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Do women commemorate women? How gender and ideology affect decisions on naming female streets 女人会纪念女人吗?性别和意识形态如何影响女性街道的命名
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-12-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103244
Víctor Caballero-Cordero , Demetrio Carmona-Derqui , Daniel Oto-Peralías
Street names are not neutral identifiers to navigate through cities but are charged with strong symbolic connotations and reflect power relations within society. A growing body of geographic scholarship documents a strong gender bias in the urban namespace, where women only represent a small fraction of streets named after people. This article investigates whether the lack of women in political decision-making roles contributes to explaining their marginalization in urban toponyms. More specifically, we study the impact of the gender and ideology of town mayors on their decisions to commemorate women in the street map. Focusing on the universe of Spanish towns during the period 2001–2023, we find through fixed effects panel data models and regression discontinuity design that the mayor's gender does not affect the percentage of female-named streets, while the ideology of the governing party does. Our findings thus indicate that it is ideology rather than gender what shapes politicians' preferences regarding the commemoration of women in the street map. We argue that this is because, on the one hand, strong political parties can impose their agenda on local leaders, making irrelevant differences in their gender and, on the other, the ideological cleavage is more relevant than the gender one to account for differences in attitudes towards symbolic gender policies. A natural implication of our results is that simply having more female politicians will hardly suffice to address the gender gap in street names and in other symbolically charged policies.
街道名称不是在城市中穿行的中性标识,而是具有强烈的象征意义,反映了社会内部的权力关系。越来越多的地理研究证明,在城市命名空间中存在着强烈的性别偏见,在以人名命名的街道中,女性只占一小部分。本文探讨了女性在政治决策角色中的缺乏是否有助于解释她们在城市地名中的边缘化。更具体地说,我们研究了市长的性别和意识形态对他们在街道地图上纪念女性的决定的影响。以2001-2023年的西班牙城镇为研究对象,通过固定效应面板数据模型和回归不连续设计,我们发现市长的性别对女性命名街道的比例没有影响,而执政党的意识形态对女性命名街道的比例有影响。因此,我们的研究结果表明,是意识形态而不是性别决定了政客们对在街道地图上纪念女性的偏好。我们认为,这是因为,一方面,强大的政党可以将其议程强加给地方领导人,使其性别产生无关的差异,另一方面,意识形态分裂比性别分裂更能解释对象征性性别政策的态度差异。我们的研究结果的一个自然含义是,仅仅有更多的女性政治家,很难解决街道名称和其他具有象征意义的政策中的性别差距。
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引用次数: 0
Uneven development and the anti-politics machine: Algorithmic violence and market-based neighborhood rankings 不平衡的发展和反政治机器:算法暴力和基于市场的社区排名
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-11-29 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103247
Dillon Mahmoudi, Dena Aufseeser, Alicia Sabatino
This paper investigates the role of supposedly objective algorithms in producing uneven urban spaces through market-based neighborhood rankings. Focusing on the Market Value Analysis (MVA), we argue that municipal governments' failure to explicitly account for the racialized and class-based production of urban space in ranking algorithms hinders their capacity to foster equitable and vibrant neighborhoods. Instead, these algorithms deepen existing inequalities and reinforce market-based approaches to neighborhood typologies and spatial organization, effectively serving as tools for capital accumulation. Through a comparative analysis of the Market Value Analysis (MVA) and historical Home Owners' Loan Corporation (HOLC) maps across 10 cities, we illustrate how the MVA preserves wealth while simultaneously producing poverty in certain areas to benefit affluent landowners. We argue that the MVA typology, presented under the guise of technological objectivity, functions as part of an anti-politics machine that depoliticizes and institutionalizes race- and class-based housing segregation. By positioning city residents as "customers" and aligning government spending with market-driven priorities, the MVA algorithm places profit motives above the immediate needs of vulnerable communities. Consequently, it perpetuates and amplifies existing disparities in urban geographies, reinforcing racial capitalism through ostensibly "objective" market-based approaches to public policy. Toward realizing a more equitable and just future, our findings challenge claims of the objectivity of technical planning products and instead elucidate the role algorithms can play in the differential valuation of urban territory.
