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The geography of the party on the ground: Local branches in Italy and Sweden in the late twentieth century 该党在当地的地理位置:二十世纪后期意大利和瑞典的地方支部
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-05 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103467
Duncan McDonnell, Sofia Ammassari
The idea that the presence of Western European political parties at grassroots level rose and fell in the twentieth century is central to some of the most influential theories of party organization. However, due to a mixture of patchy national-level data that has been provided by the parties themselves, and a focus by scholars on members rather than branches, we know little about the geography of party structures on the ground. In this article, we address these issues by using an unobtrusive method – consulting historical phonebooks – to determine exactly where parties invested in local branches in Italy and Sweden in the second half of the twentieth century. We theorize that the extent to which parties were present uniformly across a national territory depended on the degree to which politics was nationalized in that country. Using spatial lag regressions, we find strong support for our argument: in the less nationalized case of Italy, parties’ investments in local branches followed two major geographically-based cleavages – center vs periphery, and urban vs rural – while in the more nationalized Sweden, they were relatively uniform across different types of geographical areas. Overall, our findings illustrate how the extent to which you saw the rise and fall of the party on the ground in the second half of the twentieth century depended on where you were. Our research thus shines new light on the history of the party on the ground, in addition to underscoring the value of “bringing territory in” to the study of party organization.
关于西欧基层政党在20世纪兴衰的观点,是一些最有影响力的政党组织理论的核心。然而,由于政党本身提供的国家层面的数据参差不齐,加上学者们关注的是党员而不是分支机构,我们对政党结构的地理位置知之甚少。在本文中,我们通过一种不引人注目的方法——查阅历史电话簿——来解决这些问题,以确定各方在20世纪下半叶在意大利和瑞典投资当地分支机构的确切位置。我们的理论是,政党在全国范围内统一存在的程度取决于该国政治国有化的程度。利用空间滞后回归,我们发现我们的论点得到了强有力的支持:在国有化程度较低的意大利,政党对地方分支机构的投资遵循两个主要的基于地理的分裂——中心与外围,城市与农村——而在国有化程度较高的瑞典,它们在不同类型的地理区域中相对统一。总的来说,我们的研究结果表明,在20世纪下半叶,你在多大程度上看到了共和党的兴衰,这取决于你在哪里。因此,我们的研究在强调党组织研究“带域”价值的同时,也为基层党史提供了新的视角。
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引用次数: 0
Police use of force data collection issues in Florida: A minor critique 佛罗里达州警察使用武力的数据收集问题:一个小的批评
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-04 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103468
Adam Rose , Tyler McCreary , Miltonette Craig , April Jackson
Public scrutiny of policing depends on access to data about police activity. Yet, despite widespread calls for transparency, data on police actions remain largely inscrutable to the public. Law enforcement agencies tightly control access to information on police-involved shootings. This paper details our Kafkaesque experiences attempting to obtain and analyze data on police use of force in Florida, a jurisdiction that legally mandates its public release. Building on scholarship on data justice and policing, we develop a minor critique of police statistics and data collection practices. By minor critique, we mean a critique from a minority perspective of majoritarian institutions. Drawing upon Kafka's minor critique of bureaucratic and legal institutions, and Deleuze and Guattari's theorization of minor literature, we emphasize three aspects of the minor approach. First, minority experience is marginalized by the dominant language of police statistics (deterritorialization of language); second, from a minoritarian position, all police interactions are political (connection of the individual to the political); third, reasserting minority knowledge requires interpreting collective experience through individual interactions (collective utterance). Comparing Florida law enforcement data with the activist-compiled Mapping Police Violence database, we identify major flaws within both datasets. Given the systemic erasure of police violence in official statistics, we argue that it remains indispensable to build community and consciousness around individual stories, contest the obfuscations of police policies, and demand another regime of transparency as both possible and necessary. Ultimately, the limitations of statistical data make the politicization of individual incidents of police brutality necessary.
