有意但不均衡地不可知的物质空间提出知识主张所面临的挑战。

引用次数: 0

Semiotic ideology and mutable sense of place: Chinese ecological urban renewal through the lens of advertising codes 符号学意识形态和可变的地方感：从广告代码透视中国生态城市更新

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103232

Michela Bonato

This paper analyses the structural shift of land management and landscape symbolization in urban Chongqing within the political framework of Chinese ecological civilization. It follows the entanglements of Chongqing's public service advertising (PSA) and upscale real estate commercial advertisement and their relationship with the local land renewal process in the 2010s. Based on multimodal discourse analysis, the semiotic deconstruction of visual-ideological allegories highlights institutional tactics aimed at modifying the sense of place perceived through the reconstruction of individual and social identities integrated into a highly politicized and commodified urban landscape. The paper reflects on the epistemological production of spatial knowledge through the instrumental use of representational resources and their historical-mythical code modalities. It also sheds light on how PSA and commercial advertisement may enforce familiar state-driven narratives in authoritarian regimes, questioning diachronic perceptions of nature and dwelling habits in a partially atomized post-socialist society. In so doing, the paper enriches the discussion on the urban ecology-selective (green) gentrification nexus, offering a contextualized perspective of ideological power on environmental protection conveyed through media content technology.

本文在中国生态文明的政治框架下，分析了重庆城市土地管理和景观符号化的结构性转变。本文关注 2010 年代重庆公益广告与高档房地产商业广告的纠葛及其与当地土地更新进程的关系。在多模态话语分析的基础上，对视觉意识形态寓言的符号学解构凸显了旨在通过重建融入高度政治化和商品化的城市景观中的个人和社会身份来改变地方感知的制度策略。本文通过对表象资源及其历史神话代码模式的工具性使用，对空间知识的认识论生产进行了反思。它还揭示了公益广告和商业广告如何在专制政权中执行人们熟悉的国家驱动的叙事，质疑在部分原子化的后社会主义社会中对自然和居住习惯的非同步认知。因此，本文丰富了关于城市生态-选择性（绿色）城市化关系的讨论，为通过媒体内容技术传达环境保护的意识形态力量提供了一个背景视角。

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引用次数: 0

The world-making power of borders: Asia-Pacific perspectives 边界创造世界的力量：亚太视角

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103229

Ari Jerrems, Umut Ozguc, Christine Agius, Samid Suliman

引用次数: 0

Al Aqsa flood in long histories of Palestinian resistance 阿克萨洪水淹没了巴勒斯坦漫长的抵抗史

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103215

Rhys Machold, Nicole Printy Currie

引用次数: 0

Agua-cuerpo-territorio/Water-body-territory 水体领地/水体领地

IF 4.7 1区社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY

Political Geography

Pub Date : 2024-10-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103230

Sofia Zaragocin

This paper applies cuerpo-territorio (body-territory) to aquatic space through the bilingual concept of agua-cuerpo-territorio/water-body-territory. Based on a 2018 article that I wrote in Spanish and titled “Espacios acuáticos desde una descolonialidad hemisférica feminista” [Aquatic space from a decolonial and feminist hemispheric perspective], I will further develop the concept of water-body-territory that brings together literature on cuerpo-territorio (body-territory) and agua-territorio (water-territory) resulting in a bilingual term agua-cuerpo-territorio/water-body-territory. This implies that I will translate parts of the mentioned article from Spanish to English while situating it within hemispheric debates on the individual and collective body autonomy in aquatic space. Agua-cuerpo-territorio/water-body-territory will further the conceptual discussions that cuerpo-territorio has garnered across the Americas in feminist academic and activist settings on embodiment and decolonial feminist geography methodologies, in particular the relationship between water and the embodiment of collective death. Moreover, as I will make the case in this paper, this translation process is a praxis of decolonial feminist geopolitics that can engage with debates on collective bodily autonomy for the Americas.

本文通过agua-cuerpo-territorio/water-body-territory这一双语概念，将cuerpo-territorio（身体-领地）应用于水生空间。基于我 2018 年用西班牙语撰写的一篇文章，标题为 "Espacios acuáticos desde una descolonialidad hemisférica feminista"[从非殖民化和女权主义半球视角看水生空间]、我将进一步发展 "水--身体--领地 "这一概念，将有关 "身体--领地"（cuerpo-territorio）和 "水--领地"（agua-territorio）的文献结合起来，形成一个双语术语 "水--身体--领地"（agua-cuerpo-territorio/water-body-territory）。这意味着，我将把上述文章的部分内容从西班牙语翻译成英语，同时将其置于半球关于水域空间中个人和集体身体自主性的辩论之中。Agua-cuerpo-territorio/water-body-territory 将进一步推进 cuerpo-territorio 在美洲女权主义学术界和活动家中引起的关于体现和非殖民地女权主义地理学方法论的概念讨论，特别是水与集体死亡的体现之间的关系。此外，正如我将在本文中论述的那样，这一翻译过程是非殖民化女权主义地缘政治学的一种实践，可以参与有关美洲集体身体自治的辩论。

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