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Gendered News Coverage at the Apex of Political Leadership: Validating and Applying a Visual Character Frame Instrument to the Campaigns of Merkel, Clinton, and Their Male Opponents 政治领导力顶点的性别新闻报道:在默克尔、克林顿及其男性对手的竞选活动中验证和应用视觉人物框架工具
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-12-01 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251389039
Dennis Steffan, Maria Elizabeth Grabe
This cross-national, two-study project examines leadership at the intersection of gender, politics, and visual framing. In Study 1, an online experiment, we used AI-generated images of synthetic women and men candidates ( N = 996) to validate an existing visual character frame instrument and examine if voters associate gender with these frames. We found strong consistency between German and US voters in attributing gender-variant leadership qualities to synthetic politicians. Study 2 applied the validated instrument in a comparative content analysis of TV election stories ( N = 318) about Angela Merkel (2017) and Hillary Clinton (2016) and their male opponents. Both women received more masculine framing than men, either signaling strategic success in side-stepping femininity or journalists were over-compensating for decades of gender role stereotyping. Merkel’s visual masculinity was part of a winning campaign while Clinton’s was associated with a loss, underscoring the complexities of visual masculinity for women in politics.
这个跨国家的两项研究项目考察了性别、政治和视觉框架交叉的领导力。在一项在线实验研究1中,我们使用人工智能生成的合成女性和男性候选人的图像(N = 996)来验证现有的视觉特征框架工具,并检查选民是否将性别与这些框架联系起来。我们发现,德国和美国选民在将性别差异的领导品质归因于合成政治家方面有着很强的一致性。研究2应用验证工具对安格拉·默克尔(2017年)和希拉里·克林顿(2016年)及其男性对手的电视选举故事(N = 318)进行了比较内容分析。这两名女性都比男性获得了更多的男性化框架,这要么表明她们在回避女性特质方面取得了战略上的成功,要么表明记者们过度补偿了几十年来的性别角色刻板印象。默克尔在视觉上的男子气概是赢得竞选的一部分,而克林顿则与失败联系在一起,这突显了政治女性在视觉上的男子气概的复杂性。
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引用次数: 0
A Scoping Review of Prosocial and Antisocial Media Content and Effects in Narrative Entertainment Research Across Five Decades 近50年来叙事娱乐研究中亲社会和反社会媒体内容及其影响的范围回顾
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-11-27 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251395817
Lindsay Hahn, Kevin Kryston, Kaitlin Fitzgerald, Ron Tamborini
Despite the popularity of investigations into prosocial and antisocial media content and effects in entertainment research, the essence and boundary conditions of these terms are not well-demarcated. In a preregistered scoping review, we explored how prosocial and antisocial have been defined in narrative entertainment literature according to a comprehensive scheme of moral values outlined by the model of intuitive-morality and exemplars (MIME). Examining all N = 346 studies investigating pro/antisocial content/effects published before 2021, we coded whether these terms were defined as the upholding/violation of care, fairness, loyalty, respect for authority, purity, or general-moral concerns. Results revealed pro/antisocial are mostly defined as the upholding/violation of care concerns, but many definitions also focused on fairness, loyalty, authority, and purity. Discussion centers on the MIME’s utility for (a) illuminating robust patterns possibly hidden in past research, (b) guiding future research attempting to distinguish pro/antisocial media content, and (c) explaining media’s influence on audiences across the lifespan.
