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How cyber operations can reduce escalation pressures: Evidence from an experimental wargame study 网络行动如何减少升级压力:来自战争游戏实验研究的证据
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231219440
Benjamin Jensen, Brandon Valeriano, Sam Whitt
Cyber operations ranging from deception and espionage to disruption and high-end degradation have become a central feature of modern statecraft in the digital age, yet we lack a clear understanding of how decision-makers employ and respond to cyber operations in times of crisis. Our research provides theoretical mechanisms and empirical evidence for understanding how decision-makers react to cyber triggers and utilize cyber responses during crises. Specifically, we argue that the availability of cyber response creates off-ramps for non-escalatory engagement. Based on experimental wargames involving rival states with power parity in militarized disputes and randomized cyber triggers and response options, we find the availability of cyber response options reduces escalatory behavior via a substitution mechanism. In the absence of cyber response options, however, participants pursue more conventional, escalatory actions, regardless of the triggering mechanism. Our findings underscore how enhancing the availability of cyber response options might reduce strategic escalation risks and offer the space to bargain during periods of conflict.
从欺骗和间谍活动到破坏和高端降级,网络行动已成为数字时代现代国家政治的核心特征,但我们对决策者在危机时刻如何运用和应对网络行动缺乏清晰的认识。我们的研究提供了理论机制和经验证据,有助于理解决策者在危机期间如何对网络触发因素做出反应并利用网络应对。具体来说,我们认为网络应对措施的可用性为非升级性交战创造了匝道。基于涉及军事化争端中力量对比的敌对国家的实验性战争游戏,以及随机网络触发和响应选项,我们发现网络响应选项的可用性通过替代机制减少了升级行为。然而,在没有网络应对选项的情况下,无论触发机制如何,参与者都会采取更常规的升级行动。我们的研究结果强调了加强网络应对方案的可用性可以降低战略升级风险,并在冲突期间提供讨价还价的空间。
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引用次数: 0
How the process of discovering cyberattacks biases our understanding of cybersecurity 发现网络攻击的过程如何使我们对网络安全的理解产生偏差
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-02-16 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231217687
Harry Oppenheimer
Social scientists do not directly study cyberattacks; they draw inferences from attack reports that are public and visible. Like human rights violations or war casualties, there are missing cyberattacks that researchers have not observed. The existing approach is to either ignore missing data and assume they do not exist or argue that reported attacks accurately represent the missing events. This article is the first to detail the steps between attack, discovery and public report to identify sources of bias in cyber data. Visibility bias presents significant inferential challenges for cybersecurity – some attacks are easy to observe or claimed by attackers, while others take a long time to surface or are carried out by actors seeking to hide their actions. The article argues that missing attacks in public reporting likely share features of reported attacks that take the longest to surface. It builds on datasets of cyberattacks by or against Five Eyes (an intelligence alliance composed of Australia, Canada, New Zealand, the United Kingdom and the United States) governments and adds new data on when attacks occurred, when the media first reported them, and the characteristics of attackers and techniques. Leveraging survival models, it demonstrates how the delay between attack and disclosure depends on both the attacker’s identity (state or non-state) and the technical characteristics of the attack (whether it targets information confidentiality, integrity, or availability). The article argues that missing cybersecurity events are least likely to be carried out by non-state actors or target information availability. Our understanding of ‘persistent engagement,’ relative capabilities, ‘intelligence contests’ and cyber coercion rely on accurately measuring restraint. This article’s findings cast significant doubt on whether researchers have accurately measured and observed restraint, and informs how others should consider external validity. This article has implications for our understanding of data bias, empirical cybersecurity research and secrecy in international relations.
