Pub Date : 2024-10-14DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103221
This paper explores feelings in diplomatic intimacies in the United Nations in New York. Drawing upon arguments in philosophy on emotional experience and supported by oral testimonies of diplomats, it supplements and complements the rich body of work on practices in diplomacy by exploring how feelings can reach out and be directed towards things in the world beyond the bounds of the body and this is part of the phenomenology of everyday diplomatic lives. I set out three key interconnected goals in order to personify state diplomacy: First, I show how feelings are bound up with cognition and perception and are not the mere effects of these. Secondly, I link feelings with the affective context of the United Nations Security Council in order to expose everyday existential experiences of individual diplomats. Thirdly, I reveal the perceived importance of eliciting events in this geopolitical setting, and the personal meaning of these to diplomats as expressed through their own feelings as state representatives. This is a unique approach to understanding diplomacy in political geography, and also the first of its kind in the study of the intimate geopolitics of the UN.
{"title":"‘I felt’: Intimate geographies of sentient diplomacy","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103221","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103221","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This paper explores feelings in diplomatic intimacies in the United Nations in New York. Drawing upon arguments in philosophy on emotional experience and supported by oral testimonies of diplomats, it supplements and complements the rich body of work on practices in diplomacy by exploring how feelings can reach out and be directed towards things in the world beyond the bounds of the body and this is part of the phenomenology of everyday diplomatic lives. I set out three key interconnected goals in order to personify state diplomacy: First, I show how feelings are bound up with cognition and perception and are not the mere effects of these. Secondly, I link feelings with the affective context of the United Nations Security Council in order to expose everyday existential experiences of individual diplomats. Thirdly, I reveal the perceived importance of eliciting events in this geopolitical setting, and the personal meaning of these to diplomats as expressed through their own feelings as state representatives. This is a unique approach to understanding diplomacy in political geography, and also the first of its kind in the study of the intimate geopolitics of the UN.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142434106","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-11DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103219
In this study, we examine recent actions taken by the Israeli state to naturalize technocratic understandings of land-use plans through the mass media, and assess the implications of this for power-knowledge relations between the state, planners and citizens. Our research focuses on the years 2013–2018, when state planners and officials began working with PR agents to promulgate state-generated, pro-growth representations of plans through mainstream media outlets. We focus on coverage of three types of large-scale plans, all of which involve complex and varied knowledge contents: city master plans, new neighborhood plans, and urban renewal plans. Using critical discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews with key planners and journalists, we examined what kinds of knowledge and information about these plans were conveyed, and how. We found that a significant percentage (some 40%) of the articles published during this period were based directly on state-issued press releases, and exclusively conveyed state-sanctioned perspectives. We interpret this as an attempt by the state to highlight its own role in planning and housing, while taking advantage of journalists' lack of planning knowledge and pressure to publish in order to construct ‘citizen-technocrats’ whose knowledge mirrors that of state-affiliated actors. We situate these findings within the emerging academic discourse on “technocratic populism,” a form of governance in which populist regimes communicate technocratic knowledge directly to citizens, and show how mis/disinformation tactics usually associated with populist discourse now appear in planning communications in Israel. This practice, we argue, has served to entrench a shift toward a centralized form of neoliberalism, while promoting illiberal conceptions of state-citizen relations in the planning context.
