Pub Date : 2025-12-11DOI: 10.1177/00223433251370495
Dara Kay Cohen, Cassy Dorff
How does participating in research on difficult topics affect research staff? While investigations of research-related stress (RRS) have increased in recent years, most are focused on researchers’ direct interactions with survivors during field-based research. Less is known about the consequences of intensive research based on primary and secondary sources such as human rights reports and news sources. We surveyed over 100 current and former research assistants who worked on large-scale human rights abuse and political violence data coding projects. Using an ethics-based framework of balancing risks and benefits, we evaluated both the self-reported harms and benefits of this coding work. We find that signs of stress are common; 88% of respondents reported experiencing at least one indicator of such stress. At the same time, nearly all respondents reported their experience was more positive than negative, along with numerous benefits, such as gaining new perspectives and research skills. This study provides some of the first systematic empirical evidence regarding desk-research-based RRS and has implications for the ethics and practice of conducting research and directing research teams studying challenging topics.
{"title":"Researching human rights violations: Assessing research-related stress among research assistants","authors":"Dara Kay Cohen, Cassy Dorff","doi":"10.1177/00223433251370495","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251370495","url":null,"abstract":"How does participating in research on difficult topics affect research staff? While investigations of research-related stress (RRS) have increased in recent years, most are focused on researchers’ direct interactions with survivors during field-based research. Less is known about the consequences of intensive research based on primary and secondary sources such as human rights reports and news sources. We surveyed over 100 current and former research assistants who worked on large-scale human rights abuse and political violence data coding projects. Using an ethics-based framework of balancing risks and benefits, we evaluated both the self-reported harms and benefits of this coding work. We find that signs of stress are common; 88% of respondents reported experiencing at least one indicator of such stress. At the same time, nearly all respondents reported their experience was more positive than negative, along with numerous benefits, such as gaining new perspectives and research skills. This study provides some of the first systematic empirical evidence regarding desk-research-based RRS and has implications for the ethics and practice of conducting research and directing research teams studying challenging topics.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"69 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145730989","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-21DOI: 10.1177/00223433251371834
Gudlaug Olafsdottir
Constitution-making is promoted by the international community as a means to encourage democratization and peaceful politics. However, there is a dearth of studies investigating the conditions under which constitutional replacement can induce such positive outcomes. Notably, many constitutional reforms enhance the power of semi-autocratic leaders or institutionalize democratic backsliding. Since party representatives often participate as negotiators in constitution-making processes, and political parties are key perpetrators of electoral violence, this study suggests that constitutional reform can constrain electoral violence if the process involves negotiated agreement between political elites and the reform includes measures that increase executive constraints. I test this claim through a matched analysis of 155 constitutional reforms from 1946 to 2015. The analysis shows that constitutional replacements that result from negotiated agreements between representatives of distinct groups and constrain the executive’s ability to enact a state of emergency are associated with lower levels of ensuing government-perpetrated violence. By contrast, these measures have no association with electoral violence carried out by non-government actors, suggesting that reform of formal institutions may be less effective in constraining violence by other actors in society. The findings have significant implications for the design of constitution-making processes that promote peaceful government conduct while highlighting the need for alternative measures to constrain other electoral violence.
{"title":"The conditions for reducing electoral violence through constitutional reform","authors":"Gudlaug Olafsdottir","doi":"10.1177/00223433251371834","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251371834","url":null,"abstract":"Constitution-making is promoted by the international community as a means to encourage democratization and peaceful politics. However, there is a dearth of studies investigating the conditions under which constitutional replacement can induce such positive outcomes. Notably, many constitutional reforms enhance the power of semi-autocratic leaders or institutionalize democratic backsliding. Since party representatives often participate as negotiators in constitution-making processes, and political parties are key perpetrators of electoral violence, this study suggests that constitutional reform can constrain electoral violence if the process involves negotiated agreement between political elites and the reform includes measures that increase executive constraints. I test this claim through a matched analysis of 155 constitutional reforms from 1946 to 2015. The analysis shows that constitutional replacements that result from negotiated agreements between representatives of distinct groups and constrain the executive’s ability to enact a state of emergency are associated with lower levels of ensuing government-perpetrated violence. By contrast, these measures have no association with electoral violence carried out by non-government actors, suggesting that reform of formal institutions may be less effective in constraining violence by other actors in society. The findings have significant implications for the design of constitution-making processes that promote peaceful government conduct while highlighting the need for alternative measures to constrain other electoral violence.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-11-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145575737","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-20DOI: 10.1177/00223433251341805
Marius Radean, Andreas Beger
In non-linear models, the effect of a given variable cannot be gauged directly from the associated coefficient. Instead, researchers typically compute the average effect in the population to assess the substantive significance of the variable of interest. Based on the average response, analysts often make policy recommendations that are to be implemented at the individual level (i.e. the unit of analysis level). Such extrapolations, however, can lead to gross generalizations or incorrect inferences. The reason for this is that the mean may obscure a large variation in individual effects, in which case the real-world applicability of the average value is limited. Correctly interpreting the average response may prevent unwarranted extrapolations but does not solve the problem of the lack of practical relevance. Particularly when cases carry special meaning (e.g. countries), the political and socioeconomic relevance of research findings should be assessed at the individual level. This article outlines the conditions under which aggregation to mean is problematic, and advocates a case-centered approach to model evaluation. Specifically, we advise researchers to compute and report the quantity of interest for each case in the data. Only by seeing the full spread of cases can the reader assess how well the average summarizes the population. Our approach allows researchers to draw more meaningful inferences, and makes the connection between research and practical applications more realistic.
