Pub Date : 2025-04-19DOI: 10.1177/00223433251321763
Kit Rickard, Gerard Toal, Kristin M Bakke, John O’Loughlin
Conflict scholars commonly employ public opinion surveys to understand the causes and consequences of violence. However, surveying in wartime presents a distinctive set of challenges. We examine two challenges facing polling in countries at war: under-coverage of national samples and response bias. Although these issues are acknowledged in the literature on surveying methods, they become significantly more pronounced in war zones due to the geographic clustering of violence and the heightened sensitivity surrounding certain opinions. We illustrate these challenges in the context of the ongoing Russia–Ukraine war, drawing on original panel survey data tracing the attitudes of the same people in Ukraine prior to and after Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. We show that unit and item non-response bias in surveys conducted during the war are related to respondents’ political orientation, particularly their support for NATO membership measured in 2019. We conclude with lessons for those employing survey methods in wartime, and point to steps forward, in Ukraine and beyond.
{"title":"The challenges of surveying in war zones: Lessons from Ukraine","authors":"Kit Rickard, Gerard Toal, Kristin M Bakke, John O’Loughlin","doi":"10.1177/00223433251321763","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251321763","url":null,"abstract":"Conflict scholars commonly employ public opinion surveys to understand the causes and consequences of violence. However, surveying in wartime presents a distinctive set of challenges. We examine two challenges facing polling in countries at war: under-coverage of national samples and response bias. Although these issues are acknowledged in the literature on surveying methods, they become significantly more pronounced in war zones due to the geographic clustering of violence and the heightened sensitivity surrounding certain opinions. We illustrate these challenges in the context of the ongoing Russia–Ukraine war, drawing on original panel survey data tracing the attitudes of the same people in Ukraine prior to and after Russia’s full-scale invasion in 2022. We show that unit and item non-response bias in surveys conducted during the war are related to respondents’ political orientation, particularly their support for NATO membership measured in 2019. We conclude with lessons for those employing survey methods in wartime, and point to steps forward, in Ukraine and beyond.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"267 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-04-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143851042","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-04-07DOI: 10.1177/00223433251317460
David E Cunningham, Madeline Fleishman, Peter B White
Can international sanctions prevent civil war? Despite the increased scholarly and policy focus on conflict prevention, we lack an understanding of the impact of a commonly used tool of the international community – economic sanctions. We examine the impact of sanctions targeted against states with self-determination (SD) disputes. We argue that the threat of sanctions leads states to decrease repression and increase accommodation in these disputes, thus decreasing the likelihood of civil war. The imposition of sanctions, however, incentivizes the state to increase repression and makes the state a more attractive target for dissidents. Both dynamics make civil war more likely in the short term. Over time, however, states can adapt to the new economic reality created by a sanctions regime, and the risk of escalation to civil war will decrease. We conduct a series of statistical tests of the effect of threatened and imposed sanctions against the state on armed conflict onset in SD disputes, accommodation of SD groups, and repression. We find that threatened sanctions decrease the likelihood of armed conflict onset, make government accommodation of SD groups more likely, and lead to overall decreases in repression by the state. Imposed sanctions, meanwhile, increase the risk of civil war in the next year, but this effect dissipates over time. These results suggest that sanction threats can be a useful tool of conflict prevention, but failed threats can increase the risk of escalations of violence in SD disputes.
{"title":"International economic sanctions and conflict prevention in self-determination disputes","authors":"David E Cunningham, Madeline Fleishman, Peter B White","doi":"10.1177/00223433251317460","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251317460","url":null,"abstract":"Can international sanctions prevent civil war? Despite the increased scholarly and policy focus on conflict prevention, we lack an understanding of the impact of a commonly used tool of the international community – economic sanctions. We examine the impact of sanctions targeted against states with self-determination (SD) disputes. We argue that the threat of sanctions leads states to decrease repression and increase accommodation in these disputes, thus decreasing the likelihood of civil war. The imposition of sanctions, however, incentivizes the state to increase repression and makes the state a more attractive target for dissidents. Both dynamics make civil war more likely in the short term. Over time, however, states can adapt to the new economic reality created by a sanctions regime, and the risk of escalation to civil war will decrease. We conduct a series of statistical tests of the effect of threatened and imposed sanctions against the state on armed conflict onset in SD disputes, accommodation of SD groups, and repression. We find that threatened sanctions decrease the likelihood of armed conflict onset, make government accommodation of SD groups more likely, and lead to overall decreases in repression by the state. Imposed sanctions, meanwhile, increase the risk of civil war in the next year, but this effect dissipates over time. These results suggest that sanction threats can be a useful tool of conflict prevention, but failed threats can increase the risk of escalations of violence in SD disputes.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"26 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-04-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143790121","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-04-04DOI: 10.1177/00223433251317116
Sara Daub
How does diaspora sponsorship of rebel organizations impact civilian victimization? This article argues that diasporas have an affinity for their kin and therefore, an interest in civilian protection. By applying a principal–agent framework to understand diaspora sponsorship to rebel organizations, it highlights how a diaspora, acting as a principal, can reduce violence against civilians perpetrated by a rebel organization, the agent. While rebel organizations may utilize civilian victimization, this article hypothesizes that they restrain violence because of diaspora sponsorship. The article draws on novel data on diaspora support, coupled with data on civilian victimization in the context of armed conflicts in Africa and Asia from 1989 to 2014. The findings demonstrate a statistically significant negative effect of diaspora sponsorship on rebel groups’ violence against civilians. Homeland-related factors reveal heterogeneous effects of diaspora sponsorship on one-sided violence. The article generates an in-depth understanding of a diaspora’s agency as a non-state sponsor for rebel organizations and contributes to the scholarship on civilian victimization during armed conflicts and external sponsorship. It offers avenues for understanding the role of diaspora groups as sponsors.