本文通过基于市场的邻里排名,研究了所谓的客观算法在产生不均匀城市空间中的作用。关注市场价值分析(MVA),我们认为市政府未能在排名算法中明确考虑城市空间的种族化和阶级化,这阻碍了他们培养公平和充满活力的社区的能力。相反,这些算法加深了现有的不平等,强化了以市场为基础的邻里类型和空间组织方法,有效地成为资本积累的工具。通过对10个城市的市场价值分析(MVA)和历史房主贷款公司(HOLC)地图的比较分析,我们说明了MVA如何在保留财富的同时,在某些地区产生贫困,从而使富裕的土地所有者受益。我们认为,在技术客观性的幌子下,MVA类型学作为反政治机器的一部分发挥作用,使基于种族和阶级的住房隔离非政治化和制度化。通过将城市居民定位为“消费者”,并将政府支出与市场驱动的优先事项结合起来,MVA算法将利润动机置于弱势社区的直接需求之上。因此,它延续和扩大了城市地理上现有的差距,通过表面上“客观”的以市场为基础的公共政策方法加强了种族资本主义。为了实现一个更加公平和公正的未来,我们的研究结果挑战了技术规划产品的客观性,而是阐明了算法在城市领土的差异评估中可以发挥的作用。
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引用次数: 0
Towards hydrosocial autonomy within modernity. A long-term analysis (1850–1980) of socio-material fracturing of flood protection infrastructures in an Alpine valley 在现代性中实现水文社会自治。对阿尔卑斯山谷防洪基础设施社会物质断裂的长期分析(1850-1980 年
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-11-26 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103249
Antoine Brochet , Jean-Dominique Creutin , Aida Arik , Yvan Renou
This paper retraces the history of flood risk infrastructure projects (1850–1980) in the Grésivaudan Valley, located immediately upstream of Grenoble (France). It analyses the persistent gap between the modernist paradigm embedded in flood protection projects and the concrete hydraulic infrastructure built along the river and at confluences, questioning their unexpected effects. In this article, we demonstrate that in spite of their apparent fixity, flood protection infrastructures are constantly reshaped within hydrosocial territories. To support this argument, we analyse socio-material fracturing arising from the implementation of flood infrastructure projects. Four autonomisation processes that produce these socio-material fractures are studied: a) a competition between imaginaries at stake; b) a situation of legal pluralism denied by the State; c) an agency of sediments; and d) a conflict between the everyday practices of beneficiaries and planned practices. By reconstructing these processes, we open the black box of the hydrosocial construction and materialisation of hydraulic infrastructure, and contribute to the development of the concept of socio-material fractures.
本文追溯了紧邻格勒诺布尔(法国)上游的格勒西瓦当河谷洪水风险基础设施项目(1850-1980 年)的历史。文章分析了防洪工程中蕴含的现代主义范式与沿河及汇流处修建的混凝土水利基础设施之间持续存在的差距,并对其意想不到的效果提出了质疑。在这篇文章中,我们证明,尽管防洪基础设施表面上固定不变,但它们在水文社会区域内不断被重塑。为了支持这一论点,我们分析了洪水基础设施项目实施过程中产生的社会物质断裂。我们研究了产生这些社会物质断裂的四个自主化过程:a) 利益想象之间的竞争;b) 国家否认法律多元化的情况;c) 沉积物机构;d) 受益人的日常实践与计划实践之间的冲突。通过重构这些过程,我们打开了水利社会建设和水利基础设施物质化的黑匣子,并为社会物质断裂概念的发展做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Volatile campaigns? The effects of shocks on campaign effectiveness in British general elections 竞选活动动荡不定?英国大选中冲击对竞选有效性的影响
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-11-23 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103245
Charles Pattie , David Cutts
Some political events, such as the referendum on the UK's continued membership of the EU in 2016, have the potential to alter substantially the electoral landscape, changing long-standing patterns of party alignment and support. Recent work suggests they also have the capacity to influence where and how much parties' local campaign efforts might affect their support. Analysis of the fallout from the UK's Brexit referendum suggests that after the vote, pro-Brexit parties' campaigns yielded greater rewards the lower the local support for Brexit, while pro-Brexit parties' campaigns became more effective where support for Brexit was higher. In this paper, we subject that claim to further scrutiny. Firstly, we employ alternative measures of campaign intensity with greater coverage of cases to assess whether the findings hold. Secondly, we broaden our understanding by looking at the campaigns of a wider range of parties than in the previous research. Thirdly, we extend the analysis to examine another political shock with major electoral consequences, the 2014 referendum on Scottish independence. Our results broadly confirm previous research findings, but we also uncover some important variations and differences. Parties do not campaign in a vacuum: no matter how professional their operations, the climate of national and local opinion affects their capacity to gain a hearing.
