Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242750
Miliann Kang, Juyeon Park, C. N. Le, Sangha Kang-Le
Integrating the concept of “glass ceiling” barriers with “iron rice bowl” job security, this study develops the framework of “glass bowls” to theorize tradeoffs between workplace advancement and protections, focusing on public sector employment in South Korea. While the glass ceiling refers to invisible, impenetrable barriers, especially but not exclusively regarding gender, the glass bowl concept also emphasizes the fragility of glass to highlight women’s tenuous gains in long-term employment and leadership positions. Further, it expands the “bowl” context beyond post-socialist transitions to market economies, particularly in China, to address hyper-capitalist countries such as South Korea, where public sector protections play a significant role in mitigating gender discrimination. Comparing South Korean women ( N = 86) in public and private sector employment, this study shows how women are attracted to the public sector due to protections in hiring and long-term employment, but face ongoing barriers regarding promotions, pay, and leadership roles, especially if they are mothers. Thus, even if the public sector provides a supportive “bowl” for a select few, the persistence of “glass” barriers, both within this sector and throughout society, requires stronger government and workplace policies alongside cultural changes in order to create real security and advancement for women across workplace sectors.
{"title":"How Glass Ceilings and Iron Rice Bowls Create “Glass Bowls”: Gendered Barriers and Protections in Public Sector Employment in South Korea","authors":"Miliann Kang, Juyeon Park, C. N. Le, Sangha Kang-Le","doi":"10.1177/00027642241242750","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241242750","url":null,"abstract":"Integrating the concept of “glass ceiling” barriers with “iron rice bowl” job security, this study develops the framework of “glass bowls” to theorize tradeoffs between workplace advancement and protections, focusing on public sector employment in South Korea. While the glass ceiling refers to invisible, impenetrable barriers, especially but not exclusively regarding gender, the glass bowl concept also emphasizes the fragility of glass to highlight women’s tenuous gains in long-term employment and leadership positions. Further, it expands the “bowl” context beyond post-socialist transitions to market economies, particularly in China, to address hyper-capitalist countries such as South Korea, where public sector protections play a significant role in mitigating gender discrimination. Comparing South Korean women ( N = 86) in public and private sector employment, this study shows how women are attracted to the public sector due to protections in hiring and long-term employment, but face ongoing barriers regarding promotions, pay, and leadership roles, especially if they are mothers. Thus, even if the public sector provides a supportive “bowl” for a select few, the persistence of “glass” barriers, both within this sector and throughout society, requires stronger government and workplace policies alongside cultural changes in order to create real security and advancement for women across workplace sectors.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140757647","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-04-01DOI: 10.1177/00027642241242745
Lulu Li, Jing Song
Migration studies often assume a hierarchy of places that drives a periphery-to-core movement and regard reverse migration as being related to downward social mobility. This study draws on in-depth interviews with 16 highly educated women migrants who returned to small cities and counties in less developed areas after years spent studying and working in China’s metropolises and/or abroad. Contrary to the stereotypes of unambitious and family-oriented women returnees, the study finds that women’s return migration can be motivated by complex goals and expectations, ranging from perceived economic opportunities to noneconomic needs of returning to a familiar place and to be near their families. These women were empowered by their skills accumulated in a “brain circulation” process, but their consequent social mobility also depended on their positionalities in local power structures and access to family resources. Based on their goals and positionalities, these highly educated women returnees illustrated different forms of agency: (1) the adventuring women returned to embrace market opportunities in small cities despite the lack of local resources; (2) the settling women returned mainly for family reasons and fell into self-employment serendipitously, without readily available local resources; (3) the integrating women connected their entrepreneurial goals with their access to local resources; and (4) the compensated women returned mainly for family reasons, but their access to local resources allowed them to try out working for themselves as a compensation for giving up metropolitan life. The study challenges the core-to-periphery stereotypical narrative and finds that women’s return migration may lead to upward social mobility and/or self-realization, although still constrained by women’s goals and positionalities underlying their return migration.
