Applied Cognitive Psychology最新文献

False information (FI) is a critical issue for the military, and correction is a common strategy to counteract its influence. However, literature questions the potential of correction to fully restore optimal reasoning. Some studies suggest an overcorrection effect, aligning attitudes excessively with the correction, while others highlight the continued influence effect (CIE), where attitudes persist in alignment with FI. This research aimed to examine the effect of an FI correction within military scenarios. A total of 61 participants read four military scenarios designed to simulate decision-making, followed by an assessment of their inferential reasoning. Two of the scenarios presented FI which was later retracted, and the two remaining scenarios did not. The results did not reveal any evidence of the CIE, but an overcorrection effect emerged in decision-making. The study underscores an underestimated threat in countering misinformation. The theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

For effective self-regulated learning with problem-solving tasks, students must accurately assess their performance and select a suitable next learning task. However, most students struggle with this. Recent research shows that self-assessment and task-selection skills can be trained through video modeling examples (SATS-training). However, the limited research available suggests that students struggle to transfer trained task-selection skills to other problem-solving contexts. We investigated whether guidance in the form of prompts (stating that the task-selection procedure can be adapted and used) or explicit instruction (on how the procedure can be adapted) would improve task-selection accuracy on transfer tasks with this guidance available and on later, unguided transfer tasks. Explicit instruction significantly enhanced task-selection accuracy compared to prompts and a no-guidance control condition on guided transfer tasks, but not on unguided transfer tasks. Thus, it remains a question how to lastingly improve transfer of task-selection skills also in the absence of guidance.

Intentional forgetting exhibits limited efficacy in children but demonstrates resilience in adults. This study aimed to explore the developmental trends and underlying mechanisms of intentional forgetting in adolescents. Students from grades 7th and 9th were recruited to perform the modified list-method directed forgetting (DF, Experiment 1) and selective directed forgetting (SDF, Experiment 2) tasks. In Experiment 1, both graders showed typical DF effects. The 9th graders forgot more List 1 compared to the 7th graders in the forgetting condition, indicating a stronger DF ability for the former group. In Experiment 2, an SDF effect was observed for the 9th graders but was absent for the 7th graders. Additionally, a weaker forgetting effect was induced by imagining cues relative to forgetting cues in both experiments. These results demonstrated that DF and SDF abilities in adolescents improved with age and might be mediated by inhibitory control rather than changes in mental context.

Do customers convert values to a familiar currency (rescaling hypothesis) or do they learn item-price pairs (relearning hypothesis) when they estimate the prices of consumer goods and services in a currency they are unfamiliar with? We addressed this question by replicating the study conducted in Portugal and Austria in 2001 and 2002, around the time when these countries switched to the euro (Marques & Dehaene, Journal of Experimental Psychology: Applied, 2004, 10, 148–155). The study was made in Croatia where university students (N = 181) were asked to estimate the typical price of a set of 60 items from November 2022 to June 2023, around the time at which changeover to the euro took place. The results support the rescaling hypothesis by showing concurrent improvements in the precision of price estimates for frequently and rarely bought items. The reliance on rescaling is probably caused by a high inflation that accompanied a changeover to the euro in Croatia.

Previous studies have demonstrated that people share their personal experiences with others for various purposes, such as gaining self-understanding, socializing, and seeking solutions to current problems, among others. However, it remains unclear why people share collective experiences with others or whether they do so for reasons similar to those driving the sharing of personal experiences. In this study, we developed a questionnaire to identify and measure the motivations behind sharing collective experiences, including events like military coups, earthquakes, terrorist attacks, and more. The study involved 407 participants, spanning different age groups, from Turkey. The results reveal that (a) individuals share collective memories for reasons similar to those driving the sharing of individual memories and (b) the primary functions of collective memories include creating a collective identity, strengthening social bonds, fostering learning and understanding of past history, mitigating collective negative emotions, and guiding communities into the future.

The role of rapport facilitating cooperation and information disclosure has been widely acknowledged by both researchers and practitioners across professional information-gathering contexts. However, the definition and assessment of rapport are still debated, resulting in a lack of reliable and commonly used tools to effectively measure rapport. This review explored how rapport has been measured in professional information-gathering contexts and illustrates key characteristics of published measures in a searchable systematic map. A total of 111 research articles and 126 measures of rapport were evaluated based on standards in scale development and validation. The measures' conceptualisation of rapport was also examined with their individual items being coded for the following theorised components of rapport: (i) paying attention, (ii) personalising the interview/interaction, (iii) being approachable and (iv) establishing a mutual connection. Findings are synthesised and discussed in relation to the overarching patterns found, including limited consistency and validity in current measures of rapport.

When people estimate the summative carbon footprint of a sequence of events, how are the individual events integrated? In three experiments, we found that summative carbon footprint judgments of item sequences are disproportionately influenced by items at the end of the sequence in comparison with those at the beginning—a recency effect. When, for example, sequences ended with a low carbon footprint item, they were assigned a lower carbon footprint than corresponding sequences with an identical content but different item order. The results also revealed that a green peak (presenting many low carbon footprint items at once) had a relatively large effect on estimates when the peak was contextually distinct from other items in terms of its valence. The results are consistent with an account within which distinctiveness of representations within short-term memory differentially influences decision-making and suggest that memory processes bias the perceived environmental footprint of temporally separated instances.

Eyewitnesses may be exposed to multiple pieces of misinformation concerning the same original detail. The two misleading details contradicting each other enable detecting a discrepancy between them, which, given that only one of them can be true, should reduce credibility of the misinformation source(s) and improve reporting. This, however, can only happen at sufficiently high levels of misinformation availability (i.e., encoding of misinformation and its subsequent accessibility): with low misinformation availability, double misinformation should instead increase the misinformation effect, providing multiple chances of yielding to misinformation. To test these predictions, we experimentally manipulated misinformation availability (high vs. low) and presented double or single misinformation. However, double versus single misinformation presentation did not affect performance or interact with misinformation availability and participants frequently reported misinformation while fully detecting discrepancies between items. Therefore, discrepancy detection alone may not be sufficient in reducing the misinformation effect, with various decision-making processes involved in reporting.

When providing eyewitness testimony, people sometimes fabricate lies that supplement the truth by embellishing or adding new information. This study investigated whether participants confuse their fabricated lies for actually witnessed events over time. In two experiments employing different eyewitness events, participants viewed an event and were then asked to lie about unseen details and events. Memory was assessed after either a 1-week (E1a & E2) or a 4-week (E1b & E2) retention interval. In both experiments, participants falsely reported witnessing their lies after a 4-week retention interval, but only one experiment (E2) obtained evidence for these memory errors at the shorter retention interval of 1-week. In addition, when assessed repeatedly, lies that participants correctly rejected as not witnessed at the 1-week retention interval were later incorrectly endorsed as witnessed when tested again at the 4-week retention interval, thus showing that distinguishing lies from truth became more difficult over time.

Mistaking a person for another sometimes occurs; however, few studies have examined it experimentally. Therefore, the reasons behind this kind of person misidentification and its occurrence rate remain unclear, and thus we aimed to demonstrate person misidentification occurs with a certain probability through a field experiment. We also sought to examine whether the similarity between two people affects the occurrence of person misidentification. When 66 undergraduate participants made a rendezvous with an acquaintance, another person who wore similar clothes to the acquaintance or had a similar face appeared. The results showed that in both the conditions, approximately half of the participants made the person misidentification error, and one-fourth even spoke to the person mistakenly. Moreover, the results indicated that clothing contributed to person misidentification just as much as the face at first sight but became less important over time. This suggests a dynamic shift in person identification depending on time.