一些政治事件,如 2016 年关于英国是否继续作为欧盟成员国的公投,有可能极大地改变选举格局,改变长期以来政党结盟和支持的模式。最近的研究表明,这些事件也有能力影响政党在当地的竞选活动在多大程度上影响其支持率。对英国脱欧公投余波的分析表明,投票结束后,支持脱欧的政党在当地脱欧支持率越低的地方开展的竞选活动收获越大,而支持脱欧的政党在脱欧支持率较高的地方开展的竞选活动则更加有效。在本文中,我们将对这一说法进行进一步研究。首先,我们采用了其他衡量竞选活动强度的方法,并扩大了案例的覆盖范围,以评估研究结果是否成立。其次,与之前的研究相比,我们对更多政党的竞选活动进行了研究,从而拓宽了我们的认识。第三,我们扩展了分析范围,考察了另一个具有重大选举后果的政治冲击,即 2014 年苏格兰独立公投。我们的结果大体上证实了之前的研究成果,但也发现了一些重要的变化和差异。政党并非在真空中开展竞选活动:无论其运作多么专业,全国和地方的舆论氛围都会影响其获得听证的能力。
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引用次数: 0
The spatial dimension of political dissent – Centre-periphery dynamics in Sweden 政治异议的空间维度--瑞典的中心-边缘动态
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-11-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103248
David Karlsson , Louise Skoog
This article introduces the concept of centre-periphery dynamics, emphasising the multifaceted distribution of political power and resources between central and peripheral areas within a polity. The study examines how these dynamics influence party-political dissent in Swedish local governments. Drawing on data from a comprehensive survey of councillors across Sweden's 290 municipalities, it analyses whether political dissent vary across policy areas such as taxation, refugee reception, and public service locations. The findings indicate that while centre-periphery dynamics does not influence conflict levels in most areas, they significantly affect dissent regarding location of public services. Conflicts are more likely to escalate in municipalities with a larger portion of the population residing outside the administrative centre and spread across a wider area. These results suggest that centre-periphery dynamics play a crucial role in shaping party dissent, particularly on issues relevant to territorial politics, and that the level of dissent primarily depends on the capacity of disadvantaged groups to mobilise and advocate for their interests.