{"title":"Protection from afar? Diaspora support for rebel groups and civilian victimization","authors":"Sara Daub","doi":"10.1177/00223433251317116","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251317116","url":null,"abstract":"How does diaspora sponsorship of rebel organizations impact civilian victimization? This article argues that diasporas have an affinity for their kin and therefore, an interest in civilian protection. By applying a principal–agent framework to understand diaspora sponsorship to rebel organizations, it highlights how a diaspora, acting as a principal, can reduce violence against civilians perpetrated by a rebel organization, the agent. While rebel organizations may utilize civilian victimization, this article hypothesizes that they restrain violence because of diaspora sponsorship. The article draws on novel data on diaspora support, coupled with data on civilian victimization in the context of armed conflicts in Africa and Asia from 1989 to 2014. The findings demonstrate a statistically significant negative effect of diaspora sponsorship on rebel groups’ violence against civilians. Homeland-related factors reveal heterogeneous effects of diaspora sponsorship on one-sided violence. The article generates an in-depth understanding of a diaspora’s agency as a non-state sponsor for rebel organizations and contributes to the scholarship on civilian victimization during armed conflicts and external sponsorship. It offers avenues for understanding the role of diaspora groups as sponsors.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143782668","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-04-04DOI: 10.1177/00223433241309167
Michele Leiby, Inger Skjelsbæk, Kim Thuy Seelinger
This article focuses on researcher distress and well-being. It presents a survey carried out with scholars engaged in conflict-related sexual violence research from various disciplines. Respondents were asked about how they reacted to the research they engaged in and how their respective academic institutions supported them. Academia’s understanding of and preparedness for research-related distress is limited. While there is a focus on researcher safety in the field, typically from the perspective of institutional insurance and liability, there is less focus on researcher well-being. Our findings suggest that there is a need, and indeed willingness, to address distress and well-being within the conflict-related sexual violence research community. The ability to do so, however, depends in large part on the institutional setting of the individual researcher. We find there are institutional differences between the fields of political science, law, history, and international relations on the one hand where scholars report more difficulties, than within the fields of anthropology, social work, psychology, public health, and gender studies, which appear more trauma aware. The findings show that there are great variations between different scholarly disciplines and institutions. We find a clear need to address these topics not only in academic reflections in scholarly articles, but also on institutional levels within academic communities.