{"title":"Downward Geographical Mobility and Upward Social Mobility: Women’s Return Migration and Entrepreneurship in China’s Small Cities and Remote Counties","authors":"Lulu Li, Jing Song","doi":"10.1177/00027642241242745","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241242745","url":null,"abstract":"Migration studies often assume a hierarchy of places that drives a periphery-to-core movement and regard reverse migration as being related to downward social mobility. This study draws on in-depth interviews with 16 highly educated women migrants who returned to small cities and counties in less developed areas after years spent studying and working in China’s metropolises and/or abroad. Contrary to the stereotypes of unambitious and family-oriented women returnees, the study finds that women’s return migration can be motivated by complex goals and expectations, ranging from perceived economic opportunities to noneconomic needs of returning to a familiar place and to be near their families. These women were empowered by their skills accumulated in a “brain circulation” process, but their consequent social mobility also depended on their positionalities in local power structures and access to family resources. Based on their goals and positionalities, these highly educated women returnees illustrated different forms of agency: (1) the adventuring women returned to embrace market opportunities in small cities despite the lack of local resources; (2) the settling women returned mainly for family reasons and fell into self-employment serendipitously, without readily available local resources; (3) the integrating women connected their entrepreneurial goals with their access to local resources; and (4) the compensated women returned mainly for family reasons, but their access to local resources allowed them to try out working for themselves as a compensation for giving up metropolitan life. The study challenges the core-to-periphery stereotypical narrative and finds that women’s return migration may lead to upward social mobility and/or self-realization, although still constrained by women’s goals and positionalities underlying their return migration.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-04-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140790528","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-30DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240351
Tereza Capelos, Mikko Salmela, Gavin B. Sullivan, S. Chrona
In this article, we undertake a comprehensive examination of reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, collectively termed as the “ anti-social triad of grievance politics.” Although these constructs are conceptually distinct, they are psycholoically intricately linked. Reactionism denotes a backward-facing political orientation, ressentiment signifies a chronic and embittered emotional mechanism, and collective narcissism reflects a precarious and wounded psychological state. Together, they constitute a potent blend of anti-social sentiments within grievance politics, yet their interconnectedness is overlooked when they are studied in isolation. Our study pioneers in establishing original connections between reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, providing empirical evidence of their coexistence and interactions. We introduce a novel scale to measure reactionism and explore its associations with existing measures of ressentiment and collective narcissism, as well as their associations with values, authoritarianism, and populism. By elucidating the tight interplay among these phenomena, we offer valuable insights into their implications for responses to social change and the essence of democracy.
{"title":"The Anti-Social Triad of Grievance Politics: An Integrated Model of Reactionism, Ressentiment, and Collective Narcissism","authors":"Tereza Capelos, Mikko Salmela, Gavin B. Sullivan, S. Chrona","doi":"10.1177/00027642241240351","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241240351","url":null,"abstract":"In this article, we undertake a comprehensive examination of reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, collectively termed as the “ anti-social triad of grievance politics.” Although these constructs are conceptually distinct, they are psycholoically intricately linked. Reactionism denotes a backward-facing political orientation, ressentiment signifies a chronic and embittered emotional mechanism, and collective narcissism reflects a precarious and wounded psychological state. Together, they constitute a potent blend of anti-social sentiments within grievance politics, yet their interconnectedness is overlooked when they are studied in isolation. Our study pioneers in establishing original connections between reactionism, ressentiment, and collective narcissism, providing empirical evidence of their coexistence and interactions. We introduce a novel scale to measure reactionism and explore its associations with existing measures of ressentiment and collective narcissism, as well as their associations with values, authoritarianism, and populism. By elucidating the tight interplay among these phenomena, we offer valuable insights into their implications for responses to social change and the essence of democracy.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140364180","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-29DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240357
Gabriella Szabó, Artur Lipiński
This article investigates emotionally based solidarity appeals in the Facebook posts from Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki (Poland) and Prime Minister Viktor Orbán (Hungary) published in the first weeks of Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine, between February 24 and April 9, 2022. Our approach involves a qualitative thematic analysis to uncover the political strategies used to either foster or diminish a collective sense of sympathy. The findings reveal a striking disparity between the two countries. Prime Minister Morawiecki’s rhetoric strongly emphasizes sympathetic solidarity, establishing a close and emotional bond with Ukraine. He extends his support to the attacked country, including the provision of weapons and diplomatic services, while openly expressing hostility toward Russia. In contrast, Prime Minister Orbán’s posts, despite mentioning humanitarian efforts coordinated by his government, notably lack appeals for sympathy. Based on the comparison of the two countries, our study emphasizes the significance of nuanced moral language for political agenda in times of crisis.