社会科学家并不直接研究网络攻击,而是从公开可见的攻击报告中得出推论。就像侵犯人权行为或战争伤亡一样,研究人员没有观察到的网络攻击也会缺失。现有的方法是要么忽略缺失的数据并假定它们不存在,要么认为报告的攻击事件准确地代表了缺失的事件。本文首次详细介绍了攻击、发现和公开报告之间的步骤,以确定网络数据的偏差来源。可见性偏差给网络安全带来了巨大的推论挑战--有些攻击很容易被观察到或被攻击者声称,而另一些攻击则需要很长时间才能浮出水面或由试图隐藏其行动的行为者实施。文章认为,公开报告中遗漏的攻击很可能与报告中浮出水面时间最长的攻击具有相同的特征。文章以 "五眼"(由澳大利亚、加拿大、新西兰、英国和美国组成的情报联盟)政府发动或针对其发动的网络攻击数据集为基础,增加了有关攻击发生时间、媒体首次报道时间以及攻击者和攻击技术特征的新数据。文章利用生存模型,展示了攻击与披露之间的延迟如何取决于攻击者的身份(国家或非国家)和攻击的技术特征(是否针对信息的保密性、完整性或可用性)。文章认为,缺失的网络安全事件最不可能由非国家行为者实施,也最不可能以信息可用性为目标。我们对 "持续参与"、相对能力、"情报竞赛 "和网络胁迫的理解有赖于对克制的准确测量。本文的研究结果让人对研究人员是否准确测量和观察了克制产生了极大的怀疑,并告诉其他人应如何考虑外部有效性。这篇文章对我们理解数据偏差、网络安全实证研究和国际关系中的保密问题都有影响。
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引用次数: 0
Civil war mediation in the shadow of IGOs: The path to comprehensive peace agreements 政府间组织阴影下的内战调解:通往全面和平协定之路
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231211766
Johannes Karreth, Jaroslav Tir, Jason Quinn, Madhav Joshi
Recent research shows that comprehensive peace agreements (CPAs) are effective in ending civil wars and improving post-conflict conditions, but CPAs emerge in only a fraction of civil wars. This study provides systematic evidence about the origins of CPAs and the role of international actors in facilitating their signing. We argue that mediation is more likely to be successful and that CPAs are more likely to emerge in those civil war countries that are members in a higher number of IGOs with high economic leverage. Using their financial and institutional leverage, these IGOs can help the combatants overcome the credible commitment problems associated with entering into mediation, and with making sufficient concessions and compromises to reach and sign a CPA. Analyzing all intrastate armed conflicts from 1989 to 2011, we find that a conflict country’s memberships in IGOs with high economic leverage increase the odds of (1) mediation occurring and (2) mediation subsequently leading to the signing of CPAs. This finding is robust to common sources of spurious relationships between international institutions and the behavior of conflict parties. Participating in IGOs with high economic leverage carries important positive consequences for civil war management and enhances the impact of mediation on getting conflict parties to sign CPAs.
最近的研究表明,全面和平协议(CPAs)能有效结束内战并改善冲突后的条件,但全面和平协议仅在一小部分内战中出现。本研究提供了系统的证据,说明全面和平协议的起源以及国际行动者在促进协议签署中的作用。我们认为,在那些加入了较多具有较高经济影响力的政府间组织的内战国家,调解更有可能取得成功,而且更有可能出现全面和平协议。这些政府间组织利用其金融和制度杠杆,可以帮助交战方克服与参与调解相关的可信承诺问题,并做出足够的让步和妥协,以达成和签署《全面和平协议》。通过分析 1989 年至 2011 年的所有国内武装冲突,我们发现,冲突国家加入具有高经济影响力的政府间组织会增加(1)发生调解和(2)调解随后导致签署《全面和平协议》的几率。这一发现对国际机构与冲突各方行为之间虚假关系的常见来源具有稳健性。参与具有高经济影响力的政府间组织对内战管理具有重要的积极影响,并能增强调解对冲突各方签署《全面和平协议》的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Gendering hawkishness in the war room: Evidence from Pakistani politicians 战争室中的鹰派性别化:来自巴基斯坦政治家的证据
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231211762
Fahd Humayun
Can representation in foreign policy deliberations – in particular, increased female representation – impact deliberators’ support for interstate conflict resolution? While existing work on gender representation in IR suggests that increased female representation should moderate intragroup hawkishness, making conflict resolution more viable, I offer empirical evidence that qualifies this idea, based on a survey experiment on 149 male and 55 female elite Pakistani legislators. Politicians of both sexes were randomly assigned to ‘listen in’ on a hypothetical national security deliberation that was either all-male or gender-mixed. I find that politicians’ decisionmaking in these hypothetical committees was informed simultaneously by notions of committee competence and by inferences about the social desirability of hawkish outcomes in deliberative settings. Specifically, respondents assigned to gender-mixed committees became less supportive of external conflict resolution. I show how different mechanisms accounted for this increased hawkishness for men and women. Female politicians assigned to gender-mixed committees became more conscious and wary of how their participation, the result of increased representation, would be perceived, compelling them to opt for more hawkish policies. Male politicians, in contrast, attempted to overcompensate for the increased visibility of female representation by resorting to greater levels of aggression.
