Political Geography最新文献

This paper explores what it means to hope under, within, and through everyday modes of affective hostile governance. Taking the empirical landscape of everyday digital life within the UK's asylum system, this paper outlines how smartphone practices are entangled with an everyday politics of hope. Holding the tension between hostility and hope, I centre an array of taken-for-granted everyday digital practices that have become central to hope production, circulation, and maintenance within periods of waiting for asylum seekers: from online gaming and lock screen photo choices to the creation of WhatsApp group chats. In the context of banal digital practices, I argue that what hope enables — defined as alternative attachments to life otherwise (materially, spatial-temporally, imaginatively) — is a form of agency that cannot simply be dismissed as cruel or futile within the broader context of systems that harm, injure, and erode. Instead, I highlight how the ability of hope to emerge alongside hostility in the UK's asylum system challenges us to reconceptualise everyday forms of digitally-mediated agency and power.

What explains diaspora support for populist presidential candidates? Existing findings suggest most diaspora voters are less likely to support populist candidates. However, there are notable exceptions among Latin American diasporas. We posit educated diasporas will be less likely to support populist candidates and political socialization in destination countries with successful populists will increase support for populist candidates in origin-country elections. We use origin-country candidate-level election data from 13 Latin American diasporas residing in the United States to test these claims. Our data covers 172 candidates from 45 first-round presidential elections. We connect this voting data to time-variant demographic data from the American Community Survey (ACS) for US respondents born in our thirteen Latin American countries of interest. Our results complicate existing findings as only some diasporas have less support for populist candidates than domestic voters, while others have relatively more support. We find weak origin-country state capacity, manifested by non-reporting of consulate-level election results, explains this variation. Diasporas from weaker states leave earlier in life and are more politically socialized in the destination country, yet likely vote for populists out of a desire to restore order in their country of birth.

Indigenous life in India is defined by development. Indigenous peoples in India are categorized as Scheduled Tribes, a constitutional category defined by a presumed backwardness, remoteness, and need for improvement. Indigenous life and community well-being is tracked via development measures and initiatives where development is seen as both a requirement for and vehicle of peace and stability. In this article, we propose Naga pedagogies of love as Indigenous modes of accounting for relations and narrating community wellbeing. We consider Naga storytelling about rice as an embodied Indigenous pedagogy of love that enacts Indigenous futurity in the here and now. Building on theorizations of Indigenous epistemologies, we demonstrate how dominant modes of development and scaling-up are unable to account for Indigenous ways of knowing and being. Instead, we explore forms of reciprocity and sociality that are embedded in Indigenous community and allow us to claim past and future as Indigenous features that are outside the economic domain of expansion.

In the past two decades, the 'diaspora turn' in research and policy has led to the development of several typologies of diaspora policies around the world. This study explores and extends Francesco Ragazzi's established 2014 global typology of diaspora policies. We use in-depth qualitative analysis of Czech diaspora policies to assess the internal validity of the typology and identify new dimensions that are central to our understanding of diaspora politics. We then replicate Ragazzi's quantitative analysis with the inclusion of new data on the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Hungary, Croatia and Poland, assessing the typology's external validity. We find a new cluster of diaspora policy types, characterized by a “cautiously proactive” mix of diaspora policy mechanisms based on relatively generous cultural and citizenship policies, variably accentuated symbolic policies and limited social and economic policies. We suggest that this mix has been structured by the tension between the countries' commitment to a (neo) liberal emigration regime and the continued importance of ethno-cultural conceptions of nationhood. In addition, we identify three new variables that should be included in future typologies: 1) the volume and distribution of funding for diaspora policy; 2) the symbolic recognition of diaspora in the legal system; 3) policy differentiation among different kinds of diaspora. Our mixed-method approach illustrates the importance of using nuanced qualitative data to provide a meaningful depiction of policy.

In this paper, I draw on feminist narrative analysis to reconsider the exceptional character of agriculture under the law and its embodied consequences for contemporary agricultural guestworkers in Georgia, USA. Through engaged participant observation alongside farmworker advocates and archival research of legal texts, I consider the interplay between the law and everyday narratives in (re)constructing the racialized agricultural labor system. I interrogate a century of immigration laws, labor laws, and foreign labor schemes and examine how systems of selective inclusion play out on the ground. My analysis is informed by a theoretical framework that asserts that the US racial capitalist state developed in tandem with conceptions linking territory, whiteness, and the virtues of agriculture. Merging literatures on racial capitalism and the racial state, political geographies of immigration, and agricultural exceptionalism, this paper advances an understanding of the importance of interrogating the farm labor system to illuminate key mechanisms of exclusion characteristic of the US racial capitalist state. I argue that the state's construction of “disposable” farmworkers exposes the extent to which the racial capitalist state acts to discipline labor and uphold racialized hierarchies of “American” identity.

Recent literature on the geography and political economy of humanitarian migration governance has highlighted the diverse circuits of economic value being forged through ‘refugee crises’ across the world. However, there is a noticeable gap in the examination of what kind of labour relations sustain these new economic circuits. Additionally, there is limited analysis of how humanitarian labour practices intersect with existing geographies of labour precarity in regions where refugee aid operations are conducted. This article aims to address these gaps by exploring the dominant labour relations within the changing landscape of private and public service providers in Greece following the 2015–16 European ‘refugee crisis.’ The article argues that the growth of the refugee aid sector in Greece both capitalised on and exacerbated ongoing processes of labour market deregulation and public sector contraction. The burgeoning aid sector operated as a surrogate welfare state, relying on devalued local labour to address the basic social reproduction needs of global ‘surplus populations’. Extending discussions on the political economy of migration industries beyond profit-making to account for their role in transforming the welfare state and labour relations in spaces of accentuated capitalist crisis, the article demonstrates how the emergency temporalities of aid funding, the rise of public sector managerialism, and employment protection liberalisation impact migrant-facing services, effectively serving as both anti-labour and anti-immigration policy. Furthermore, it illustrates how politically induced migrant ruination is used as a lever to intensify and moralise humanitarian labour in a feedback loop detrimental to both working-class locals and migrants.