State formation is a critical concern for comparative politics. Much of the most influential literature has focused on the politically fragmented setting of early modern Europe, where warmaking fostered state consolidation and the development of institutions of representation and taxation. More recently, scholars have expanded this perspective by emphasizing the state-building implications of alternative forms of competition, interstate cooperation, and emulation, as well as the influence of a broader set of societal actors beyond belligerent rulers. The authors review recent scholarship on state formation that suggests that the canonical bellicist path is only one pathway to state consolidation, both in Europe and beyond. This article draws attention to the importance of geography and to new insights regarding the organization of state-society relations and the influence of regional and global economic engagements on state formation.
{"title":"Historical State Formation Within and Beyond Europe","authors":"Lisa Blaydes, Anna Grzymala-Busse","doi":"10.1353/wp.0.a928842","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.a928842","url":null,"abstract":"State formation is a critical concern for comparative politics. Much of the most influential literature has focused on the politically fragmented setting of early modern Europe, \u0000where warmaking fostered state consolidation and the development of institutions of \u0000representation and taxation. More recently, scholars have expanded this perspective by \u0000emphasizing the state-building implications of alternative forms of competition, interstate cooperation, and emulation, as well as the influence of a broader set of societal actors \u0000beyond belligerent rulers. The authors review recent scholarship on state formation that \u0000suggests that the canonical bellicist path is only one pathway to state consolidation, both \u0000in Europe and beyond. This article draws attention to the importance of geography and \u0000to new insights regarding the organization of state-society relations and the influence of \u0000regional and global economic engagements on state formation.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141137051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract: Will China's rise fundamentally change global governance? Answering this question requires grasping how sequences shape the development of institutions across time. The books that we review adapt the standard historical institutional (hi) conceptual toolkit—path dependence, reactive sequences, and gradual institutional change—to explain institutional persistence and change in global governance. We argue that international regime complexity (irc) scholarship is a necessary complement because the international institutional context differs from the domestic context in important ways. irc generates two sequencing mechanisms that the standard hi toolkit misses. Disjointed sequences occur when actors relocate their efforts to other parts of the regime complex, creating changes that reverberate across parallel international institutions. International nondecisions are stymied efforts to adapt global institutions to address pressing concerns, in which the nondecision pushes the construction of substitutes outside of global institutions. The standard hi toolkit, plus the two irc sequence types, compose a helpful framework for thinking about what China's rise portends for the politics of global governance.
摘要：中国的崛起是否会从根本上改变全球治理？要回答这个问题，就必须把握制度发展的时序是如何形成的。我们评述的书籍采用了标准的历史制度（hi）概念工具包--路径依赖、反应序列和渐进制度变迁--来解释全球治理中的制度持续性和变迁。我们认为，国际制度复杂性（irc）学术研究是一种必要的补充，因为国际制度环境与国内环境有着重要的不同。当行动者将他们的努力转移到制度综合体的其他部分时，就会出现脱节的序列，从而产生在平行的国际机构间产生反响的变化。国际不决策是指为解决紧迫问题而调整全球制度的努力受阻，在这种情况下，不决策会推动在全球制度之外构建替代制度。标准的 hi 工具包，加上两种 irc 序列类型，构成了思考中国崛起对全球治理政治预示的有益框架。
{"title":"Global Governance in Time: Institutional Sequences, International Regime Complexes, and the Politics of Global Governance","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/wp.2024.a924510","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2024.a924510","url":null,"abstract":"abstract: Will China's rise fundamentally change global governance? Answering this question requires grasping how sequences shape the development of institutions across time. The books that we review adapt the standard historical institutional (hi) conceptual toolkit—path dependence, reactive sequences, and gradual institutional change—to explain institutional persistence and change in global governance. We argue that international regime complexity (irc) scholarship is a necessary complement because the international institutional context differs from the domestic context in important ways. irc generates two sequencing mechanisms that the standard hi toolkit misses. Disjointed sequences occur when actors relocate their efforts to other parts of the regime complex, creating changes that reverberate across parallel international institutions. International nondecisions are stymied efforts to adapt global institutions to address pressing concerns, in which the nondecision pushes the construction of substitutes outside of global institutions. The standard hi toolkit, plus the two irc sequence types, compose a helpful framework for thinking about what China's rise portends for the politics of global governance.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140764862","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract: How does the local memory of past repression affect whether individuals fight for or rebel against the government perpetrator? The authors theorize how information about past repression is transmitted across generations to shape long-run patterns of loyalty and rebellion toward the state. To assess this argument, they study how the legacies of the 1845–49 Irish Potato Famine affected the decisions of subsequent generations of Irishmen to fight for or against Britain. Leveraging data on more than 150,000 Irish combatants, the authors show that individuals in places more severely affected by the Famine fought in the pro-British Irish Militia and the British military in World War I at lower rates. By contrast, those individuals rebelled against Britain at higher rates. Additional quantitative analysis provides evidence consistent with the theoretical argument: constituencies more severely affected by the Famine were more likely to vote for the pro-Irish, anti-British Sinn Féin Party. This article demonstrates how the local memory of past repression can play a crucial role in shaping long-run patterns of participation in conflict.