外交政策讨论中的代表性--尤其是女性代表性的增加--能否影响讨论者对解决国家间冲突的支持?虽然现有的关于国际关系中性别代表性的研究表明,增加女性代表性应能缓和集团内部的鹰派倾向,从而使冲突解决更具可行性,但我基于对 149 名男性和 55 名女性巴基斯坦精英立法者的调查实验,提供了实证证据来证实这一观点。男女政治家被随机分配 "旁听 "一场假定的国家安全讨论,该讨论要么全部由男性参加,要么由男女混合参加。我发现,政治家们在这些假定委员会中的决策同时受到委员会能力概念和审议环境中鹰派结果的社会可取性推论的影响。具体来说,被分配到性别混合委员会的受访者对解决外部冲突的支持度较低。我展示了不同的机制是如何导致男性和女性的鹰派倾向增加的。被分配到性别混合委员会的女性政治家会更加在意和警惕她们的参与(代表权增加的结果)会被如何看待,这迫使她们选择更加鹰派的政策。与此相反,男性政治家则试图通过采取更具侵略性的手段来弥补女性代表性增加所带来的影响。
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引用次数: 0
If it bleeps it leads? Media coverage on cyber conflict and misperception 如果它哔哔作响,它就会引导?媒体对网络冲突和误解的报道
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-31 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231220264
Christos Makridis, Lennart Maschmeyer, Max Smeets
What determines media coverage on cyber conflict (CC)? Media bias fostering misperception is a well-established problem in conflict reporting. Because of the secrecy and complexity surrounding cyber operations (COs), where most data moreover come from marketing publications by private sector firms, this problem is likely to be especially pronounced in reporting on cyber threats. Because media reporting shapes public perception, such bias can shape conflict dynamics and outcomes with potentially destabilizing consequences. Yet little research has examined media bias systematically. This study connects existing literature on media reporting bias with the CC literature to formulate four theoretical explanations for variation in reporting on COs based on four corresponding characteristics of a CO. We introduce a new dataset of COs reporting by the private sector, which we call the Cyber Conflict Media Coverage Dataset, and media reporting on each of these operations. Consequently, we conduct a statistical analysis to identify which of these characteristics correlate with reporting quantity. This analysis shows that the use of novel techniques, specifically zero-day exploits, is a highly significant predictor of coverage quantity. Operations targeting the military or financial sector generate less coverage. We also find that cyber effect operations tend to receive more coverage compared to espionage, but this result is not statistically significant. Nonetheless, the predictive models explain limited variation in news coverage. These findings indicate that COs are treated differently in the media than other forms of conflict, and help explain persistent threat perception among the public despite the absence of catastrophic cyberattacks.