{"title":"Not-so-average after all: Individual vs. aggregate effects in substantive research","authors":"Marius Radean, Andreas Beger","doi":"10.1177/00223433251341805","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251341805","url":null,"abstract":"In non-linear models, the effect of a given variable cannot be gauged directly from the associated coefficient. Instead, researchers typically compute the average effect in the population to assess the substantive significance of the variable of interest. Based on the <jats:italic toggle=\"yes\">average</jats:italic> response, analysts often make policy recommendations that are to be implemented at the <jats:italic toggle=\"yes\">individual</jats:italic> level (i.e. the unit of analysis level). Such extrapolations, however, can lead to gross generalizations or incorrect inferences. The reason for this is that the mean may obscure a large variation in individual effects, in which case the real-world applicability of the average value is limited. Correctly interpreting the average response may prevent unwarranted extrapolations but does not solve the problem of the lack of practical relevance. Particularly when cases carry special meaning (e.g. countries), the political and socioeconomic relevance of research findings should be assessed at the individual level. This article outlines the conditions under which aggregation to mean is problematic, and advocates a case-centered approach to model evaluation. Specifically, we advise researchers to compute and report the quantity of interest for each case in the data. Only by seeing the full spread of cases can the reader assess how well the average summarizes the population. Our approach allows researchers to draw more meaningful inferences, and makes the connection between research and practical applications more realistic.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145554680","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-06DOI: 10.1177/00223433251361301
Alexandra Krendelsberger, Francisco Alpizar, Lotje de Vries, Han van Dijk
In the Sahel region, disputes between farmers and herders are often linked to religious, ethnic, and resource conflicts. Farmer–herder relations are put under pressure by negative out-group perceptions and affected by resource constraints, particularly those created by changes in climatic conditions. This study makes two key contributions: first, it examines the impact of in-group and out-group identities on farmer–herder relations under uncertainty; and second, it integrates qualitative and quantitative methods. In this study, a public good experiment was conducted with 332 farmers and herders in Senegal comparing in-group and out-group identity priming effects under individual and collective risks. The experiment was paired with 14 in-depth focus group discussions (FGDs) to elicit key mechanisms for in-group and out-group cooperation. The results show that priming out-group membership reduces cooperation towards out-group members, especially among farmers. Interestingly, herders reduced cooperation in response to in-group primes, likely attributable to rivalry between local and mobile herders. FGDs revealed that negative perceptions of mobile herders (transhumant pastoralists) drive this behavior. Additionally, introducing collective risks, such as those resulting from climate change, worsens in-group–out-group biases. The findings highlight the need to address negative stereotyping of mobile herders to prevent escalations of conflicts in relatively peaceful areas like Senegal, where farmers and herders regularly interact.