本文引入了 "中心-外围动态 "的概念,强调了一个政体中中心地区和外围地区之间政治权力和资源的多方面分配。本研究探讨了这些动态如何影响瑞典地方政府中的党派政治异议。研究利用对瑞典 290 个市镇的议员进行的全面调查数据,分析了政治异议在税收、难民接收和公共服务地点等政策领域是否存在差异。研究结果表明,虽然中心-外围动态并不影响大多数领域的冲突水平,但却对有关公共服务地点的异议产生重大影响。在有更多人口居住在行政中心以外、分布在更广区域的城市,冲突更有可能升级。这些结果表明,中心-边缘动态在形成党派异议方面发挥着至关重要的作用,尤其是在与领土政治相关的问题上,而异议的程度主要取决于弱势群体动员和倡导自身利益的能力。
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引用次数: 0
Political neglect and support for the radical right: The case of rural Portugal 政治忽视与激进右翼的支持:葡萄牙农村地区的案例
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-11-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103224
Pedro C. Magalhães , João Cancela
Why are rural voters more likely to support radical right parties? This paper examines the mechanisms behind the relationship between living in a rural area and supporting the Portuguese radical-right party Chega. Portugal's radical right is an interesting case study, not only because of its belated but very fast electoral growth but also because Portugal represents an unusual case of economic convergence between urban and rural areas in the last decade, challenging one of the traditional explanations for rural populism — economic grievances. Using data from exit polls from the 2022 and 2024 elections, we start by showing that voters living in a rural area are characterized by disproportionally high levels of support for Chega. Then, using a 2023 face-to-face national survey, we use parallel mediation models to test different mechanisms that relate rurality with the vote for the radical right. We find no evidence that cultural and economic factors play a relevant role in the relationship between rurality and the radical right vote in Portugal. Instead, rural residents are more likely to perceive the areas where they live as politically neglected, and it is this perception that feeds, in turn, into support for the radical right. Political neglect emerges as the key mediating factor, shedding light on the dynamics of radical right-wing populism in rural regions.
为什么农村选民更倾向于支持激进右翼政党?本文探讨了居住在农村地区与支持葡萄牙激进右翼政党切加之间的关系。葡萄牙的激进右翼政党是一个有趣的案例研究,这不仅是因为它在选举中姗姗来迟但发展非常迅速,还因为葡萄牙是过去十年中城乡经济趋同的一个不寻常案例,这对农村民粹主义的一个传统解释--经济不满--提出了挑战。利用 2022 年和 2024 年选举的出口民调数据,我们首先表明,生活在农村地区的选民对切加的支持率高得不成比例。然后,利用 2023 年面对面的全国调查,我们使用平行中介模型来检验农村地区与激进右翼投票之间的不同关联机制。我们没有发现任何证据表明,文化和经济因素在葡萄牙农村与激进右翼投票之间的关系中发挥了相关作用。相反,农村居民更有可能认为他们所居住的地区在政治上被忽视,而正是这种看法反过来促成了对激进右翼的支持。政治忽视是关键的中介因素,它揭示了激进右翼民粹主义在农村地区的发展动态。
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引用次数: 0
Fragmenting forest governance: Land tenure and the REDD+ paradox in Kigoma pilot project, Tanzania 支离破碎的森林治理:坦桑尼亚基戈马试点项目中的土地保有权和 REDD+ 悖论
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-11-15 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103234
Emma Jane Lord
Forest economists and governance scholars disagreed in early REDD + literature over the potentially recentralizing effects of the performance-based global forest carbon mitigation mechanism. Economists argued conditional payments for measurable forest protection would incentivize sustainable forest management, despite institutional challenges. Critics viewed this assumption as too rationalistic. Proponents of participatory forest management in Tanzania argued REDD + funding was wasted creating new pilot projects from scratch, instead of upscaling existing forestry programmes. This article uses an in-depth ethnographic case study of rent and accountability relations in a failed REDD + test pilot project site, showing the complexity of trans-local governance arrangements. Fragmented actors compete over diverse interests, overlapping spheres of authority and tenure regimes. Empirically, it examines how project implementation with unclear land tenure exacerbated boundary conflict and insecurity, tracing upwards accountability relations including stigmatizing elected village leaders, overriding of decisions made within a village assembly meeting by district level authorities, using strategies of forum shopping and evoking the politics of scale via ward councils. This highlights the need for future forest policies to prioritize questions of land tenure, political accountability and the context-specific interactions of forest users before blueprint technical solutions that involve biophysical measurement of trees to estimate forest carbon densities.