公众对警察的监督取决于能否获得有关警察活动的数据。然而,尽管公众普遍呼吁提高透明度,但有关警方行动的数据在很大程度上仍是不可理解的。执法机构严格控制获取与警方有关的枪击事件信息的渠道。本文详细介绍了我们试图获取和分析佛罗里达州警察使用武力数据的卡夫卡式经历,佛罗里达州的司法管辖区在法律上要求公开发布这些数据。在数据正义和警务方面的学术研究基础上,我们对警察统计和数据收集实践进行了轻微的批评。所谓小众批判,我们指的是从少数人的角度对多数制度的批判。借鉴卡夫卡对官僚和法律制度的次要批判,以及德勒兹和瓜塔里关于次要文学的理论,我们强调了次要方法的三个方面。首先,少数民族经验被警察统计的主导语言边缘化(语言的非领土化);其次,从少数民族的立场来看,所有的警察互动都是政治性的(个人与政治的联系);第三,重申少数人知识需要通过个人互动(集体话语)来解释集体经验。将佛罗里达州执法部门的数据与活动人士编制的警察暴力地图数据库进行比较,我们发现了这两个数据集中的主要缺陷。鉴于官方统计数据中对警察暴力的系统性抹除,我们认为围绕个人故事建立社区和意识,质疑警察政策的混乱,并要求另一种可能且必要的透明制度,仍然是必不可少的。最终,统计数据的局限性使得将个别警察暴力事件政治化成为必要。
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引用次数: 0
Own, fund, and spill: Canada's ‘frontier-making state project,’ 1973–84 拥有、资助和泄漏:1973-84年加拿大的“开拓边疆的国家项目”
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103470
James Wilt
Since the Liberal Party of Canada's re-election in April 2025, Prime Minister Mark Carney has initiated a major reconfiguration of the federal government's approach to resource extraction and transportation projects, many of which implicate the country's Northern regions. Drawing on Bob Jessop's concept of “state projects,” this article offers historical context for better understanding this political and geographical shift by examining the Liberal government's “frontier-making state project” of 1973–84 that poured immense resources into accelerating oil and gas exploration in Canada's Arctic and Atlantic offshores. It identifies three fundamental characteristics of this historical state project—direct ownership/participation, financial and pricing incentives, and oil spill research—and traces their usage over time, including through the subsequent period of neoliberalization. It concludes by suggesting that the federal government's new vision for resource extraction and transportation represents the revival of a“frontier-making state project” that hybridizes an older style of government involvement with more recent aspects of neoliberalization. Building on Jessop's theoretical work and the historical example of the former state project, it also highlights the potential for conflict over and even failure of such a project in the context of intersecting pressures and contingencies.
自加拿大自由党于2025年4月再次当选以来,总理马克·卡尼(Mark Carney)对联邦政府在资源开采和运输项目上的做法进行了重大调整,其中许多项目涉及加拿大北部地区。本文借鉴鲍勃·杰瑟普的“国家项目”概念,通过考察1973年至1984年自由党政府的“边境建设国家项目”,为更好地理解这一政治和地理转变提供了历史背景,该项目为加速加拿大北极和大西洋近海的石油和天然气勘探投入了大量资源。它确定了这一历史性国家项目的三个基本特征——直接所有权/参与、财政和定价激励以及石油泄漏研究——并追溯了它们在一段时间内的使用情况,包括随后的新自由主义化时期。报告的结论是,联邦政府对资源开采和运输的新愿景代表了“开拓边疆的国家项目”的复兴,它将旧的政府参与方式与新自由主义化的最新方面相结合。在杰索普的理论工作和前国家项目的历史例子的基础上,它还强调了在交叉压力和突发事件的背景下,这种项目的冲突甚至失败的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
(Un)Making mess at Europe's data borders: Order, control, critique 在欧洲数据边界制造混乱:秩序、控制、批评
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-03 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103444
Claudia Aradau , Lucrezia Canzutti , Sarah Perret
Critical border and migration studies have shown that border practices are often messy, ambiguous, improvised and uncertain, while datafication has amplified messiness and its effects on migrants. Describing ‘mess’ at borders has been a critical intervention against the myth of order, homogeneity, predictability, clarity or efficiency. Yet, ‘mess’ can also open spaces for agency and resisting data borders. What do these ambiguities mean for the critical potential of diagnosing mess? Drawing on research we have conducted in border zones in France, Italy, Germany and Spain, we show that the critical potential of mess cannot be gauged through the binary of mess/order. We argue that we need to introduce a third term – control – to understand the critical potential of mess. To do so, we first unpack three dimensions of ‘mess’ – spatial, temporal and material – to situate it in relation to diagnoses of failure, friction, improvisation and non-knowledge in bordering practices. Second, we raise questions about the limits that the co-constitution of mess/order entails for critical research on data borders. Third, we show how control transforms the binary of mess/order into a question about ‘kinds of mess’.