{"title":"Sympathy With Ukraine (Or Not So Much)! Emotion-Based Solidarity in the Political Communication of the Polish and Hungarian Prime Ministers","authors":"Gabriella Szabó, Artur Lipiński","doi":"10.1177/00027642241240357","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241240357","url":null,"abstract":"This article investigates emotionally based solidarity appeals in the Facebook posts from Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki (Poland) and Prime Minister Viktor Orbán (Hungary) published in the first weeks of Russia’s military invasion of Ukraine, between February 24 and April 9, 2022. Our approach involves a qualitative thematic analysis to uncover the political strategies used to either foster or diminish a collective sense of sympathy. The findings reveal a striking disparity between the two countries. Prime Minister Morawiecki’s rhetoric strongly emphasizes sympathetic solidarity, establishing a close and emotional bond with Ukraine. He extends his support to the attacked country, including the provision of weapons and diplomatic services, while openly expressing hostility toward Russia. In contrast, Prime Minister Orbán’s posts, despite mentioning humanitarian efforts coordinated by his government, notably lack appeals for sympathy. Based on the comparison of the two countries, our study emphasizes the significance of nuanced moral language for political agenda in times of crisis.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140365487","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-28DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240343
S. Aytaç, A. Çarkoğlu, Ezgi Elçi
Populist politicians frequently employ anti-establishment appeals in their discourse by targeting an imagined or real power elite. Do such appeals have a mobilizing effect among voters? What role do the emotional responses of voters play in this process? We address these questions using a vignette experiment embedded into a nationally representative survey fielded in Turkey, a country where a populist party has long been in power. Our research design enables us to assess whether voters respond more positively to a populist framing of a call for mobilization on an issue compared to a non-populist framing, and whether their emotional responses act as mediators. We find that populist rhetoric indeed does have a mobilizing effect, though only for a low-cost form of political participation (signing a petition) and only among the constituency of the populist party. Turning to the role of emotions, we find that the populist framing of the issue led voters to report more discontent, despair, and anxiety, and these emotions mediate the positive influence of the populist message on mobilization. Thus, our study contributes to research on populism by highlighting the role of emotions in the mobilizing effect of populist discourse.
{"title":"Populist Appeals, Emotions, and Political Mobilization","authors":"S. Aytaç, A. Çarkoğlu, Ezgi Elçi","doi":"10.1177/00027642241240343","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241240343","url":null,"abstract":"Populist politicians frequently employ anti-establishment appeals in their discourse by targeting an imagined or real power elite. Do such appeals have a mobilizing effect among voters? What role do the emotional responses of voters play in this process? We address these questions using a vignette experiment embedded into a nationally representative survey fielded in Turkey, a country where a populist party has long been in power. Our research design enables us to assess whether voters respond more positively to a populist framing of a call for mobilization on an issue compared to a non-populist framing, and whether their emotional responses act as mediators. We find that populist rhetoric indeed does have a mobilizing effect, though only for a low-cost form of political participation (signing a petition) and only among the constituency of the populist party. Turning to the role of emotions, we find that the populist framing of the issue led voters to report more discontent, despair, and anxiety, and these emotions mediate the positive influence of the populist message on mobilization. Thus, our study contributes to research on populism by highlighting the role of emotions in the mobilizing effect of populist discourse.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140370084","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-28DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240352
Sergei A. Samoilenko, John Cook
Ad hominem attacks against climate scientists—including personal attacks questioning an individual’s character, competence, or motives—remain the most common type of contrarian strategy found in contemporary climate debates. Despite their pervasiveness, climate-related ad hominem argumentation remains understudied by scholars in both the humanities and social sciences. This study adapts Douglas Walton’s critical framework for identifying ad hominem attacks against the climate community and evaluating them for rhetorical errors by analyzing developing critical responses. This article offers guidance for future inoculation interventions, including media literacy campaigns that raise awareness and understanding of ad hominem attacks used by contrarian organizations in misinformation campaigns targeting climate science.