{"title":"Don’t blame it on ethnicity: The role of group identities and climate risks in farmer–herder relations in Senegal","authors":"Alexandra Krendelsberger, Francisco Alpizar, Lotje de Vries, Han van Dijk","doi":"10.1177/00223433251361301","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251361301","url":null,"abstract":"In the Sahel region, disputes between farmers and herders are often linked to religious, ethnic, and resource conflicts. Farmer–herder relations are put under pressure by negative out-group perceptions and affected by resource constraints, particularly those created by changes in climatic conditions. This study makes two key contributions: first, it examines the impact of in-group and out-group identities on farmer–herder relations under uncertainty; and second, it integrates qualitative and quantitative methods. In this study, a public good experiment was conducted with 332 farmers and herders in Senegal comparing in-group and out-group identity priming effects under individual and collective risks. The experiment was paired with 14 in-depth focus group discussions (FGDs) to elicit key mechanisms for in-group and out-group cooperation. The results show that priming out-group membership reduces cooperation towards out-group members, especially among farmers. Interestingly, herders reduced cooperation in response to in-group primes, likely attributable to rivalry between local and mobile herders. FGDs revealed that negative perceptions of mobile herders (transhumant pastoralists) drive this behavior. Additionally, introducing collective risks, such as those resulting from climate change, worsens in-group–out-group biases. The findings highlight the need to address negative stereotyping of mobile herders to prevent escalations of conflicts in relatively peaceful areas like Senegal, where farmers and herders regularly interact.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"2 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-11-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145447133","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-05DOI: 10.1177/00223433251360904
James D Kim
Are politicians who have previously experienced human rights violations more supportive of promoting human rights abroad? Much of the literature on human rights advocacy has centered on actors at the international or state levels. By contrast, this article focuses on individual politicians and their personal life experiences. Understanding variations in commitment to global human rights among political leaders within a country is particularly important in legislative resolutions where each legislator’s roll-call vote directly impacts a bill’s outcome. I argue that legislators with firsthand experience of state repression are more likely to support promoting international human rights. Their shared experience with foreign victims fosters greater empathy and a moral obligation to stand with them. They also have electoral motivations, as human rights promotion is an issue of their ownership and aligns with voter expectations. I test my theory using original micro-level data on South Korean legislators’ state repression experiences during the country’s democratization in the 1980s and their roll-call votes on global human rights between 2020 and 2023. I address two major barriers to inference, generational and selection effects, by comparing politicians from the same generation who participated in protests based on the intensity of violence they experienced. I find that those who experienced severe forms of repression, such as torture, injury, and imprisonment, are more likely to support promoting human rights in other countries than those who faced lower-level repression. The results suggest that prior repressed experience is an important source of political elites’ preferences for international human rights, a topic that has received little attention in previous research.
{"title":"State repression and elite support for international human rights: Evidence from South Korean legislators’ democratization experiences","authors":"James D Kim","doi":"10.1177/00223433251360904","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251360904","url":null,"abstract":"Are politicians who have previously experienced human rights violations more supportive of promoting human rights abroad? Much of the literature on human rights advocacy has centered on actors at the international or state levels. By contrast, this article focuses on individual politicians and their personal life experiences. Understanding variations in commitment to global human rights among political leaders within a country is particularly important in legislative resolutions where each legislator’s roll-call vote directly impacts a bill’s outcome. I argue that legislators with firsthand experience of state repression are more likely to support promoting international human rights. Their shared experience with foreign victims fosters greater empathy and a moral obligation to stand with them. They also have electoral motivations, as human rights promotion is an issue of their ownership and aligns with voter expectations. I test my theory using original micro-level data on South Korean legislators’ state repression experiences during the country’s democratization in the 1980s and their roll-call votes on global human rights between 2020 and 2023. I address two major barriers to inference, generational and selection effects, by comparing politicians from the same generation who participated in protests based on the intensity of violence they experienced. I find that those who experienced severe forms of repression, such as torture, injury, and imprisonment, are more likely to support promoting human rights in other countries than those who faced lower-level repression. The results suggest that prior repressed experience is an important source of political elites’ preferences for international human rights, a topic that has received little attention in previous research.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"38 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-11-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145441167","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-11-04DOI: 10.1177/00223433251360191
Richard W Frank
The literature on election violence lacks a consistent set of core predictors for why certain elections are violent and others are not. Between 2010 and 2022, 97 scholars published 65 peer-reviewed journal articles on this topic using quantitative research designs involving over 440 predictor variables. As a distinct research area, therefore, the study of election violence has reached a size and maturity where it is useful to take stock. Through a meta-analysis of 581 models, this article makes three key contributions. First, it finds that 13 of 44 variables consistently predict election violence, which highlights both the field’s fragmentation and most promising avenues for future research. Second, it reveals that election-specific factors like fraud and competitiveness are more reliable predictors than commonly studied structural conditions like democracy or economic development. Third, it shows that many predictors operate differently at national and subnational levels, with only population size and domestic conflict significant at both levels. This article’s findings suggest a greater focus is needed on election-specific triggers, explicit discussions about perpetrators and targets, and measurement issues.