关键的边境和移民研究表明,边境实践往往是混乱的、模糊的、临时的和不确定的,而数据化放大了混乱及其对移民的影响。描述边境上的“混乱”是对秩序、同质性、可预测性、清晰度或效率神话的关键干预。然而,“混乱”也可以为代理和抵制数据边界打开空间。这些模棱两可对于诊断混乱的关键潜力意味着什么?根据我们在法国、意大利、德国和西班牙边境地区进行的研究,我们表明,混乱的临界潜力不能通过混乱/秩序的二元性来衡量。我们认为,我们需要引入第三个术语——控制——来理解混乱的临界潜力。为此,我们首先解析了“混乱”的三个维度——空间、时间和物质——将其与边界实践中失败、摩擦、即兴和无知的诊断联系起来。其次,我们提出了关于混乱/秩序的共构成对数据边界的批判性研究所带来的限制的问题。第三,我们展示了控制如何将混乱/有序的二元问题转化为关于“混乱种类”的问题。
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引用次数: 0
Hosting as a border making process: Understanding the role of proximity in explaining the motivations of British hosts in the Homes for Ukraine scheme 作为边界制定过程的托管:理解邻近在解释英国东道主在乌克兰家园计划中的动机中的作用
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-12-02 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103446
Audrey Lumley-Sapanski , Kate Garbers
The Homes for Ukraine (HfU) scheme provided a bespoke emergency visa pathway, accommodation in a host's home, and exceptional rights to Ukrainians for a period of three years. Established by the government of the United Kingdom it is the first large-scale hosting programme of its kind in the UK with 125,000 placements to date. To understand how the programme was successful in recruiting the large number of hosts, this research explored the motivations of participating members of the British public. We identify three common forms of proximity within host interviews: perceptions of common identity of guest and host as members of a bounded European community, shared geopolitical threat to that same European community (and the spatialized proximity of the threat), and the ability of the British public to situate Ukrainians within a collective British memory of war time hosting. Together these forms of proximity drove a sense of responsibility in hosts to participate in the ‘war effort.’ This willingness was made possible by the governmental programme and state response which distinguished this population of displaced persons in terms of deservingness, giving them privileged access to resources upon arrival. We demonstrate how the larger migration governance systems used proximity to both motivate welcome and conversely justify the exclusion of others. Findings are based on interviews and surveys with thirty-one hosts participating in the HfU scheme conducted in 2022 and review of media and government sources.
乌克兰之家(HfU)计划为乌克兰人提供定制的紧急签证途径、寄宿家庭和为期三年的特殊权利。该项目由英国政府设立,是英国同类项目中第一个大型项目,迄今已有12.5万个安置名额。为了了解该项目是如何成功招募到大量主持人的,本研究探讨了参与英国公众成员的动机。我们在主持人访谈中确定了三种常见的接近形式:嘉宾和主持人作为一个有限的欧洲共同体成员的共同身份的感知,对同一个欧洲共同体的共同地缘政治威胁(以及威胁的空间接近性),以及英国公众将乌克兰人置于英国集体记忆中的能力。这些形式的接近共同推动了东道国参与“战争努力”的责任感。“这种意愿之所以成为可能,是因为政府的方案和国家的反应使这些流离失所的人在应得方面得到了区分,让他们在抵达时享有获得资源的特权。”我们展示了更大的迁移治理系统如何使用接近性来激励欢迎和反过来证明排斥他人。研究结果基于对参与2022年HfU计划的31位主持人的访谈和调查,以及对媒体和政府来源的审查。
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引用次数: 0
Organising at the margins: Spaces of worker resistance in late twentieth century Britain 边缘组织:20世纪后期英国工人抵抗的空间
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103461
Paul Griffin, Sarah Peck
Drawing from past examples of marginal worker organising, this paper engages with the diverse spatial politics of labour to reflect on questions of worker resistance within and beyond the workplace. This contribution connects with challenges faced by the trade union movement and ongoing academic commentary across labour geography and industrial relations more broadly. In doing so, we combine literature around worker organising margins and trade union orientations to shape our approach. Empirically, the paper draws upon two examples of worker organising at the margins; the Indian Workers Association (Great Britain) and Unemployed Workers’ Centres, arguing that their emergence in the 1970s and 1980s reflected an intersectional and dynamic spatial politics of labour organising. Through this analysis, and our use of collaborative historical geography methods, the paper argues that such organising at the margins illustrates how trade unions historically engaged beyond the workplace through matters of race, migration and unemployment. We illustrate how such an extension of trade union organising, beyond the workplace, shaped and contested more established trade union principles and grammars through a variety of uneven spaces, relations and practices. In doing so, we contribute to the theorising of spatial politics and resistance within and beyond the sub-discipline of labour geography.