{"title":"The Local Memory of Repression, and Who Fights","authors":"Soeren J. Henn, Connor Huff","doi":"10.1353/wp.2024.a924506","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2024.a924506","url":null,"abstract":"abstract: How does the local memory of past repression affect whether individuals fight for or rebel against the government perpetrator? The authors theorize how information about past repression is transmitted across generations to shape long-run patterns of loyalty and rebellion toward the state. To assess this argument, they study how the legacies of the 1845–49 Irish Potato Famine affected the decisions of subsequent generations of Irishmen to fight for or against Britain. Leveraging data on more than 150,000 Irish combatants, the authors show that individuals in places more severely affected by the Famine fought in the pro-British Irish Militia and the British military in World War I at lower rates. By contrast, those individuals rebelled against Britain at higher rates. Additional quantitative analysis provides evidence consistent with the theoretical argument: constituencies more severely affected by the Famine were more likely to vote for the pro-Irish, anti-British Sinn Féin Party. This article demonstrates how the local memory of past repression can play a crucial role in shaping long-run patterns of participation in conflict.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140782466","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract: One of the central challenges in China-US relations is the risk of a security dilemma between China and the United States, as each side carries out actions for what it perceives to be defensively motivated reasons, failing to realize how they are perceived by the other side. Yet how susceptible to the psychological biases that undergird the security dilemma are the Chinese and American publics? Can these biases' deleterious effects be mitigated? The authors explore the microfoundations of the security dilemma, fielding parallel dyadic cross-national survey experiments in China and the United States. We find microlevel evidence consistent with the logic of the security dilemma in publics in both countries. We also find that international relations (ir) scholars have overstated the palliative effects of perspective-taking, which can backfire in the face of perceived threats to actors' identities and goals. The authors' findings have important implications for the study of public opinion in China-US relations and perspective-taking in ir.
{"title":"Perspective-Taking and Security Dilemma Thinking: Experimental Evidence from China and the United States","authors":"Joshua D. Kertzer, Ryan Brutger, Kai Quek","doi":"10.1353/wp.2024.a924509","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2024.a924509","url":null,"abstract":"abstract: One of the central challenges in China-US relations is the risk of a security dilemma between China and the United States, as each side carries out actions for what it perceives to be defensively motivated reasons, failing to realize how they are perceived by the other side. Yet how susceptible to the psychological biases that undergird the security dilemma are the Chinese and American publics? Can these biases' deleterious effects be mitigated? The authors explore the microfoundations of the security dilemma, fielding parallel dyadic cross-national survey experiments in China and the United States. We find microlevel evidence consistent with the logic of the security dilemma in publics in both countries. We also find that international relations (ir) scholars have overstated the palliative effects of perspective-taking, which can backfire in the face of perceived threats to actors' identities and goals. The authors' findings have important implications for the study of public opinion in China-US relations and perspective-taking in ir.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140794066","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract: When globalization harms a community, voters are expected to demand compensation programs. Why, then, would incumbents fail to provide additional compensation following an economic shock? The authors argue that in addition to offering material assistance, government compensation also informs voters about the costs of globalization, generating consternation in the electorate. As a result, providing compensation can hurt incumbents' electoral prospects. This article studies this consternation effect in the United States during the China shock period (1990–2007). The authors use an administrative instrument for access to the US Trade Adjustment Assistance (taa) program, the longest-standing compensation system for workers displaced by international trade. The analysis shows that compensation electorally backfires when distributed to low-shocked regions in which the informational value of compensation is high. The consternation effect can explain why governments often underinvest in compensation programs.