尽管在娱乐研究中对亲社会和反社会媒体内容和影响的调查很受欢迎,但这些术语的本质和边界条件并没有得到很好的界定。在一项预先登记的范围审查中,我们根据直觉道德和典范(MIME)模型概述的道德价值观的综合方案,探讨了叙事娱乐文学中亲社会和反社会是如何定义的。研究了所有在2021年之前发表的N = 346项调查亲/反社会内容/影响的研究,我们对这些术语是否被定义为维护/违反关爱、公平、忠诚、尊重权威、纯洁或一般道德问题进行了编码。结果显示,亲社会/反社会的定义主要是支持/违反关心问题,但也有许多定义关注公平、忠诚、权威和纯洁。讨论集中在MIME的效用(a)阐明可能隐藏在过去研究中的健壮模式,(b)指导试图区分亲/反社交媒体内容的未来研究,以及(c)解释媒体对受众整个生命周期的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Politically Knowledgeable or Directional (Mis)Believers? How to Identify Those Who Are correct About Political Facts for the “Wrong” Reasons 政治知识渊博还是定向(错误)信徒?如何识别那些出于“错误”理由而对政治事实正确的人
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-11-26 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251392780
Elina Lindgren, Isabella Glogger, Nora Theorin, Hajo G. Boomgaarden, Torun Lindholm, Jesper Strömbäck
An informed public is essential to democratic representation, and the news media have traditionally played a central role in supporting this ideal. However, the changing media environment and a rise of misinformation have raised new questions about how citizens acquire and retain political knowledge, prompting distinctions between the uninformed and those holding directional or evidence-resistant misbeliefs. We extend this discussion by arguing that even individuals who are factually accurate may not necessarily be politically knowledgeable, as directional beliefs can sometimes coincide with correct information. We address this both theoretically—by integrating concepts of certainty and attitudes toward evidence—and empirically, by analyzing belief patterns across political issues using Swedish survey data ( N = 2,268). Our findings suggest that individuals can be knowledgeable on some issues yet holding directional (mis)beliefs on others, selectively aligning with facts that support their views. These belief patterns are not associated with traditional news use but correlate with alternative news consumption.
知情的公众对民主代表至关重要,新闻媒体传统上在支持这一理想方面发挥了核心作用。然而,不断变化的媒体环境和错误信息的增加引发了关于公民如何获取和保留政治知识的新问题,促使人们区分不知情者和持有指向性或证据抵抗性错误信念的人。我们扩展了这个讨论,认为即使是事实准确的人也不一定具有政治知识,因为指向性信念有时会与正确的信息相吻合。我们从理论上解决了这个问题——通过整合确定性的概念和对证据的态度——并从经验上解决了这个问题,通过使用瑞典调查数据(N = 2268)分析政治问题中的信仰模式。我们的研究结果表明,个人可能对某些问题很了解,但对另一些问题却持有方向性(错误)信念,有选择地与支持自己观点的事实保持一致。这些信念模式与传统新闻使用无关,但与另类新闻消费相关。
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引用次数: 0
The Influence of Responsibility for Stigma, Coping Effort, and Message Visibility on Online Observers’ Emotions and Verbal Person-Centered Responses 污名责任、应对努力和信息可见性对网络观察者情绪和言语以人为中心反应的影响
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-11-15 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251391247
Emily M. Buehler, Jenny L. Crowley
Online social network members provide more varied and impartial support within a reduced-risk environment; however, not all online observers react favorably when viewing a support-seeking message. Grounded in the attribution-emotion-action model, this study examines how responsibility for stigma, coping effort, and message visibility influence observers’ emotions and verbal person-centered responses when viewing a support-seeking message on Facebook. Results from an experiment ( N = 798) indicated observers’ feelings of sympathy mediate the association between responsibility for stigma and verbal person-centered responses, but only when coping effort is high. Analyses also revealed effects related to message visibility, such that observers reported higher levels of sympathy when a seeker indicated lower responsibility for stigma and higher effort in a private message, which then elicited higher verbal person-centered responses. Results have implications for the attribution-emotion-action model and communication theory of visibility and offer practical insights for people seeking support for stigmatized health conditions.