{"title":"Explaining election violence: A meta-analysis","authors":"Richard W Frank","doi":"10.1177/00223433251360191","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251360191","url":null,"abstract":"The literature on election violence lacks a consistent set of core predictors for why certain elections are violent and others are not. Between 2010 and 2022, 97 scholars published 65 peer-reviewed journal articles on this topic using quantitative research designs involving over 440 predictor variables. As a distinct research area, therefore, the study of election violence has reached a size and maturity where it is useful to take stock. Through a meta-analysis of 581 models, this article makes three key contributions. First, it finds that 13 of 44 variables consistently predict election violence, which highlights both the field’s fragmentation and most promising avenues for future research. Second, it reveals that election-specific factors like fraud and competitiveness are more reliable predictors than commonly studied structural conditions like democracy or economic development. Third, it shows that many predictors operate differently at national and subnational levels, with only population size and domestic conflict significant at both levels. This article’s findings suggest a greater focus is needed on election-specific triggers, explicit discussions about perpetrators and targets, and measurement issues.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"23 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145434956","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-10-24DOI: 10.1177/00223433251360971
Kelly Morrison
How does repression influence democratic leaders’ performance in elections? When weighing rights protections against other issues, I expect voters to punish candidates who advocate repression of in-group members but reward candidates who support repression of threatening out-groups. I evaluate the causal effect of repression on vote share using a conjoint experiment among registered voters in the United States. I find that, among those who identify as an in-group with a frequent repression victim, Black Lives Matter (BLM), candidates receive a lower vote share when they support repression of BLM or violent repression against other groups. There is also some evidence that candidates perform worse when they support repression of groups that share a racial identity with the respondent and that threat perception moderates the effect of repression on candidates’ performance. On the other hand, repression typically has an insignificant effect on candidates’ vote share when it is perpetrated against a respondent’s out-group. These results provide important insight to voters’ evaluation of repression at the ballot box.
{"title":"Why voters (sometimes) punish repression","authors":"Kelly Morrison","doi":"10.1177/00223433251360971","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251360971","url":null,"abstract":"How does repression influence democratic leaders’ performance in elections? When weighing rights protections against other issues, I expect voters to punish candidates who advocate repression of in-group members but reward candidates who support repression of threatening out-groups. I evaluate the causal effect of repression on vote share using a conjoint experiment among registered voters in the United States. I find that, among those who identify as an in-group with a frequent repression victim, Black Lives Matter (BLM), candidates receive a lower vote share when they support repression of BLM or violent repression against other groups. There is also some evidence that candidates perform worse when they support repression of groups that share a racial identity with the respondent and that threat perception moderates the effect of repression on candidates’ performance. On the other hand, repression typically has an insignificant effect on candidates’ vote share when it is perpetrated against a respondent’s out-group. These results provide important insight to voters’ evaluation of repression at the ballot box.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145397905","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-10-24DOI: 10.1177/00223433251345392
Sverke R Saxegaard
A substantial fraction of all intrastate conflict onsets are recurrences of previously active conflicts. Recent studies suggest that constitutional arrangements that constrain executive power limit the risk of conflict recurrence. This effect is theorized to be driven by minority and individual-rights protection, in which formal executive constraints act as promises to protect these rights. These promises increase the mobilization costs for any challenger to the regime. However, the promises may no longer be credible at very high levels of formal executive constraints, as excessive promises are often seen as ‘too good to be true’. Consequently, one might expect a curvilinear relationship between executive constraints and conflict recurrence, in which high levels of constraints increase the risk of conflict recurrence. Empirical analysis of post-conflict regimes between 1975 and 2019 shows evidence of such a curvilinear relationship. The effect is further illustrated by a case study of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where the rebel group M23 emerged in the aftermath of unfulfilled government promises of minority and individual-rights protection. This nuances the established relationship between executive constraints and conflict recurrence, provides a cautionary note to designers of constitutional arrangements, and lends support to the theory that mobilization costs drive this relationship.