{"title":"Knowledge popularization in a technocratic-populist context, or how the Israeli state shaped media coverage of large-scale urban plans","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103219","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103219","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>In this study, we examine recent actions taken by the Israeli state to naturalize technocratic understandings of land-use plans through the mass media, and assess the implications of this for power-knowledge relations between the state, planners and citizens. Our research focuses on the years 2013–2018, when state planners and officials began working with PR agents to promulgate state-generated, pro-growth representations of plans through mainstream media outlets. We focus on coverage of three types of large-scale plans, all of which involve complex and varied knowledge contents: city master plans, new neighborhood plans, and urban renewal plans. Using critical discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews with key planners and journalists, we examined what kinds of knowledge and information about these plans were conveyed, and how. We found that a significant percentage (some 40%) of the articles published during this period were based directly on state-issued press releases, and exclusively conveyed state-sanctioned perspectives. We interpret this as an attempt by the state to highlight its own role in planning and housing, while taking advantage of journalists' lack of planning knowledge and pressure to publish in order to construct ‘citizen-technocrats’ whose knowledge mirrors that of state-affiliated actors. We situate these findings within the emerging academic discourse on “technocratic populism,” a form of governance in which populist regimes communicate technocratic knowledge directly to citizens, and show how mis/disinformation tactics usually associated with populist discourse now appear in planning communications in Israel. This practice, we argue, has served to entrench a shift toward a centralized form of neoliberalism, while promoting illiberal conceptions of state-citizen relations in the planning context.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-10-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142428189","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-10DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103218
Over the last several decades, a growing number of states, international organisations, and NGOs have pressed for new legislation and policies to formally recognise previously neglected options for collectively owning – rather than simply accessing or managing – lands and natural resources. In both ex-European colonies and other transitional development contexts, accompanying legal reforms have often taken on explicitly restitutive overtones, framed as a means of redressing the dispossessions or other injustices associated with both colonial and authoritarian iterations of land and resource governance. In this special issue, we explore the promises, pitfalls, and ambivalences of these phenomena as manifestations of what we term “resurgent collectivisation”, understood as the (re)emergence or reconstitution of governance interventions enabling the collective ownership of lands and resources. Deepening engagements between political geography and political ecology, contributions to the special issue engage diverse case studies of resurgent collectivisation in South Africa, Kenya, India, and Romania, highlighting: i) the implications of shifting – and often contested – fixations of collective subjectivity-property relations; ii) tensions between de jure collectivisation and de facto initiatives to establish vernacular private property or hybridised property regimes; and iii) emerging articulations of collectively-titled lands and resources with resurgent influxes of (often ostensibly ‘green’) capital into rural areas.
{"title":"Introduction to the special issue – Frontiers of property: promises, pitfalls, and ambivalences of ‘resurgent collectivisation’ in global land and resource governance","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103218","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103218","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Over the last several decades, a growing number of states, international organisations, and NGOs have pressed for new legislation and policies to formally recognise previously neglected options for collectively owning – rather than simply accessing or managing – lands and natural resources. In both ex-European colonies and other transitional development contexts, accompanying legal reforms have often taken on explicitly restitutive overtones, framed as a means of redressing the dispossessions or other injustices associated with both colonial and authoritarian iterations of land and resource governance. In this special issue, we explore the promises, pitfalls, and ambivalences of these phenomena as manifestations of what we term “resurgent collectivisation”, understood as the (re)emergence or reconstitution of governance interventions enabling the collective ownership of lands and resources. Deepening engagements between political geography and political ecology, contributions to the special issue engage diverse case studies of resurgent collectivisation in South Africa, Kenya, India, and Romania, highlighting: i) the implications of shifting – and often contested – fixations of collective subjectivity-property relations; ii) tensions between <em>de jure</em> collectivisation and <em>de facto</em> initiatives to establish vernacular private property or hybridised property regimes; and iii) emerging articulations of collectively-titled lands and resources with resurgent influxes of (often ostensibly ‘green’) capital into rural areas.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-10-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142428187","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-08DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103220
Iraq is home to a patchwork of competing sovereignties with their own security actors, all of which routinely use checkpoints in the provision of ‘security’. However, as this article demonstrates, checkpoints predominantly function to assert authority over space. Utilising 262 interviews with those forced to move through checkpoints in Nineveh, Iraq, and through the development of an analytical framework that focuses on the ‘theft of time’ and the ‘stolen dignity’, this article examines the everyday strain that checkpoints exert on people's lives. It asks what the control of space by the multiplicity of competing ‘sovereignties’ means for those who must live in and in between these spaces. In doing so the article demonstrates how the impacts of creating borders reverberate way beyond the checkpoint itself, the inequalities it creates and reproduces, and the varied types of loss it fashions.