{"title":"Electoral Rewards and Punishments for Trade Compensation","authors":"Minju Kim, Robert Gulotty","doi":"10.1353/wp.2024.a924507","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2024.a924507","url":null,"abstract":"abstract: When globalization harms a community, voters are expected to demand compensation programs. Why, then, would incumbents fail to provide additional compensation following an economic shock? The authors argue that in addition to offering material assistance, government compensation also informs voters about the costs of globalization, generating consternation in the electorate. As a result, providing compensation can hurt incumbents' electoral prospects. This article studies this consternation effect in the United States during the China shock period (1990–2007). The authors use an administrative instrument for access to the US Trade Adjustment Assistance (taa) program, the longest-standing compensation system for workers displaced by international trade. The analysis shows that compensation electorally backfires when distributed to low-shocked regions in which the informational value of compensation is high. The consternation effect can explain why governments often underinvest in compensation programs.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140762347","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Reviewing the debate on why governments have failed to compensate low- and middle-income citizens for rising income inequality, this essay argues for a perspective that integrates demand-side and supply-side considerations and treats income bias in policy responsiveness as variable across countries and over time.
{"title":"The Comparative Politics of Inequality and Redistribution in Liberal Democracies","authors":"Jonas Pontusson","doi":"10.1353/wp.0.a923781","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.a923781","url":null,"abstract":"Reviewing the debate on why governments have failed to compensate low- and middle-income citizens for rising income inequality, this essay argues for a perspective that integrates demand-side and supply-side considerations and treats income bias in policy responsiveness as variable across countries and over time.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-03-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140407827","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
As the practice of revolution has evolved, so too have theories of revolution. Much of the current literature on revolutions focuses on contentious processes. But a need exists to take a more holistic approach—one that better incorporates history, thinks across divides in the literature, contemplates what precedes and follows revolution, and places revolutionary processes and the structural factors that underpin them into dialogue with one another.
{"title":"The Evolving Study of Revolution","authors":"M. Beissinger","doi":"10.1353/wp.0.a920225","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.a920225","url":null,"abstract":"As the practice of revolution has evolved, so too have theories of revolution. Much of the current literature on revolutions focuses on contentious processes. But a need exists to take a more holistic approach—one that better incorporates history, thinks across divides in the literature, contemplates what precedes and follows revolution, and places revolutionary processes and the structural factors that underpin them into dialogue with one another.\u0000","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-02-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139966140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract: This article examines the state's uneven capacity to deliver public social goods to the periphery. It does so through a comparative analysis of two agencies in Thailand, the Ministry of Public Health and the Ministry of Education, which have exhibited a marked disparity in serving rural citizens over the past twenty-five years. The author traces these outcomes to a divergence in how the agencies perceive the significance of their rural policies in meeting Thailand's security threats and economic growth strategy. This perception produces contrasting organizational norms between central and local bureaucrats, which informs incentives for capacity-building. When an agency's central office believes that rural policy matters significantly for national goals, norms develop that encourage local agents to invest in serving rural needs. But when an agency deems rural policy to be less urgent in meeting key national objectives, the converse ensues. The article finds that how an agency strategically considers the rural sector influences its decisions to invest in the periphery, with lasting consequences for state capacity and the rural-urban divide.