在早期的 REDD + 文献中,森林经济学家和治理学者对基于绩效的全球森林碳减排机制的潜在再集中效应存在分歧。经济学家认为,尽管存在制度上的挑战,但有条件地支付可衡量的森林保护费用将激励可持续森林管理。批评者认为这一假设过于理性。坦桑尼亚参与式森林管理的支持者认为,REDD + 资金被浪费在从头开始创建新的试点项目上,而不是推广现有的林业计划。本文通过对一个失败的 REDD + 试验项目点的租金和问责关系进行深入的人种学案例研究,展示了跨地方治理安排的复杂性。分散的参与者为争夺不同的利益、重叠的权力范围和保有权制度而竞争。本报告从经验角度探讨了在土地保有权不明确的情况下,项目的实施如何加剧了边界冲突和不安全,并追溯了向上的问责关系,包括对当选村领导的污名化、地区当局推翻村民大会会议上做出的决定、使用 "挑选论坛 "的策略以及通过选区委员会唤起规模政治。这突出表明,未来的森林政策需要优先考虑土地保有权、政治问责以及森林使用者之间因地制宜的互动关系等问题,然后再制定技术解决方案蓝图,通过对树木进行生物物理测量来估算森林碳密度。
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引用次数: 0
Assembling governance in São Paulo's "Cracolândia" 在圣保罗的 "Cracolândia "组建治理机构
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-11-08 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103225
Matthew A. Richmond , Giordano Magri
This article explores current governance arrangements in “Cracolândia” (“Crackland”), a heterogeneous area in central São Paulo where large numbers of crack cocaine users occupy public spaces. The territory has long been subject to public interventions in the fields of security, social assistance, health and housing, but is also shaped by the activities of an array of nonstate governance actors, including community associations, NGOs, and organised crime. We present four ethnographic case studies of women who vary markedly in terms of their social characteristics, living conditions, and relationships to the territory to explore the diverse ways that they define and seek to address governance problems. We find that each uses the resources and relationships available to them to individually “assemble governance”, by developing problem-solving strategies and interacting with different combinations of state and nonstate actors. However, these contrasting cases also shed light on broader governance arrangements. They reveal how, even in the context of normative ruptures and everyday tensions, a range of situated and provisional mechanisms of mutual accommodation partially integrate distinct governance actors into a broader territorial governance assemblage.
本文探讨了 "Cracolândia"("Crackland")目前的治理安排,这是圣保罗中部的一个异质地区,大量快克可卡因使用者占据了该地区的公共空间。该地区长期以来一直受到安全、社会援助、卫生和住房等领域的公共干预,但同时也受到一系列非国家治理参与者(包括社区协会、非政府组织和有组织犯罪)活动的影响。我们对四位妇女进行了人种学案例研究,她们的社会特征、生活条件以及与领土的关系都有明显的不同,从而探讨了她们定义和寻求解决治理问题的不同方式。我们发现,她们各自利用现有的资源和关系,通过制定解决问题的策略以及与国家和非国家行为者的不同组合进行互动,来 "组合治理"。然而,这些对比鲜明的案例也揭示了更广泛的治理安排。它们揭示了即使在规范性破裂和日常紧张关系的背景下,一系列情景化和临时性的互谅互让机制是如何将不同的治理行为者部分地纳入更广泛的领土治理组合中的。
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引用次数: 0
Negotiating (under)development? Expanding bargaining power within globalised production networks 协商(欠)发展?在全球化生产网络中扩大议价能力
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-10-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103233
Martín Arias-Loyola
Global production networks keep expanding and being contested through different multi-actor power imbued processes. When actors (firms, states, collectives) engage in negotiations, they exert bargaining power to reach their strategic objectives. This ultimately shapes uneven developmental outcomes, something long acknowledged by the Global Production Network (GPN) framework and other cognate approaches. However, bargaining power remains relatively underexplored, which is why this article builds upon the existing literature on GPN and Global Value Chains (GVC) to further deepen its conceptualization.