在线社交网络成员在降低风险的环境中提供更多样化和公正的支持;然而,并不是所有的在线观察者在看到寻求帮助的信息时都会做出积极的反应。在归因-情绪-行动模型的基础上,本研究考察了耻辱的责任、应对努力和信息可见性如何影响观察者在Facebook上观看寻求支持信息时的情绪和以人为中心的口头反应。一项实验结果(N = 798)表明,观察者的同情感介导了耻感责任与言语以人为中心的反应之间的关联,但仅在应对努力高的情况下。分析还揭示了与信息可见性相关的影响,例如,当寻求者表示对耻辱的责任较低、在私人信息中付出更多努力时,观察者报告的同情程度更高,这随后引发了更高的以人为本的口头反应。研究结果对归因-情绪-行动模型和可见性的沟通理论具有启示意义,并为因污名化健康状况寻求支持的人提供了实践见解。
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引用次数: 0
Disconnect to Recharge: Well-Being Benefits of Digital Disconnection in Daily Life 断开连接充电:在日常生活中断开数字连接对健康的好处
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-11-11 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251387830
Alicia Gilbert, Julius Klingelhoefer, Adrian Meier
Well-being is among the prime motivations to reduce one’s digital media use. This study examines momentary and lagged associations between digital disconnection and positive, negative, and relational indicators of well-being. In an experience sampling design, N = 237 participants reported T = 12,407 situations over 2 weeks. Results show that when participants disconnected more than usual, they reported higher affective well-being, energy, and social connectedness (within-person associations). In contrast, after adding controls, those who generally disconnected more than others reported no differences in well-being (between-person associations). Disconnection was not related to stress, neither within nor between persons. However, associations partly depended on controlling for work versus leisure media use. Intrinsic motivation for disconnection positively moderated associations with affective well-being, energy, and social connectedness between persons. We further explored how associations differed across disconnection levels and time lags. Overall, digital disconnection was related to higher well-being situationally – but not over time.
幸福是减少数字媒体使用的主要动机之一。本研究考察了数字断开与幸福的积极、消极和相关指标之间的瞬间和滞后关联。在经验抽样设计中,N = 237名参与者在两周内报告了T = 12,407种情况。结果表明,当参与者比平时更不联系时,他们报告的情感幸福感、精力和社会联系(人际关系)更高。相比之下,在加入控制后,那些通常比其他人更不联系的人在幸福感(人与人之间的联系)方面没有差异。断开与压力无关,无论是内部的还是人与人之间的。然而,这些关联部分取决于对工作和休闲媒体使用的控制。断开连接的内在动机正向调节与情感幸福感、能量和人与人之间的社会联系的关联。我们进一步探讨了断开程度和时间滞后之间的关联差异。总体而言,数字中断与更高的幸福感有关,但与时间无关。
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引用次数: 0
Won’t Stop ’Til You Get Enough? Determinants of Disengaging From Mobile Media Apps in Daily Life 不满足就不罢休?在日常生活中脱离移动媒体应用程序的决定因素
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-10-28 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251378582
Alicia Ernst, Anna Schnauber-Stockmann
While permanent connectivity has made media use ubiquitous and apps have become engagement optimized, little research has focused on the termination of (mobile) media sessions. This study addresses this shortcoming by exploring how internal, environmental, and media context cues situationally prompt users to stop using an app. In an event-based experience sampling study, 118 participants reported on disengagement from TikTok or Instagram ( T = 1,893 sessions). We identified five disengagement types through multilevel latent class analysis: non-self-determined disengagement, self-determined disengagement, disengagement through priority shifts, temporary disengagement, and “mindless” disengagement. Across the types, competing activities, goal achievement, and push notifications emerged as the most prevalent cues and disengagement mostly occurred as an effortless solution to activity conflicts. In one type, it was accompanied by negative emotions. This typology contributes to a nuanced understanding of disengagement, suggesting that while worrisome forms exist, they do not dominate disengagement in day-to-day life.