从过去边缘工人组织的例子中,本文涉及劳动力的不同空间政治,以反思工人在工作场所内外的抵抗问题。这一贡献与工会运动所面临的挑战以及正在进行的跨劳动地理和更广泛的工业关系的学术评论联系在一起。在此过程中,我们结合了有关工人组织边缘和工会方向的文献来塑造我们的方法。从经验上看,本文借鉴了两个边缘工人组织的例子;印度工人协会(英国)和失业工人中心,认为他们在20世纪70年代和80年代的出现反映了劳工组织的交叉和动态的空间政治。通过这一分析,以及我们对协作历史地理方法的使用,本文认为,这种边缘组织说明了工会在历史上是如何通过种族、移民和失业等问题超越工作场所的。我们说明了工会组织的这种延伸,超越了工作场所,如何通过各种不平衡的空间、关系和实践来塑造和挑战更成熟的工会原则和语法。在这样做的过程中,我们为劳动地理学子学科内外的空间政治和抵抗的理论化做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Seams of power: Migration, state capitalism, and the dual mobilities of European energy investment in Jordan 权力的接缝:移民,国家资本主义,以及欧洲能源投资在约旦的双重流动性
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-11-25 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103465
Kendra Kintzi
In the unfolding wake of the refugee and energy crises of the past decade, the Eastern Mediterranean has become an increasingly prominent arena of European Union intervention and site of energy investment. As a constitutive node in the EU's European Neighborhood Policy, Jordan is a key part of the terrain of an expanding EU geopolitical economy. Bridging recent geographic scholarship on state capitalism and critical migration studies, this article examines how Jordan is reconfigured as fertile terrain for EU financial investment and securitization. Focusing on European Investment Bank and European Bank for Reconstruction and Development's renewable energy investments in Jordan, I analyze how new configurations of state capitalism materialize from the household, to the national exchequer, to the export terminal. I argue that refining our understanding of the state as an evolving, interconnected configuration reveals new constellations of power that materialize through the seams of transnational energy transitions. EU intervention generates new pathways of financial mobility, enacting a particular vision of energy security that prioritizes the movement of capital and electricity, while containing and constraining the movement of displaced populations across the Mediterranean. For political geographies of global energy transition, this article makes the case to take not as given the power of particular political-economic configurations, but to question how investors, hosts, and households advance particular political visions, practices, and projects, to reveal the seams through which social and political orders might be reconfigured.
在过去十年的难民危机和能源危机之后,东地中海已成为欧盟日益突出的干预场所和能源投资地点。作为欧盟欧洲邻国政策的一个构成节点,约旦是不断扩大的欧盟地缘政治经济版图的关键组成部分。结合最近关于国家资本主义和关键移民研究的地理研究,本文探讨了约旦如何被重新配置为欧盟金融投资和证券化的沃土。以欧洲投资银行和欧洲复兴开发银行在约旦的可再生能源投资为重点,我分析了国家资本主义的新配置是如何从家庭、国家财政到出口终端实现的。我认为,将我们对国家的理解细化为一个不断发展的、相互关联的结构,揭示了通过跨国能源转型的缝隙实现的新的权力星座。欧盟的干预产生了新的金融流动途径,制定了一种特殊的能源安全愿景,优先考虑资本和电力的流动,同时遏制和限制地中海地区流离失所人口的流动。对于全球能源转型的政治地理,本文不考虑特定政治经济配置的力量,而是质疑投资者、东道国和家庭如何推进特定的政治愿景、实践和项目,以揭示社会和政治秩序可能被重新配置的接缝。
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引用次数: 0
The case for feminist electoral geography 女权主义选举地理的案例
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-11-22 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103463
Claire McGing , Lisa Keenan , Fiona Buckley
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引用次数: 0
Doing regions: multiplicity and singularization in the ontological politics of the Arctic 做区域:北极本体论政治中的多样性和单一性
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-11-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103460
Vesa Väätänen
In this paper, I show that the “turn to ontology” and the associated notion of ontological politics offer a fruitful basis for reworking the established constructionist and relational conceptualizations of regions, while providing new openings for empirical research on regional politics. From the ontological position offered by the turn to ontology regions are coextensive with the practices that enact them, and if there are practices that enact different versions of a region, then the region itself is multiple—more than one, but less than many. By emphasizing the exclusions, distributions, and coordination of the spatially and temporally situated practices that enact the region multiple the ontological politics of regions are made amenable for analysis. Empirically, I focus on the case of the Arctic region. In the context of multilateral Arctic cooperation, I show how the spatiality of the region is enacted through cooperative practices, and how distribution enables the coexistence of otherwise mutually exclusive practices. By drawing on an analysis of Finland's Arctic strategy, I further discuss the process of coordination in which different versions of the Arctic are made to cohere in policy practices. Finally, I analyze the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and discuss whether it propels the militarization of the Arctic, which here refers to the ontological politics of singularization in which the multiplicity of the Arctic is challenged by military security. I conclude by calling for further attention to be placed on the political geographies of enacted geographical entities.