{"title":"Studying conflict-related sexual violence: What does it mean for researchers’ well-being?","authors":"Michele Leiby, Inger Skjelsbæk, Kim Thuy Seelinger","doi":"10.1177/00223433241309167","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433241309167","url":null,"abstract":"This article focuses on researcher distress and well-being. It presents a survey carried out with scholars engaged in conflict-related sexual violence research from various disciplines. Respondents were asked about how they reacted to the research they engaged in and how their respective academic institutions supported them. Academia’s understanding of and preparedness for research-related distress is limited. While there is a focus on researcher safety in the field, typically from the perspective of institutional insurance and liability, there is less focus on researcher well-being. Our findings suggest that there is a need, and indeed willingness, to address distress and well-being within the conflict-related sexual violence research community. The ability to do so, however, depends in large part on the institutional setting of the individual researcher. We find there are institutional differences between the fields of political science, law, history, and international relations on the one hand where scholars report more difficulties, than within the fields of anthropology, social work, psychology, public health, and gender studies, which appear more trauma aware. The findings show that there are great variations between different scholarly disciplines and institutions. We find a clear need to address these topics not only in academic reflections in scholarly articles, but also on institutional levels within academic communities.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-04-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143782669","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-04-02DOI: 10.1177/00223433251322306
{"title":"The Journal of Peace Research is excited to announce that the Nils Petter Gleditsch Article of the Year Award for 2024 goes to Melanie Sauter!","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/00223433251322306","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251322306","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"226 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143766533","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-04-02DOI: 10.1177/00223433251322305
{"title":"The Journal of Peace Research is excited to announce that the 2024 JPR Best Visualization Award has been awarded to Masanori Kikuchi!","authors":"","doi":"10.1177/00223433251322305","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251322305","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"89 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-04-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143766532","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-03-29DOI: 10.1177/00223433251317816
Wakako Maekawa
Whereas United Nations Special Political Missions are established following UN Peacekeeping Operations or as substitute measures to enhance peace and security, studies have paid little attention to what United Nations Special Political Missions do and whether they are effective. The UN Special Political Mission Mandated Tasks Dataset provides new data on United Nations Special Political Mission-mandated tasks between 1993 and 2021. The dataset covers traditional and relatively new mandated tasks, such as those concerned with the enhancement of the rule of law and addressing climate change mitigation and counter-terrorism, respectively. To illustrate the usefulness of the data, this study investigates the effectiveness of the election-mandated task of United Nations Special Political Missions as an exit strategy of UN Peacekeeping Operations on democratisation. The results show that election-mandated tasks improve the quality of democracy. It helps unpack the mixed results of the UN’s effectiveness in enhancing democratisation in post-conflict countries, implying that its intervention matters through both peacekeeping and political mission mandates. This dataset helps researchers investigate the interactive effects of mandates and provides insights into the sequence of peacebuilding strategies.
{"title":"Introducing new data on UN Special Political Mission Mandated Tasks (UNSPMMT)","authors":"Wakako Maekawa","doi":"10.1177/00223433251317816","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251317816","url":null,"abstract":"Whereas United Nations Special Political Missions are established following UN Peacekeeping Operations or as substitute measures to enhance peace and security, studies have paid little attention to what United Nations Special Political Missions do and whether they are effective. The UN Special Political Mission Mandated Tasks Dataset provides new data on United Nations Special Political Mission-mandated tasks between 1993 and 2021. The dataset covers traditional and relatively new mandated tasks, such as those concerned with the enhancement of the rule of law and addressing climate change mitigation and counter-terrorism, respectively. To illustrate the usefulness of the data, this study investigates the effectiveness of the election-mandated task of United Nations Special Political Missions as an exit strategy of UN Peacekeeping Operations on democratisation. The results show that election-mandated tasks improve the quality of democracy. It helps unpack the mixed results of the UN’s effectiveness in enhancing democratisation in post-conflict countries, implying that its intervention matters through both peacekeeping and political mission mandates. This dataset helps researchers investigate the interactive effects of mandates and provides insights into the sequence of peacebuilding strategies.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"36 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143736534","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-03-20DOI: 10.1177/00223433251315634
Andrea Knapp
While United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions are widely studied, there is only limited information about their authors. Previous studies have argued that the states that draft resolutions exert sizeable influence over their content, but the lack of comprehensive data has hindered any systematic investigations into their agency, role and motivation when authoring resolutions. This article introduces the United Nations Security Council Resolution Authors (UNSCRA) dataset, which collects information on sponsors (1990–2023) and lead negotiators (2008–2023) for 2,179 drafts tabled at the United Nations Security Council, and illustrates its value through descriptive analysis. UNSCRA provides unique insights on drafts (e.g. agenda items and votes) and author profiles (e.g. numbers and regional distribution). The data coded on a draft-specific level open new avenues for research on states’ influence and interests at the UNSC.
{"title":"Introducing the UNSCRA dataset: authoring Security Council draft resolutions, 1990–2023","authors":"Andrea Knapp","doi":"10.1177/00223433251315634","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433251315634","url":null,"abstract":"While United Nations Security Council (UNSC) resolutions are widely studied, there is only limited information about their authors. Previous studies have argued that the states that draft resolutions exert sizeable influence over their content, but the lack of comprehensive data has hindered any systematic investigations into their agency, role and motivation when authoring resolutions. This article introduces the United Nations Security Council Resolution Authors (UNSCRA) dataset, which collects information on sponsors (1990–2023) and lead negotiators (2008–2023) for 2,179 drafts tabled at the United Nations Security Council, and illustrates its value through descriptive analysis. UNSCRA provides unique insights on drafts (e.g. agenda items and votes) and author profiles (e.g. numbers and regional distribution). The data coded on a draft-specific level open new avenues for research on states’ influence and interests at the UNSC.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143665845","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-03-20DOI: 10.1177/00223433241290885
Zachary Zwald, Ryan Kennedy, Adam Ozer
This study examines how the public views the use of artificial intelligence (AI) on the battlefield. We conduct three survey experiments on a representative sample of the US public to examine how variation in the level of human-machine autonomy affects the public’s support for the use of military force, the public’s trust in such systems (both in their reliability and interpersonal trust), and the level of blame the public places on drone operators when a mistake results in civilian deaths. Existing research on these questions remains quite thin, the data available often point in many directions, and the structure of those studies tends to prevent comparing divergent results. Our findings show that variation between full machine and human autonomy has little effect on the public’s trust in reliability. We also find that both interpersonal trust and blame in the military operator decline as machine autonomy increases. These results suggest multiple paths for future research and provide insight on the on-going policy debate over the viability of the Martens Clause as a basis for banning the military use of AI-enabled systems.