是什么决定了媒体对网络冲突 (CC) 的报道?媒体偏见造成误解是冲突报道中一个公认的问题。由于网络行动(CO)的保密性和复杂性,而且大多数数据来自私营企业的营销出版物,因此这一问题在有关网络威胁的报道中可能尤为突出。由于媒体报道会影响公众的看法,因此这种偏见可能会影响冲突的态势和结果,从而造成潜在的不稳定后果。然而,很少有研究对媒体偏见进行系统研究。本研究将有关媒体报道偏见的现有文献与有关冲突的文献联系起来,根据冲突的四个相应特征,提出了有关冲突报道差异的四种理论解释。我们引入了一个新的数据集,即网络冲突媒体报道数据集(Cyber Conflict Media Coverage Dataset),该数据集包含了私营部门对 CO 的报道,以及媒体对这些行动的报道。因此,我们进行了统计分析,以确定这些特征中哪些与报道数量相关。分析表明,新技术的使用,特别是零日漏洞的使用,是预测报道数量的一个非常重要的因素。针对军事或金融部门的行动产生的报道较少。我们还发现,与间谍活动相比,网络效应行动往往得到更多的报道,但这一结果在统计上并不显著。尽管如此,预测模型仍能解释新闻报道中的有限差异。这些发现表明,与其他形式的冲突相比,媒体对 COs 的处理方式有所不同,这也有助于解释为什么尽管没有发生灾难性的网络攻击,但公众对 COs 的威胁感依然存在。
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引用次数: 0
Cyberattacks and public opinion – The effect of uncertainty in guiding preferences 网络攻击与公众舆论--不确定性对引导偏好的影响
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231218178
Eric Jardine, Nathaniel Porter, Ryan Shandler
When it comes to cybersecurity incidents – public opinion matters. But how do voters form opinions in the aftermath of cyberattacks that are shrouded in ambiguity? How do people account for the uncertainty inherent in cyberspace to forge preferences following attacks? This article seeks to answer these questions by introducing an uncertainty threshold mechanism predicting the level of attributional certainty required for the public to support economic, diplomatic or military responses following cyberattacks. Using a discrete-choice experimental design with 2025 US respondents, we find lower attributional certainty is associated with less support for retaliation, yet this mechanism is contingent on the suspected identity of the attacker and partisan identity. Diplomatic allies possess a reservoir of good will that amplifies the effect of uncertainty, while rivals are less often given the benefit of the doubt. We demonstrate that uncertainty encourages the use of cognitive schemas to overcome ambiguity, and that people fall back upon pre-existing and politically guided views about the suspected country behind an attack. If the ambiguity surrounding cyberattacks has typically been discussed as an operational and strategic concern, this article shifts the focus of attention to the human level and positions the mass public as a forgotten yet important party during cyber conflict.
说到网络安全事件--民意很重要。但在网络攻击发生后,选民如何形成模糊不清的观点?人们如何考虑网络空间固有的不确定性,在攻击发生后形成偏好?本文试图通过引入不确定性阈值机制来回答这些问题,该机制可预测公众在网络攻击发生后支持经济、外交或军事应对措施所需的归因确定性水平。通过对 2025 名美国受访者进行离散选择实验设计,我们发现较低的归因确定性与较少的报复支持相关,但这一机制取决于攻击者的疑似身份和党派身份。外交盟友拥有的善意库放大了不确定性的影响,而对手则较少受到怀疑。我们证明,不确定性会鼓励人们使用认知图式来克服模糊性,人们会对攻击背后的疑似国家产生已有的、受政治导向的看法。如果说围绕网络攻击的模糊性通常是作为行动和战略问题来讨论的,那么本文则将关注的焦点转移到了人类层面,并将大众定位为网络冲突中被遗忘但却重要的一方。
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引用次数: 0
Public opinion on trading with the enemy: Trade’s effects on the risk of war 与敌国进行贸易的公众舆论:贸易对战争风险的影响
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231214406
Celeste Beesley, Eliza Riley Oak
While studies show that the public disapproves of trade with adversaries, political discourse has historically used security rhetoric to both justify and oppose trade with threatening states. Does emphasizing the potential of trade to exacerbate or mitigate security risks sway public opinion? Is public opinion malleable regardless of the level of threat? These questions become increasingly important as security and economic interactions between states become more intertwined. In a 2019 survey experiment, Ukrainian citizens report more optimism about the effects of trade with Russia (engaged in conflict with Ukraine since 2014) when told that trade decreases security risks. They are more pessimistic when presented with information that trade increases the risk of conflict. In contrast, attitudes about trade with a non-threatening trading partner (the European Union) are unaffected. This study demonstrates that the security effects of trade can both improve and worsen attitudes about trade with politically salient adversaries, even in the context of actual conflict. However, security rhetoric is unlikely to change public opinion about trade with non-threatening states unless they are viewed as reliable allies. Public opinion about trade, thus, responds to rhetoric about security, rather than representing an inflexible constraint on firms’ and states’ trade with adversaries.