{"title":"Checkpoints, competing ‘sovereignties’, and everyday life in Iraq","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103220","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103220","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Iraq is home to a patchwork of competing sovereignties with their own security actors, all of which routinely use checkpoints in the provision of ‘security’. However, as this article demonstrates, checkpoints predominantly function to assert authority over space. Utilising 262 interviews with those forced to move through checkpoints in Nineveh, Iraq, and through the development of an analytical framework that focuses on the ‘theft of time’ and the ‘stolen dignity’, this article examines the everyday strain that checkpoints exert on people's lives. It asks what the control of space by the multiplicity of competing ‘sovereignties’ means for those who must live in and in between these spaces. In doing so the article demonstrates how the impacts of creating borders reverberate way beyond the checkpoint itself, the inequalities it creates and reproduces, and the varied types of loss it fashions.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-10-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142428186","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-07DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103210
This paper explores how so-called ‘Web3’ blockchain projects are materially and socially constituted. A blockchain is an append-only distributed database. The technology is being hyped as applicable for a whole range of industries, social service provisions, and as a fix for economic disparities in communities left behind by mainstream financial systems. Drawing on case studies from our ongoing research we explain how, despite being virtual, Web3 projects are dependent on clearly defined spaces of production from which they derive their speculative value. We conceptualise this relationship as Crypto/Space, where space and blockchain software are mutually constituted. We consider how Crypto/Spaces are produced in three ways: 1) how project developers are adopting a parasitic relationship with host locations to appropriate energy, infrastructure, and local resources; 2) how projects enable ‘virtual land grabs’ where developers are engaging in land acquisitions, and associated displacement of local people, with no real intention to use the land for the declared purpose; and 3) how blockchain technology and speculative finance imaginaries are inspiring new anarcho-capitalist crypto-utopian ‘Exit zones’, often in the Global South. Far from being a zero-sum virtual game world, we argue that cryptocurrency projects are parasitic, often requiring predation on poor and otherwise marginalised communities to appropriate resources, onboard new users and enable favourable regulation.
{"title":"Crypto/Space: Computational parasitism, virtual land grabs, and the production of Web3 Exit zones","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103210","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103210","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>This paper explores how so-called ‘Web3’ blockchain projects are materially and socially constituted. A blockchain is an append-only distributed database. The technology is being hyped as applicable for a whole range of industries, social service provisions, and as a fix for economic disparities in communities left behind by mainstream financial systems. Drawing on case studies from our ongoing research we explain how, despite being virtual, Web3 projects are dependent on clearly defined spaces of production from which they derive their speculative value. We conceptualise this relationship as Crypto/Space, where space and blockchain software are mutually constituted. We consider how Crypto/Spaces are produced in three ways: 1) how project developers are adopting a parasitic relationship with host locations to appropriate energy, infrastructure, and local resources; 2) how projects enable ‘virtual land grabs’ where developers are engaging in land acquisitions, and associated displacement of local people, with no real intention to use the land for the declared purpose; and 3) how blockchain technology and speculative finance imaginaries are inspiring new anarcho-capitalist crypto-utopian ‘Exit zones’, often in the Global South. Far from being a zero-sum virtual game world, we argue that cryptocurrency projects are parasitic, often requiring predation on poor and otherwise marginalised communities to appropriate resources, onboard new users and enable favourable regulation.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142428288","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-07DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103212
How do competitive authoritarian regimes in the Global South respond to the COVID-19 pandemic? How do these policy responses facilitate human rights deterioration in societies that are already facing democratic regression during the pre-pandemic period? Examining evidence from the Philippines and Nicaragua during the COVID-19 pandemic, this article demonstrates that competitive authoritarian regimes have reinforced the deterioration of democratic processes and disregard for their human rights commitments amidst the global pandemic. First, such regimes weaponize the legal system to consolidate the powers of the chief executive and their allies. Second, such regimes systematically disregard transparency and accountability when executing state leaders’ public actions and responsibilities. Third, such regimes increasingly empower military personnel and intensify state violence at the expense of science-based approaches to crisis policies, thereby embracing militarism as an overarching orientation.