{"title":"Developing a Critical Response to Ad Hominem Attacks Against Climate Science","authors":"Sergei A. Samoilenko, John Cook","doi":"10.1177/00027642241240352","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241240352","url":null,"abstract":"Ad hominem attacks against climate scientists—including personal attacks questioning an individual’s character, competence, or motives—remain the most common type of contrarian strategy found in contemporary climate debates. Despite their pervasiveness, climate-related ad hominem argumentation remains understudied by scholars in both the humanities and social sciences. This study adapts Douglas Walton’s critical framework for identifying ad hominem attacks against the climate community and evaluating them for rhetorical errors by analyzing developing critical responses. This article offers guidance for future inoculation interventions, including media literacy campaigns that raise awareness and understanding of ad hominem attacks used by contrarian organizations in misinformation campaigns targeting climate science.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140369112","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-28DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240338
Julia Elad-Strenger, Thomas Kessler
Recent research suggests that citizens’ sense of being socially marginalized, or “left behind” in society, plays an important role in triggering support for right-wing populist attitudes. Although perceived misrecognition by others is thought to be a core aspect of this sense of social marginalization, the effect of (mis)recognition on citizens’ support for the populist-right, and the psychological mechanism underlying this effect, has thus far not been directly examined. Inspired by the social identity tradition, we conceptualize the establishment of subjective superiority over the elites on the one hand, and over national minorities on the other, as an identity management strategy in the face of social identity threat, triggered by perceived misrecognition by the elites. Across three studies conducted in Germany, we provide cross-sectional and experimental support for a causal model in which misrecognition, which is directed at people as “nationals” rather than as individuals, triggers contempt toward the elites and rejection of national minorities, via the perception that one’s belongingness to the nation, as a valued member thereof, is threatened (“social identity threat”). Our findings suggest that support for attitudes associated with the populist right may help citizens re-establish their valued identity as full members of the nation, in the face of those who allegedly deny or disregard it.
{"title":"The Role of Misrecognition in Driving Support for Right-Wing Populism","authors":"Julia Elad-Strenger, Thomas Kessler","doi":"10.1177/00027642241240338","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241240338","url":null,"abstract":"Recent research suggests that citizens’ sense of being socially marginalized, or “left behind” in society, plays an important role in triggering support for right-wing populist attitudes. Although perceived misrecognition by others is thought to be a core aspect of this sense of social marginalization, the effect of (mis)recognition on citizens’ support for the populist-right, and the psychological mechanism underlying this effect, has thus far not been directly examined. Inspired by the social identity tradition, we conceptualize the establishment of subjective superiority over the elites on the one hand, and over national minorities on the other, as an identity management strategy in the face of social identity threat, triggered by perceived misrecognition by the elites. Across three studies conducted in Germany, we provide cross-sectional and experimental support for a causal model in which misrecognition, which is directed at people as “nationals” rather than as individuals, triggers contempt toward the elites and rejection of national minorities, via the perception that one’s belongingness to the nation, as a valued member thereof, is threatened (“social identity threat”). Our findings suggest that support for attitudes associated with the populist right may help citizens re-establish their valued identity as full members of the nation, in the face of those who allegedly deny or disregard it.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140370263","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-28DOI: 10.1177/00027642241241133
Maximilian Filsinger
In recent years, populism has attracted a lot of scholarly attention. In this article, I investigate the relationship between structural and subjective dimensions of social isolation and populist attitudes. In particular, I account for individuals’ emotional responses to social isolation that link social isolation to populist attitudes. Analyses based on original survey data show that both forms of social isolation are positively related to populist attitudes in six European countries. More importantly, mediation analyses reveal that in line with the proposed mediation argument, anger correlated both with isolation and populist attitudes. By offering a comparative test of the relationship between social isolation and populist attitudes and the mediating role of anger, I advance the understanding of how social isolation in a globalized world relates to populist attitudes. In this vein, the study underpins that emotional reactions to social changes are particularly important in understanding how these social changes affect political attitudes.
{"title":"Bringing Emotions In: How Anger Shapes the Relationship Between Social Isolation and Populist Attitudes","authors":"Maximilian Filsinger","doi":"10.1177/00027642241241133","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241241133","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, populism has attracted a lot of scholarly attention. In this article, I investigate the relationship between structural and subjective dimensions of social isolation and populist attitudes. In particular, I account for individuals’ emotional responses to social isolation that link social isolation to populist attitudes. Analyses based on original survey data show that both forms of social isolation are positively related to populist attitudes in six European countries. More importantly, mediation analyses reveal that in line with the proposed mediation argument, anger correlated both with isolation and populist attitudes. By offering a comparative test of the relationship between social isolation and populist attitudes and the mediating role of anger, I advance the understanding of how social isolation in a globalized world relates to populist attitudes. In this vein, the study underpins that emotional reactions to social changes are particularly important in understanding how these social changes affect political attitudes.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140369826","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-28DOI: 10.1177/00027642241240337
Jennifer Keohane
This article argues that cancel culture rhetoric has become a key language for moral conflict in a polarized polity. A thematic rhetorical analysis of two prominent figures who claimed to be canceled, Missouri Senator Josh Hawley and Harry Potter author J. K. Rowling, shows similar rhetorical moves despite different contexts. Drawing conclusions from their rhetorical strategies, this article contends that claiming to be canceled is an effective image repair maneuver in the contemporary, polarized political system. As Hawley and Rowling’s rhetoric shows, claiming to be canceled allows a speaker to chart a middle course between empowerment and disempowerment while identifying a transcendent context to take a stand against a defined moral ill. Likewise, it crafts a moment of urgency wherein the speaker and their audience can relate, prompting a moralizing call to action. In short, claiming to be canceled facilitates storytelling where character work can occur in the service of image repair and image promotion.