{"title":"Careful what you promise: Executive constraints and conflict recurrence","authors":"Sverke R Saxegaard","doi":"10.1177/00223433251345392","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251345392","url":null,"abstract":"A substantial fraction of all intrastate conflict onsets are recurrences of previously active conflicts. Recent studies suggest that constitutional arrangements that constrain executive power limit the risk of conflict recurrence. This effect is theorized to be driven by minority and individual-rights protection, in which formal executive constraints act as promises to protect these rights. These promises increase the mobilization costs for any challenger to the regime. However, the promises may no longer be credible at very high levels of formal executive constraints, as excessive promises are often seen as ‘too good to be true’. Consequently, one might expect a curvilinear relationship between executive constraints and conflict recurrence, in which high levels of constraints increase the risk of conflict recurrence. Empirical analysis of post-conflict regimes between 1975 and 2019 shows evidence of such a curvilinear relationship. The effect is further illustrated by a case study of the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, where the rebel group M23 emerged in the aftermath of unfulfilled government promises of minority and individual-rights protection. This nuances the established relationship between executive constraints and conflict recurrence, provides a cautionary note to designers of constitutional arrangements, and lends support to the theory that mobilization costs drive this relationship.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145397904","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-10-24DOI: 10.1177/00223433251360200
Geoff Dancy, Oskar Timo Thoms, Phuong Pham, Kathryn Sikkink, Patrick Vinck
The TJET project offers a comprehensive database for exploring the supply of transitional justice (TJ) in every country of the world. TJET provides detailed descriptive information on domestic, foreign, and international prosecutions; truth commissions; reparations policies; vetting policies; amnesty laws and offers; and UN investigations. This article describes TJET’s quantitative dataset, consisting of longitudinal data from 1970 to 2020, with over 400 measures related to the design and operation of TJ mechanisms. Because TJ has become integral to discussions related to democracy and rule of law promotion, as well as peacebuilding, it is necessary that researchers and practitioners use the most comprehensive information possible for grounding their analysis and advocacy. The TJET dataset is unique not only in its global coverage, but also in its custom sampling feature, allowing users to select which types of cases to compare. This article provides descriptive data on TJ attributes, analysis of new trends, and an examination of the temporal relationship between different TJ mechanisms.
{"title":"Introducing the Transitional Justice Evaluation Tools (TJET) database","authors":"Geoff Dancy, Oskar Timo Thoms, Phuong Pham, Kathryn Sikkink, Patrick Vinck","doi":"10.1177/00223433251360200","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251360200","url":null,"abstract":"The TJET project offers a comprehensive database for exploring the supply of transitional justice (TJ) in every country of the world. TJET provides detailed descriptive information on domestic, foreign, and international prosecutions; truth commissions; reparations policies; vetting policies; amnesty laws and offers; and UN investigations. This article describes TJET’s quantitative dataset, consisting of longitudinal data from 1970 to 2020, with over 400 measures related to the design and operation of TJ mechanisms. Because TJ has become integral to discussions related to democracy and rule of law promotion, as well as peacebuilding, it is necessary that researchers and practitioners use the most comprehensive information possible for grounding their analysis and advocacy. The TJET dataset is unique not only in its global coverage, but also in its custom sampling feature, allowing users to select which types of cases to compare. This article provides descriptive data on TJ attributes, analysis of new trends, and an examination of the temporal relationship between different TJ mechanisms.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"27 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145397917","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-10-14DOI: 10.1177/00223433251350845
Bryce W Reeder, Gary Uzonyi
Success in center-seeking rebellions requires rebels to oust the incumbent government. Yet not all center-seeking rebels attack the capital and those that do often take a circuitous route. We build from existing literature to integrate theories of rebel strength with a broader understanding of both the strategic and symbolic value of territory. Building a new dataset of location value and employing novel empirical techniques, we demonstrate that as a location’s value increases relative to the capital city for a group, the rebels become less likely to move against the capital as they can build offensive strength, fortify their defensive position, and appease local constituents in their current geographic domain. Relative strength conditions these strategies, as stronger groups tend to take a more straight-line approach to the capital, middling groups advance in zigzag patterns, and the weakest groups move in spiral formations to maximize their defensive and symbolic positions. We find that these patterns hold across a wide range of population thresholds. Several case studies help illustrate the mechanisms central to these dynamics. By combining considerations of both rebel strength and territorial value, this article brings several strands of literature on civil war geography into the conversation and broadens our understanding of the conflict process.
{"title":"Hit where it hurts: City vulnerability during wartime","authors":"Bryce W Reeder, Gary Uzonyi","doi":"10.1177/00223433251350845","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251350845","url":null,"abstract":"Success in center-seeking rebellions requires rebels to oust the incumbent government. Yet not all center-seeking rebels attack the capital and those that do often take a circuitous route. We build from existing literature to integrate theories of rebel strength with a broader understanding of both the strategic and symbolic value of territory. Building a new dataset of location value and employing novel empirical techniques, we demonstrate that as a location’s value increases relative to the capital city for a group, the rebels become less likely to move against the capital as they can build offensive strength, fortify their defensive position, and appease local constituents in their current geographic domain. Relative strength conditions these strategies, as stronger groups tend to take a more straight-line approach to the capital, middling groups advance in zigzag patterns, and the weakest groups move in spiral formations to maximize their defensive and symbolic positions. We find that these patterns hold across a wide range of population thresholds. Several case studies help illustrate the mechanisms central to these dynamics. By combining considerations of both rebel strength and territorial value, this article brings several strands of literature on civil war geography into the conversation and broadens our understanding of the conflict process.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"9 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-10-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145289131","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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