{"title":"COVID-19 pandemic and competitive authoritarian regimes: Human rights and democracy in the Philippines and Nicaragua","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103212","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103212","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>How do competitive authoritarian regimes in the Global South respond to the COVID-19 pandemic? How do these policy responses facilitate human rights deterioration in societies that are already facing democratic regression during the pre-pandemic period? Examining evidence from the Philippines and Nicaragua during the COVID-19 pandemic, this article demonstrates that competitive authoritarian regimes have reinforced the deterioration of democratic processes and disregard for their human rights commitments amidst the global pandemic. First, such regimes weaponize the legal system to consolidate the powers of the chief executive and their allies. Second, such regimes systematically disregard transparency and accountability when executing state leaders’ public actions and responsibilities. Third, such regimes increasingly empower military personnel and intensify state violence at the expense of science-based approaches to crisis policies, thereby embracing militarism as an overarching orientation.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-10-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142428188","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-10-01DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103216
Citizens’ reactions to planning decisions imposed from above occur commonly, especially when it comes to the siting of controversial facilities, such as refugee camps. Explaining these reactions within the context of migration governance and forms of planning (participatory vs. conventional) could provide valuable insights to deepen our understanding of the underlying causes. This paper studies top-down planning procedures of refugee camp siting vis-à-vis the bottom-up local reactions characterized as NIMBY phenomena. To this end, it adopts a socio-spatial approach, with the logics of production (top-down planning) and appropriation (bottom-up mobilizations) of space. Employing qualitative research, based on media and document analysis as well as semi-structured interviews, the paper conducts a comparative analysis of two contrasting regions with low and high refugee concentration rates in Greece: Crete and Central Macedonia. It enriches the academic discourse on geography, sociology and political science and policy debates, highlighting the NIMBY phenomena as mobilizations claiming access to information and local community participation in planning and underlining the importance of participatory planning to address these reactions.
{"title":"Interpreting NIMBY as movements claiming participatory planning in the context of refugee camps’ siting: A comparative case study in two Greek regions","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103216","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103216","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Citizens’ reactions to planning decisions imposed from above occur commonly, especially when it comes to the siting of controversial facilities, such as refugee camps. Explaining these reactions within the context of migration governance and forms of planning (participatory vs. conventional) could provide valuable insights to deepen our understanding of the underlying causes. This paper studies top-down planning procedures of refugee camp siting vis-à-vis the bottom-up local reactions characterized as NIMBY phenomena. To this end, it adopts a socio-spatial approach, with the logics of production (top-down planning) and appropriation (bottom-up mobilizations) of space. Employing qualitative research, based on media and document analysis as well as semi-structured interviews, the paper conducts a comparative analysis of two contrasting regions with low and high refugee concentration rates in Greece: Crete and Central Macedonia. It enriches the academic discourse on geography, sociology and political science and policy debates, highlighting the NIMBY phenomena as mobilizations claiming access to information and local community participation in planning and underlining the importance of participatory planning to address these reactions.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-10-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142358998","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-27DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103213
The deterioration of Sino-US relations in recent years has led to a financial decoupling between the world's two largest economies, impacting Chinese companies listed on US stock markets. This study explores the consequential decisions of these companies to either remain listed or leave the US markets and examines their impacts on the reshaping of Global Financial Networks (GFNs). By utilizing an analytical framework encompassing listings, delistings, and cross-listings, we identify distinct channels through which Sino-US geopolitical tensions shape GFNs. Our findings reveal a notable shift towards a regionalized spatial pattern within GFNs following the return of Chinese companies to the Hong Kong and mainland China stock markets. During this transformative process, Chinese securities firms have emerged as significant players, challenging the dominance of Western bulge-bracket banks. Moreover, Hong Kong has become an increasingly central node in the GFNs shaped by Chinese companies' return listings. Nonetheless, New York sustains its pre-eminence as a leading financial centre, and the Cayman Islands retains its pivotal role as an offshore jurisdiction. These findings highlight the formative and restructuring power of world governments (WGs) within GFNs. Taken together, the contributions of this paper are twofold. First, it advances our understanding of the intricate relationship between geopolitics and GFNs, shedding light on the impacts of geopolitical tensions on global finance. Second, it argues that the GFN approach is a powerful framework for exploring how global financial activities are embedded in geopolitical dynamics.