{"title":"The Uneven State: Center and Periphery in Shaping State Capacity in Thailand","authors":"Illan Nam","doi":"10.1353/wp.2024.a916341","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2024.a916341","url":null,"abstract":"abstract: This article examines the state's uneven capacity to deliver public social goods to the periphery. It does so through a comparative analysis of two agencies in Thailand, the Ministry of Public Health and the Ministry of Education, which have exhibited a marked disparity in serving rural citizens over the past twenty-five years. The author traces these outcomes to a divergence in how the agencies perceive the significance of their rural policies in meeting Thailand's security threats and economic growth strategy. This perception produces contrasting organizational norms between central and local bureaucrats, which informs incentives for capacity-building. When an agency's central office believes that rural policy matters significantly for national goals, norms develop that encourage local agents to invest in serving rural needs. But when an agency deems rural policy to be less urgent in meeting key national objectives, the converse ensues. The article finds that how an agency strategically considers the rural sector influences its decisions to invest in the periphery, with lasting consequences for state capacity and the rural-urban divide.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139394434","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
abstract: The authors develop a perspective of locally embedded welfare state development to explain how relatively weak national political actors can, nonetheless, shape national policy over time by pursuing local reforms. Empirically, the authors assess their argument by using municipality-level representative shares, data on noncontributory pension reforms, roll-call votes from parliament, and archival material from early twentieth-century Norway, in which several local governments introduced noncontributory old-age pensions before Norway adopted a national scheme. The authors show, first, how nationally underrepresented but highly institutionalized socialist parties with geographically concentrated support introduced local pensions. Over time, these parties thus shaped the possibility space for national reform, effectively locking the national policy agenda into a pension system preferred by the socialists—namely, noncontributory pensions. Citing high municipality-debt pressures in their constituencies, bourgeois politicians from districts with local pensions eventually supported and promoted national-level pension reform. This support, in turn, spurred the cross-class alliance required to establish a national noncontributory pension system.
{"title":"Laying Down The Principles: How Local Socialist Achievements Spurred National Bourgeois Support for Noncontributory Pensions","authors":"M. Rasmussen, C. Knutsen","doi":"10.1353/wp.2024.a916344","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.2024.a916344","url":null,"abstract":"abstract: The authors develop a perspective of locally embedded welfare state development to explain how relatively weak national political actors can, nonetheless, shape national policy over time by pursuing local reforms. Empirically, the authors assess their argument by using municipality-level representative shares, data on noncontributory pension reforms, roll-call votes from parliament, and archival material from early twentieth-century Norway, in which several local governments introduced noncontributory old-age pensions before Norway adopted a national scheme. The authors show, first, how nationally underrepresented but highly institutionalized socialist parties with geographically concentrated support introduced local pensions. Over time, these parties thus shaped the possibility space for national reform, effectively locking the national policy agenda into a pension system preferred by the socialists—namely, noncontributory pensions. Citing high municipality-debt pressures in their constituencies, bourgeois politicians from districts with local pensions eventually supported and promoted national-level pension reform. This support, in turn, spurred the cross-class alliance required to establish a national noncontributory pension system.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139394623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
R. Riedl, Paul Friesen, Jennifer McCoy, Kenneth Roberts
This article assesses two next-level questions in the study of democratic backsliding: democratic resilience and political polarization. It first advances a set of methodological decision points to improve clarity in contemporary debates surrounding democratic backsliding measurement and the possibility of identifying moments of democratic recovery. It then moves to a theoretical and empirical assessment of pathways by which democratic backsliding takes place, under what conditions, which specific actors are involved, and what opportunities exist for democratic recovery given sources of resilience and strategies of resistance. The authors examine the role of political polarization in backsliding and highlight the combined importance of political agency and institutional levers for regime outcomes. The authors argue that regime outcomes are not predetermined by antecedent conditions, and particularly not by the level of development.
{"title":"Democratic Backsliding,\u0000Resilience, and Resistance","authors":"R. Riedl, Paul Friesen, Jennifer McCoy, Kenneth Roberts","doi":"10.1353/wp.0.a917802","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/wp.0.a917802","url":null,"abstract":"This article assesses two next-level questions in the study of democratic backsliding: democratic\u0000resilience and political polarization. It first advances a set of methodological decision\u0000points to improve clarity in contemporary debates surrounding democratic backsliding\u0000measurement and the possibility of identifying moments of democratic recovery. It\u0000then moves to a theoretical and empirical assessment of pathways by which democratic\u0000backsliding takes place, under what conditions, which specific actors are involved, and\u0000what opportunities exist for democratic recovery given sources of resilience and strategies\u0000of resistance. The authors examine the role of political polarization in backsliding and\u0000highlight the combined importance of political agency and institutional levers for regime\u0000outcomes. The authors argue that regime outcomes are not predetermined by antecedent\u0000conditions, and particularly not by the level of development.","PeriodicalId":48266,"journal":{"name":"World Politics","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":5.0,"publicationDate":"2024-01-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139634729","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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