虽然研究表明,公众不赞成与对手开展贸易,但政治话语历来使用安全修辞来证明与威胁国开展贸易的正当性,同时也反对与威胁国开展贸易。强调贸易可能加剧或减轻安全风险是否会左右公众舆论?无论威胁程度如何,公众舆论都是可塑的吗?随着国家间的安全与经济互动日益密切,这些问题变得越来越重要。在 2019 年的一项调查实验中,当被告知与俄罗斯(自 2014 年起与乌克兰发生冲突)的贸易会降低安全风险时,乌克兰公民对贸易的影响表示更加乐观。当被告知贸易会增加冲突风险时,他们则更为悲观。相比之下,人们对与不具威胁性的贸易伙伴(欧盟)进行贸易的态度则不受影响。这项研究表明,贸易的安全效应既能改善也能恶化人们对与政治上突出的对手进行贸易的态度,即使在实际冲突的背景下也是如此。然而,安全言论不太可能改变公众对与无威胁国家贸易的看法,除非这些国家被视为可靠的盟友。因此,公众对贸易的看法是对安全言论的回应,而不是对企业和国家与对手贸易的僵硬限制。
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引用次数: 0
Cyber and contentious politics: Evidence from the US radical environmental movement 网络和有争议的政治:美国激进环保运动的证据
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231221426
Thomas Zeitzoff, Grace Gold
Much of the focus of cyber conflict has been on interstate conflict. This article focuses on two interrelated questions in the important but neglected area of cyber contentious politics. First, how does the public feel about the use of different eco tactics including cyber-based tactics carried out by activists involved in the radical environmental movement, a movement that uses protest and sabotage in service of environmental causes? Second, how do anti-technology sentiment and concerns about climate change influence support for different eco tactics? To answer these questions, we conduct a survey and survey experiment on a nationally diverse sample of Americans. We find that Americans are less supportive of certain eco tactics, particularly those that involve property destruction or physical sabotage compared to cyber-based tactics. We further show that anti-technology sentiment and perceived threat from climate change are correlated with increased support for eco direct actions. Using a survey experiment we show that cyber direct actions that result in sabotage are viewed as more acceptable than kinetic actions even though they both result in the same level of destruction. Finally, we include qualitative data from interviews with activists to better understand the strategy and role that new technology and tactics play in the broader radical environmental movement.
网络冲突的焦点大多集中在国家间冲突上。本文重点探讨网络争议政治这一重要但被忽视的领域中两个相互关联的问题。首先,公众如何看待激进环保运动(一场利用抗议和破坏来为环保事业服务的运动)活动家使用不同的环保策略(包括基于网络的策略)?其次,反技术情绪和对气候变化的担忧如何影响对不同生态策略的支持?为了回答这些问题,我们对全国不同的美国人样本进行了调查和调查实验。我们发现,与基于网络的策略相比,美国人对某些生态策略的支持度较低,尤其是那些涉及财产破坏或物理破坏的策略。我们进一步表明,反技术情绪和气候变化威胁感与生态直接行动支持率的增加相关。通过调查实验,我们表明,与动能行动相比,导致破坏的网络直接行动更容易被接受,尽管两者造成的破坏程度相同。最后,我们纳入了与活动家访谈的定性数据,以更好地了解新技术和战术在更广泛的激进环保运动中所扮演的战略和角色。
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引用次数: 0
The women and men that make peace: Introducing the Mediating Individuals (M-IND) dataset 缔造和平的男女:介绍调解个人 (M-IND) 数据集
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231211761
Joakim Kreutz, Magda Lorena Cárdenas
This article presents new data on the individuals who mediate (M-IND) in all active UCDP dyads and lethal MIDs, 1989–2019. The dataset contributes to the systematic study of conflict management in several important respects: it covers both international and internal conflicts, it covers low-intensity violence, and it provides information on individual mediators, who appointed them, and type of mediation. Besides presenting the data collection and descriptive statistics, the article engages with the literatures on multiparty mediation and women, peace and security. M-IND shows that women more commonly are appointed as mediators by nongovernmental organizations than by states and international organizations. Our analysis suggests that greater equality in mediation efforts correlates with the use of more varied mediation strategies and is associated with a greater chance of reaching peace agreements.