在本文中,我表明,“转向本体论”和相关的本体论政治概念为重塑既定的建构主义和关系概念提供了富有成效的基础,同时为区域政治的实证研究提供了新的开端。从本体论的角度来看,本体论区域与制定它们的实践是共同扩展的,如果有实践制定了一个区域的不同版本,那么该区域本身就是多个的——多于一个,但少于多个。通过强调排除、分布和协调的空间和时间定位实践制定区域的多重,区域的本体论政治是易于分析的。从经验上看,我关注的是北极地区的情况。在北极多边合作的背景下,我展示了该地区的空间性是如何通过合作实践制定的,以及分布如何使其他相互排斥的实践能够共存。通过对芬兰北极战略的分析,我进一步讨论了协调的过程,在这个过程中,不同版本的北极在政策实践中是一致的。最后,我分析了俄罗斯入侵乌克兰的影响,并讨论了它是否推动了北极的军事化,这里指的是单一性的本体论政治,其中北极的多样性受到军事安全的挑战。最后,我呼吁进一步注意已制定的地理实体的政治地理。
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引用次数: 0
“Playing the Good Samaritan”: Rethinking securitization and care work through a politics of conviviality in Santiago, Chile “扮演好撒玛利亚人”:通过智利圣地亚哥的欢宴政治重新思考证券化和护理工作
IF 4.9 1区 社会学 Q1 GEOGRAPHY Pub Date : 2025-11-21 DOI: 10.1016/j.polgeo.2025.103448
Nicholas Nikola García Johnson
This article examines how care work becomes politicized as a practice of resistance within Chile's Estallido Social (2019–2020) and the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing on ethnographic research in Santiago's ollas comunes (community protest kitchens), it analyzes three cases from población Lo Hermida, where police dispersed ollas in public parks and infiltrated them under counter-insurgency operations. Authorities framed these kitchens as unlawful protests and criminal activity masquerading as humanitarian aid, revealing how state actors recast care work as a security threat. I argue that securitization in this context relied on a double dehumanization: it targeted communities as threatening “Others” while stripping security forces of their own social embeddedness. Yet this logic of separation—us/them, protector/subject, order/chaos—could not hold within the affective density of everyday life. Counterinsurgency sought to map relational ties through circuits of threat, but these persisted as affective attachments—the very texture of convivial life that securitization cannot contain or comprehend. The ollas thus exemplified a politics of convivencia (conviviality): a mode of coexistence that neither dissolves inequality nor succumbs to enmity. By tracing how politicized care work unsettled securitization in practice, the article examines a pedagogical space in which participants reimagined the rights and responsibilities of democratic life.
本文探讨了在智利的Estallido Social(2019-2020)和COVID-19大流行中,护理工作如何成为一种政治化的抵抗实践。根据对圣地亚哥的ollas comunes(社区抗议厨房)的人种学研究,它分析了来自población Lo Hermida的三个案例,在那里,警察在公园里驱散ollas,并在反叛乱行动中渗透他们。当局将这些厨房定性为伪装成人道主义援助的非法抗议和犯罪活动,暴露出政府行为者如何将护理工作重新塑造为安全威胁。我认为,在这种背景下,证券化依赖于双重非人性化:它将社区作为威胁“他者”的目标,同时剥夺安全部队自身的社会嵌入性。然而,这种分离的逻辑——我们/他们,保护者/主体,秩序/混乱——无法在日常生活的情感密度中维持。平叛试图通过威胁回路来描绘关系关系,但这些关系以情感依附的形式持续存在——这是证券化无法包含或理解的欢乐生活的本质。因此,奥拉夫妇体现了一种便利政治:一种既不消除不平等,也不屈服于敌意的共存模式。通过追踪政治化关怀如何在实践中解决证券化问题,本文考察了一个教育空间,参与者在其中重新想象民主生活的权利和责任。
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Political Geography
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