By incorporating conceptual elements from the Power Debate, Bargaining Models and expanding recent contributions within the GPN and GVC literatures, the article proposes the conceptual definition of bargaining power (BP) as actors' deliberate, experimental and repeated mobilization of their strategic resources through different modes, in particular sets of relational dynamic spaces named bargains, to achieve their strategic goals while facing internal and external constraints. Likewise, BP can operate through different dimensions of the social realm, which is why three ideal types are defined: episodic, making other actors do something they would not have done otherwise; non-decisional, limiting the scope of decisions made by controlling the political agenda; and ideological, changing actors’ perceptions so they consider the current bargaining structures and outcomes to be natural. Thus, the article provides a broader conceptual way to empirically assess how exertion of BP, through different modes and dimensions, dynamically influence uneven developmental outcomes.
全球生产网络不断扩大,并通过不同的多行为体权力注入过程而受到争夺。当行为体(企业、国家、集体)参与谈判时,他们会发挥讨价还价的能力,以实现其战略目标。全球生产网络(GPN)框架和其他同类方法早已认识到这一点。然而,对议价能力的探讨仍相对不足,这也是本文以全球生产网络和全球价值链(GVC)的现有文献为基础,进一步深化其概念化的原因所在。通过融入 "权力辩论"(Power Debate)、"讨价还价模式"(Bargaining Models)的概念元素,并扩展全球价值链和全球网络文献中的最新贡献,本文提出了讨价还价能力(Bargaining Power,BP)的概念定义,即行为体在面临内部和外部约束时,通过不同模式,特别是一组名为 "讨价还价 "的关系动态空间,有意识地、试验性地、反复地调动其战略资源,以实现其战略目标。同样,商业计划可以通过社会领域的不同维度来运作,这也是界定三种理想类型的原因:偶发型,让其他行为者做一些他们本来不会做的事;非决策型,通过控制政治议程来限制决策范围;意识形态型,改变行为者的观念,让他们认为当前的谈判结构和结果是理所当然的。因此,这篇文章提供了一种更广泛的概念方法,以实证方式评估如何通过不同的模式和维度施加 BP,动态地影响不均衡的发展结果。
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引用次数: 0
“There, seated upon the toilet, apparently in the midst of defecation, was the president of the United States”: Toilets and elite politics in the USA and UK "美国总统坐在马桶上,显然正在排便":美国和英国的厕所与精英政治
IF 4.7 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2024-10-24 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103228
Marijn Nieuwenhuis, Colin Mcfarlane
What can we learn about elite politics from the humble toilet? How do the relations between toilets, bodies, and waste materially and discursively reveal, and become enrolled within, the summits of state political power? While there has been a growth in research on the political geographies of the body, including work on toilets, and a long history of research on elite politics, the two intellectual concerns and debates have not been brought together. Yet the toilet and the bathroom, in both their material and discursive reproduction, provide intriguing insights into the seemingly sanitised, even disembodied domain of elite politics. We explore the space, use, and meaning of the toilet in two powerful contexts: the White House in the United States, and Downing Street in the United Kingdom. Shaped by differences in cultural and political context, we study the ways in which toilets feature in the working of elite power, and how that connects to gender, sexuality, race, nakedness, humour, and space in the (re)making of the political. By making the toilet an object of study we aim to shed light on this often forgotten and silenced, yet inevitable geography of elite politics.
我们能从简陋的厕所中了解到什么是精英政治?厕所、身体和废物之间的关系是如何从物质和话语上揭示并融入国家政治权力的顶峰的?虽然包括厕所在内的身体政治地理学研究不断发展,而精英政治学的研究也由来已久,但这两种知识界关注的问题和争论并没有结合在一起。然而,厕所和浴室在其物质和话语再现方面,为精英政治这一看似洁净、甚至无实体的领域提供了耐人寻味的见解。我们将在美国白宫和英国唐宁街这两个强大的环境中探索厕所的空间、用途和意义。在文化和政治背景差异的影响下,我们研究了厕所在精英权力运作中的特点,以及在(重新)创造政治的过程中,厕所与性别、性、种族、裸体、幽默和空间之间的联系。通过将厕所作为研究对象,我们旨在揭示这一经常被遗忘和沉默,但又不可避免的精英政治地域。
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