本文认为，取消文化修辞已成为两极分化政体中道德冲突的关键语言。通过对密苏里州参议员乔希-霍利（Josh Hawley）和《哈利-波特》作者 J. K. 罗琳（J. K. Rowling）这两位声称被取消参选资格的知名人士进行主题修辞分析，我们发现，尽管语境不同，他们的修辞策略却相似。本文从他们的修辞策略中得出结论，认为在当代两极分化的政治体制中，声称被取消是一种有效的形象修复手段。正如霍利和罗琳的修辞所显示的那样，声称被取消可以让说话者在赋权和失权之间选择一条中间路线，同时确定一个超越性的语境，以表明反对某种既定道德弊病的立场。同样，它还能制造一个紧迫时刻，让演讲者和听众产生共鸣，从而发出道德化的行动号召。总之，声称自己被取消，有利于讲故事，在故事中塑造人物形象，从而达到修复形象和提升形象的目的。
{"title":"Cancel Culture Rhetoric and Moral Conflict in Contemporary Democratic Societies","authors":"Jennifer Keohane","doi":"10.1177/00027642241240337","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241240337","url":null,"abstract":"This article argues that cancel culture rhetoric has become a key language for moral conflict in a polarized polity. A thematic rhetorical analysis of two prominent figures who claimed to be canceled, Missouri Senator Josh Hawley and Harry Potter author J. K. Rowling, shows similar rhetorical moves despite different contexts. Drawing conclusions from their rhetorical strategies, this article contends that claiming to be canceled is an effective image repair maneuver in the contemporary, polarized political system. As Hawley and Rowling’s rhetoric shows, claiming to be canceled allows a speaker to chart a middle course between empowerment and disempowerment while identifying a transcendent context to take a stand against a defined moral ill. Likewise, it crafts a moment of urgency wherein the speaker and their audience can relate, prompting a moralizing call to action. In short, claiming to be canceled facilitates storytelling where character work can occur in the service of image repair and image promotion.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140370615","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2024-03-28DOI: 10.1177/00027642241237753
Jennifer Y. Kim, Regina Kim, Caryn J. Block
The racialization of COVID-19 as an Asian virus has been linked to growing reports of racial harassment and violence targeting Asian Americans. We examine one such manifestation of racial harassment against Asians in the form of workplace microaggressions, such as a coworker referring to the virus as the “Chinese virus” and the negative impact that these forms of racial microaggressions can have on those who witness them. We also examine the influence of a leader who intervenes versus a leader who stays silent when a microaggression occurs, highlighting the positive impact of leaders who condemn microaggressions while underscoring the negative impact of leaders who stay silent. We found that, among those who witness microaggressions, Asian Americans were more likely to ruminate and report negative perceptions of the aggressor than Whites. We also found that leader intervention improved perceptions of leader effectiveness and that leader trust mediated this process, especially among Asian Americans. Additionally, we found that leader intervention decreased turnover intentions.
{"title":"Silence Is Not Always Golden: Exploring the Impact of Leader Intervention Against Racial Microaggressions Against Asian Americans","authors":"Jennifer Y. Kim, Regina Kim, Caryn J. Block","doi":"10.1177/00027642241237753","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/00027642241237753","url":null,"abstract":"The racialization of COVID-19 as an Asian virus has been linked to growing reports of racial harassment and violence targeting Asian Americans. We examine one such manifestation of racial harassment against Asians in the form of workplace microaggressions, such as a coworker referring to the virus as the “Chinese virus” and the negative impact that these forms of racial microaggressions can have on those who witness them. We also examine the influence of a leader who intervenes versus a leader who stays silent when a microaggression occurs, highlighting the positive impact of leaders who condemn microaggressions while underscoring the negative impact of leaders who stay silent. We found that, among those who witness microaggressions, Asian Americans were more likely to ruminate and report negative perceptions of the aggressor than Whites. We also found that leader intervention improved perceptions of leader effectiveness and that leader trust mediated this process, especially among Asian Americans. Additionally, we found that leader intervention decreased turnover intentions.","PeriodicalId":48360,"journal":{"name":"American Behavioral Scientist","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.2,"publicationDate":"2024-03-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140370673","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":2,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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