{"title":"The political viability of AI on the battlefield: Examining US public support, trust, and blame dynamics","authors":"Zachary Zwald, Ryan Kennedy, Adam Ozer","doi":"10.1177/00223433241290885","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433241290885","url":null,"abstract":"This study examines how the public views the use of artificial intelligence (AI) on the battlefield. We conduct three survey experiments on a representative sample of the US public to examine how variation in the level of human-machine autonomy affects the public’s support for the use of military force, the public’s trust in such systems (both in their reliability and interpersonal trust), and the level of blame the public places on drone operators when a mistake results in civilian deaths. Existing research on these questions remains quite thin, the data available often point in many directions, and the structure of those studies tends to prevent comparing divergent results. Our findings show that variation between full machine and human autonomy has little effect on the public’s trust in reliability. We also find that both interpersonal trust and blame in the military operator decline as machine autonomy increases. These results suggest multiple paths for future research and provide insight on the on-going policy debate over the viability of the Martens Clause as a basis for banning the military use of AI-enabled systems.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"93 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143665847","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2025-03-19DOI: 10.1177/00223433241305990
Justin V Hastings, David Ubilava
We examine whether harvest-time transitory shifts in employment and income lead to changes in political violence and social unrest in rice-producing croplands of Southeast Asia. Using monthly data from 2010 to 2023 on over 86,000 incidents covering 376 one-degree cells across eight Southeast Asian countries, we estimate a general increase in political violence and a decrease in social unrest in croplands with rice production during the harvest season relative to the rest of the crop year. In a finding that is least sensitive to alternative model specifications and data subsetting, we estimate a 9% increase in violence against civilians in locations with considerable rice production compared to other parts of the region during the harvest season, relative to the rest of the year. We show that the harvest-time changes in conflict are most evident in rural cells with rainfed agriculture. Using location-specific annual variation in growing season rainfall, we then show that the harvest-time increase in violence against civilians occurs in presumably good harvest years, whereas increase in battles between actors of political violence follows growing seasons with scarce rainfall. The harvest-time decrease in social unrest, protests in particular, occurs after presumably bad harvest years. These findings contribute to research on the agroclimatic and economic roots of conflict and offer insights to policymakers by suggesting the spatiotemporal concentration of conflict as well as diverging effects by forms of conflict at harvest time in the rice-producing regions of Southeast Asia.
{"title":"Agricultural roots of social conflict in Southeast Asia","authors":"Justin V Hastings, David Ubilava","doi":"10.1177/00223433241305990","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00223433241305990","url":null,"abstract":"We examine whether harvest-time transitory shifts in employment and income lead to changes in political violence and social unrest in rice-producing croplands of Southeast Asia. Using monthly data from 2010 to 2023 on over 86,000 incidents covering 376 one-degree cells across eight Southeast Asian countries, we estimate a general increase in political violence and a decrease in social unrest in croplands with rice production during the harvest season relative to the rest of the crop year. In a finding that is least sensitive to alternative model specifications and data subsetting, we estimate a 9% increase in violence against civilians in locations with considerable rice production compared to other parts of the region during the harvest season, relative to the rest of the year. We show that the harvest-time changes in conflict are most evident in rural cells with rainfed agriculture. Using location-specific annual variation in growing season rainfall, we then show that the harvest-time increase in violence against civilians occurs in presumably good harvest years, whereas increase in battles between actors of political violence follows growing seasons with scarce rainfall. The harvest-time decrease in social unrest, protests in particular, occurs after presumably bad harvest years. These findings contribute to research on the agroclimatic and economic roots of conflict and offer insights to policymakers by suggesting the spatiotemporal concentration of conflict as well as diverging effects by forms of conflict at harvest time in the rice-producing regions of Southeast Asia.","PeriodicalId":48324,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Peace Research","volume":"124 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":3.6,"publicationDate":"2025-03-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143661254","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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