本文介绍了 1989-2019 年间所有活跃的统一国内流离失所者阵营和致命的中间冲突事件中调解人(M-IND)的新数据。该数据集在几个重要方面为冲突管理的系统研究做出了贡献:它涵盖了国际冲突和国内冲突,涵盖了低强度暴力,并提供了关于个人调解人、任命人和调解类型的信息。除了介绍数据收集和描述性统计外,文章还涉及多方调解和妇女、和平与安全方面的文献。M-IND 显示,与国家和国际组织相比,妇女更常被非政府组织任命为调解员。我们的分析表明,调解努力中的更大平等与使用更多样的调解战略相关,并与达成和平协议的更大机会相关。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction: Cyber-conflict – Moving from speculation to investigation 导言:网络冲突--从猜测走向调查
IF 3.6 1区 社会学 Q1 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-30 DOI: 10.1177/00223433231219441
Ryan Shandler, Daphna Canetti
Investigating cyber conflict is enormously difficult. The domain is complex, quality data are sparse, international affairs are shrouded in secrecy, and despite its seeming ubiquity, cyber power has only recently entered the battlefield. In the face of these challenges, we must rise to meet the challenges of cybersecurity research by deploying creative methods that collect verifiable and probatory data, and which allow for predictive models of cyber behavior. Against this backdrop, our special issue offers a vision of cybersecurity research that embraces a culture of rigorous inquiry based on theoretically robust, and policy relevant investigation. We highlight two key features. First, research at the intersection of cybersecurity and political science must incorporate the human dimension of cyber conflict. A human security approach to cybersecurity places people as the primary objects of security and recognizes that individual-level analyses can shed light on macro-level trends. Second, cyber research must adopt rigorous, empirical methods. We embrace a broad tent of empirical data collection techniques – spanning qualitative and quantitative, experimental, and observational research. What is integral is that all scholarship abides by the highest standards of replicability and falsifiability. The articles contained in this special issue collectively form a proof of concept that expands the horizons of cybersecurity research from a substantive viewpoint (adding a human dimension to the prevalent military/strategic analyses), and from a methodological perspective (propounding the importance of empirical scrutiny). Together, these 10 pieces of scholarship collectively affirm that there is now a critical mass of substantively diverse and empirically rigorous research in the field of cybersecurity, and that we as a community are capable of making bold, theoretically grounded, and empirically tested claims that verify how cyber power is or is not altering the nature of peace, conflict and international relations.
调查网络冲突困难重重。这一领域错综复杂,优质数据稀缺,国际事务保密,尽管网络力量似乎无处不在,但它最近才进入战场。面对这些挑战,我们必须奋起迎接网络安全研究的挑战,采用创造性的方法收集可验证和可探测的数据,并建立网络行为预测模型。在此背景下,我们的特刊提出了网络安全研究的愿景,即在理论可靠、政策相关的调查基础上,倡导严谨的探究文化。我们强调两个主要特点。首先,网络安全与政治学交叉领域的研究必须纳入网络冲突的人文维度。网络安全的人类安全方法将人作为安全的主要对象,并认识到个人层面的分析可以揭示宏观层面的趋势。其次,网络研究必须采用严格的实证方法。我们采用广泛的实证数据收集技术--涵盖定性、定量、实验和观察研究。不可或缺的是,所有学术研究都必须遵守可复制性和可证伪性的最高标准。本特刊收录的文章共同构成了一个概念证明,从实质角度(在普遍的军事/战略分析中加入人文维度)和方法论角度(提出实证审查的重要性)拓展了网络安全研究的视野。这 10 篇学术论文共同申明,网络安全领域现在已经有了大量内容丰富、实证严谨的研究成果,我们作为一个研究团体,有能力提出大胆的、有理论依据的、经过实证检验的主张,以验证网络力量是如何或是否正在改变和平、冲突和国际关系的性质。
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引用次数: 0
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