{"title":"Stay or leave? US-listed Chinese companies under financial decoupling push and the reshaping of global financial networks","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103213","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103213","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>The deterioration of Sino-US relations in recent years has led to a financial decoupling between the world's two largest economies, impacting Chinese companies listed on US stock markets. This study explores the consequential decisions of these companies to either remain listed or leave the US markets and examines their impacts on the reshaping of Global Financial Networks (GFNs). By utilizing an analytical framework encompassing listings, delistings, and cross-listings, we identify distinct channels through which Sino-US geopolitical tensions shape GFNs. Our findings reveal a notable shift towards a regionalized spatial pattern within GFNs following the return of Chinese companies to the Hong Kong and mainland China stock markets. During this transformative process, Chinese securities firms have emerged as significant players, challenging the dominance of Western bulge-bracket banks. Moreover, Hong Kong has become an increasingly central node in the GFNs shaped by Chinese companies' return listings. Nonetheless, New York sustains its pre-eminence as a leading financial centre, and the Cayman Islands retains its pivotal role as an offshore jurisdiction. These findings highlight the formative and restructuring power of world governments (WGs) within GFNs. Taken together, the contributions of this paper are twofold. First, it advances our understanding of the intricate relationship between geopolitics and GFNs, shedding light on the impacts of geopolitical tensions on global finance. Second, it argues that the GFN approach is a powerful framework for exploring how global financial activities are embedded in geopolitical dynamics.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142326495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-09-27DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103214
Against the backdrop of cultural assimilation policies taking place in Inner Mongolia and associated with a political regime geared to economic expansion, this article seeks to explore in which ways Mongolian poetry and song are being mobilized as a tacit and non-violent mode of resistance. Resistance in this paper does not only refer to challenging an immediate power structure with the objective of changing the status quo. Defined through a wider epistemological lens, it represents actions that continually empower the individual and the group to have autonomy over their history and future. We argue that by providing a means to contest, or reject the sanitized, stripped, and depoliticized Mongolian identity pushed by the Chinese state, poetry and songs serve as acts and spaces of resistance and emancipation, upheld by the continuous co-creation, and defense of collective memories.
{"title":"Inner Mongolian poetry and song as a form of resistance","authors":"","doi":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103214","DOIUrl":"10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103214","url":null,"abstract":"<div><div>Against the backdrop of cultural assimilation policies taking place in Inner Mongolia and associated with a political regime geared to economic expansion, this article seeks to explore in which ways Mongolian poetry and song are being mobilized as a tacit and non-violent mode of resistance. Resistance in this paper does not only refer to challenging an immediate power structure with the objective of changing the status quo. Defined through a wider epistemological lens, it represents actions that continually empower the individual and the group to have autonomy over their history and future. We argue that by providing a means to contest, or reject the sanitized, stripped, and depoliticized Mongolian identity pushed by the Chinese state, poetry and songs serve as acts and spaces of resistance and emancipation, upheld by the continuous co-creation, and defense of collective memories.</div></div>","PeriodicalId":48262,"journal":{"name":"Political Geography","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.7,"publicationDate":"2024-09-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142322978","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"OA","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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