虽然永久的连接使得媒体使用无处不在,应用程序也已经优化了用户粘性,但很少有研究关注(移动)媒体会话的终止。本研究通过探索内部、环境和媒体背景线索如何在情况下促使用户停止使用应用程序来解决这一缺点。在一项基于事件的体验抽样研究中,118名参与者报告了从TikTok或Instagram上脱离的情况(T = 1893次)。我们通过多层次潜在类分析确定了五种脱离类型:非自主脱离、自主脱离、通过优先级转移的脱离、临时脱离和“无意识”脱离。在这些类型中,竞争性活动、目标成就和推送通知是最普遍的提示,而脱离粘性则是活动冲突的简单解决方案。在一种类型中,它伴随着负面情绪。这种类型有助于细致入微地理解脱离,表明尽管存在令人担忧的形式,但它们并不主导日常生活中的脱离。
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引用次数: 0
The Communicative Disenfranchisement of Disabled Individuals During Healthcare Appointments: Material Ramifications of Inaccessible Talk and Space 残疾人在医疗保健预约期间的交流剥夺:难以接近的谈话和空间的物质后果
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-10-27 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251384697
Emily A. Mendelson, Charee M. Thompson
Hintz and Scharp’s explication of the theory of communicative (dis)enfranchisement describes how hegemonic ideologies are reified through talk. This paper approaches communicative disenfranchisement from a critical disability studies perspective to make visible the ways systemic ableism operates as a hegemonic ideology that harms disabled individuals. To do so, we employed Price’s theory of crip spacetime to illuminate how communicative disenfranchisement is magnified when the spaces that talk occurs in are disenfranchising themselves. Based on interviews with 20 disabled and chronically ill individuals, findings illustrate how ableism is enacted communicatively through epistemic erasure and spatially through (in)accessible environments. Findings also demonstrate how navigating multiple dimensions of disenfranchisement is costly, negatively affecting individuals’ physical, mental, and emotional wellbeing. This disenfranchisement accumulates and leads to what we term illness burnout , which occurs when structural inaccessibility exhausts individuals from seeking the care they need. To conclude, we provide an illustrative case of crip communicative (dis)enfranchisement , a material-discursive reality that individuals experiencing illness must navigate in pursuit of health care.
Hintz和Scharp对交际(非)解放理论的解释描述了霸权意识形态是如何通过谈话具体化的。本文从批判性残疾研究的角度探讨交流剥夺,以揭示系统性残疾歧视作为一种霸权意识形态是如何伤害残疾人的。为了做到这一点,我们采用了Price的crip时空理论来说明,当谈话发生的空间本身被剥夺权利时,交流的剥夺权利是如何被放大的。基于对20名残疾人和慢性病患者的访谈,研究结果说明了残疾歧视是如何通过认知消除和通过无障碍环境在空间上实施的。研究结果还表明,在剥夺公民权的多个维度上进行导航是多么昂贵,对个人的身体、精神和情感健康产生了负面影响。这种剥夺权利的积累导致了我们所说的疾病倦怠,当结构性的无障碍使个人无法寻求他们需要的护理时,就会发生这种情况。综上所述,我们提供了一个说明性的案例,说明了不良的沟通(dis)权利,一个物质话语的现实,个人经历疾病必须导航,以追求医疗保健。
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引用次数: 0
Testing the Predictive Power of a Cognitive-Structural Approach to Message Design: Persuasive Effects Among Republicans and Democrats 测试信息设计的认知结构方法的预测能力:共和党人和民主党人的说服效果
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-10-14 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251376470
Shannon M. Cruz, David M. Keating, Yanitza A. Cruz Crespo, Marissa W. Kopp
Several theoretical approaches suggest that a promising approach to designing effective, tailored persuasive messages may be to draw on insights from an audience’s shared cognitive structure. Specifically, a cognitive-structural approach to message design would suggest that messages targeting central concepts in an audience’s shared cognitive structure will have stronger persuasive effects than messages targeting more peripheral concepts. The present investigation, however, failed to provide support for this approach. The results of four studies revealed that attitude and semantic networks each provided a different estimate of cognitive structure and made competing claims about whether this structure differs for Republicans and Democrats. However, neither structure successfully predicted which messages would be most effective. Instead, both Democrats and Republicans were persuaded by a wide range of arguments targeting both central and peripheral concepts. The results have implications for future work on the role of cognitive structures in persuasion and theory-driven message development.
一些理论方法表明,设计有效的、量身定制的有说服力的信息的一种有希望的方法可能是利用听众共同认知结构的见解。具体来说,信息设计的认知结构方法表明,针对受众共同认知结构中的中心概念的信息比针对更多外围概念的信息具有更强的说服力。然而,目前的调查未能为这种方法提供支持。四项研究的结果显示,态度网络和语义网络各自提供了对认知结构的不同估计,并就共和党人和民主党人的认知结构是否不同提出了相互竞争的主张。然而,这两种结构都无法成功预测哪些消息是最有效的。相反,民主党人和共和党人都被针对核心和边缘概念的广泛争论所说服。这些结果对未来关于认知结构在说服和理论驱动信息发展中的作用的研究具有启示意义。
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引用次数: 0
Unraveling Perceived Work Values of Role Models From TV Series and Social Media in Adolescents’ Work Value Endorsement: A Longitudinal Investigation 电视连续剧和社交媒体中角色榜样感知工作价值对青少年工作价值认同的纵向调查
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-09-17 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251371777
Ilse Vranken, Sonya Dal Cin, Laura Vandenbosch
Work values are a component of vocational identities. How TV series and social media role models play a role in adolescents’ work value endorsement remains underexamined. This study investigated transactional within-person associations between perceived upholding of intrinsic/extrinsic work values by a favorite occupational role model from a TV series or from social media and adolescents’ intrinsic/extrinsic work value endorsement. The moderating roles of occupational wishful identification and gender were also examined. Altogether, 1,294 late adolescents (55.85% girls, M age = 18.34, SD age = 6.44) participated in a three-wave panel study. Perceived upholding of intrinsic work values by a favorite occupational role model from a TV series positively predicted adolescents’ intrinsic work value endorsement on the within-person level. Regarding the perceived upholding of intrinsic/extrinsic work values by a favorite role model from social media and adolescents’ work value endorsement, only between-person associations emerged. No support was found for our moderators.
工作价值观是职业认同的一个组成部分。电视剧和社交媒体的榜样在青少年的工作价值认可中如何发挥作用仍未得到充分研究。本研究调查了电视连续剧或社交媒体中最喜欢的职业榜样对内在/外在工作价值的感知支持与青少年内在/外在工作价值认可之间的交易性人际关系。研究了职业一厢情愿认同和性别的调节作用。共有1294名晚期青少年(55.85%为女孩,M年龄= 18.34,SD年龄= 6.44)参加了三波面板研究。电视连续剧中最喜欢的职业榜样对内在工作价值的支持正向预测青少年对内在工作价值的认同。关于社交媒体上最喜欢的榜样对内在/外在工作价值观的支持和青少年对工作价值观的认可,只有人与人之间的联系出现。没有人支持我们的版主。
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引用次数: 0
The Role of Political Interest in the Relationships Between Privacy Concerns, Social Network Size, and Political Expression on Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram 政治利益在隐私问题、社交网络规模和Facebook、Twitter和Instagram上的政治表达之间的关系中的作用
IF 6.2 1区 文学 Q1 COMMUNICATION Pub Date : 2025-09-17 DOI: 10.1177/00936502251370943
Christian Pieter Hoffmann, Shelley Boulianne
Studies on the predictors of using social media for political purposes reveal some unexpected complexities: users often disregard institutional privacy concerns to discuss politics online, and the size of social networks positively correlates with political expression on social media. Building on the privacy calculus theory, we explore how political interest interacts with privacy concerns and social network size when users decide to engage in political expression on social media. This study utilizes survey data from four countries (the US, UK, France, and Canada) collected in 2019 ( n = 6,291), encompassing three social media platforms: Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter. We find that privacy concerns are negatively related to expression on social media. Larger social networks positively relate to political expression, especially on Twitter. Political interest plays an important moderating role: highly politically interested users discount privacy concerns and opt to post political content. These findings replicate across all three platforms.
对出于政治目的使用社交媒体的预测因素的研究揭示了一些意想不到的复杂性:用户经常不顾机构隐私问题在网上讨论政治,社交网络的规模与社交媒体上的政治表达呈正相关。在隐私演算理论的基础上,我们探讨了当用户决定在社交媒体上参与政治表达时,政治利益如何与隐私问题和社交网络规模相互作用。这项研究利用了2019年收集的来自四个国家(美国、英国、法国和加拿大)的调查数据(n = 6291),涵盖了三个社交媒体平台:Facebook、Instagram和Twitter。我们发现隐私问题与社交媒体上的表达呈负相关。较大的社交网络与政治表达呈正相关,尤其是在Twitter上。政治兴趣起着重要的调节作用:高度政治兴趣的用户不考虑隐私问题,并选择发布政治内容。这些发现在所有三个平台上都是一样的。
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引用次数: 0
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Communication Research
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