Murat Haner, Melissa M Sloan, Justin T Pickett, Francis T Cullen
As domestic terrorism has become central to US national security, the American public has shown divided reactions to political violence. In the current context of increasing political polarization and racial tension, we draw on social identity theory to compare responses to Islamist, left-wing, and right-wing terrorism and identify moderators of those responses. Analyses of data from a 2022 national survey experiment (n = 1,300) reveal that Americans’ responses to terrorism depend heavily on who is doing the terrorizing. Whereas Americans are equally outraged by Islamist, right-wing, and left-wing terrorism, support for controversial policies varies by terrorist type, with greater support for the use of torture on Islamist terrorists. Our findings also point toward the importance of Republicanism and white nationalist sentiment. Compared to Democrats, Republicans were more supportive of policy and the use of torture targeting Islamist terrorists and less supportive of policy targeting right-wing extremists. In addition, white nationalist sentiment corresponded to increased support for aggressive counterterrorism policy and the use of torture when applied to left-wing and Islamist terrorists. As public opinion is key to the development of government policies, it is critical that policymakers recognize the role of outgroup animosity in public support of counterterrorism measures.
{"title":"Outgroups and ingroups: how support for torture and aggressive counterterrorism policies varies by extremist type","authors":"Murat Haner, Melissa M Sloan, Justin T Pickett, Francis T Cullen","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf190","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf190","url":null,"abstract":"As domestic terrorism has become central to US national security, the American public has shown divided reactions to political violence. In the current context of increasing political polarization and racial tension, we draw on social identity theory to compare responses to Islamist, left-wing, and right-wing terrorism and identify moderators of those responses. Analyses of data from a 2022 national survey experiment (n = 1,300) reveal that Americans’ responses to terrorism depend heavily on who is doing the terrorizing. Whereas Americans are equally outraged by Islamist, right-wing, and left-wing terrorism, support for controversial policies varies by terrorist type, with greater support for the use of torture on Islamist terrorists. Our findings also point toward the importance of Republicanism and white nationalist sentiment. Compared to Democrats, Republicans were more supportive of policy and the use of torture targeting Islamist terrorists and less supportive of policy targeting right-wing extremists. In addition, white nationalist sentiment corresponded to increased support for aggressive counterterrorism policy and the use of torture when applied to left-wing and Islamist terrorists. As public opinion is key to the development of government policies, it is critical that policymakers recognize the role of outgroup animosity in public support of counterterrorism measures.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"85 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145575554","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Although economic inequality and economic segregation represent fundamental challenges of contemporary societies, their causal and empirical connections remain unclear. In particular, the direction of causality, causal pathways, and temporalities are not evident in the literature. This gap has two probable origins: (1) the discussion is dominated by a handful of studies from the United Stated published in the 2000s. This comes at the expense of a more plural and complex understanding of the phenomena in the rest of the world. (2) The literature on inequality and that of segregation are segmented by disciplines operating at different scales with corresponding theories, actors and mechanisms. To address these issues, I conduct an extensive systematic literature review of articles linking economic inequality to economic segregation across multiple languages and disciplines. Starting from 20,000+ references, I identify 80 relevant research articles to review. Most conclude that variations in economic segregation follow differences in economic inequality in the short term and that reverse causality is more probable in the longer term. The housing market is the most cited mediator between economic inequality and economic segregation, and a diversity of theories are mobilized to explain their empirical connections. Many articles are not presently comparable, but compatible definitions and measurements of inequality and segregation are rising.
{"title":"Economic inequality and economic segregation: a systematic review of causal pathways","authors":"Clémentine Cottineau-Mugadza","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf195","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf195","url":null,"abstract":"Although economic inequality and economic segregation represent fundamental challenges of contemporary societies, their causal and empirical connections remain unclear. In particular, the direction of causality, causal pathways, and temporalities are not evident in the literature. This gap has two probable origins: (1) the discussion is dominated by a handful of studies from the United Stated published in the 2000s. This comes at the expense of a more plural and complex understanding of the phenomena in the rest of the world. (2) The literature on inequality and that of segregation are segmented by disciplines operating at different scales with corresponding theories, actors and mechanisms. To address these issues, I conduct an extensive systematic literature review of articles linking economic inequality to economic segregation across multiple languages and disciplines. Starting from 20,000+ references, I identify 80 relevant research articles to review. Most conclude that variations in economic segregation follow differences in economic inequality in the short term and that reverse causality is more probable in the longer term. The housing market is the most cited mediator between economic inequality and economic segregation, and a diversity of theories are mobilized to explain their empirical connections. Many articles are not presently comparable, but compatible definitions and measurements of inequality and segregation are rising.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"32 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-11-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145575557","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study advances sociological theories of motherhood-based workplace inequalities by examining how frontline managers shape mothers’ access to stable work schedules in the US service sector. Prior research has shown that mothers in the US service sector experience intense conflict between the time demands of motherhood and employers’ expectations that employees will be available to work unstable work schedules, yet little work has investigated sources of variation in mothers’ exposure to schedule instability. Building on and synthesizing theories of homophily, expectation states theory, and “queen bee” theories of women in management, I propose a model in which managers’ own gender and parenthood status structure their responses to their employees’ scheduling needs. Female managers who are mothers are theorized to exhibit homophily and produce motherhood scheduling advantages, while female managers without children are expected to penalize mothers. Analyses of survey and experimental data collected from a large national sample of US retail and food service workers support this theoretical synthesis, showing that motherhood advantages in scheduling appear under male managers and female managers who are mothers, but erode under female managers without children. By positioning motherhood—not gender alone—as the status dimension that most directly collides with ideal worker norms, this work highlights an important determinant of when women in management act as agents of change and when they reinforce inequality. More broadly, this study frames managerial discretion as a key mechanism linking status expectations, manager-employee relations, and organizational outcomes, advancing theory on the micro-foundations of workplace inequality.
{"title":"Managing motherhood: how “queen bee” managers in the US service sector reduce motherhood advantages in work scheduling","authors":"Joshua Choper","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf193","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf193","url":null,"abstract":"This study advances sociological theories of motherhood-based workplace inequalities by examining how frontline managers shape mothers’ access to stable work schedules in the US service sector. Prior research has shown that mothers in the US service sector experience intense conflict between the time demands of motherhood and employers’ expectations that employees will be available to work unstable work schedules, yet little work has investigated sources of variation in mothers’ exposure to schedule instability. Building on and synthesizing theories of homophily, expectation states theory, and “queen bee” theories of women in management, I propose a model in which managers’ own gender and parenthood status structure their responses to their employees’ scheduling needs. Female managers who are mothers are theorized to exhibit homophily and produce motherhood scheduling advantages, while female managers without children are expected to penalize mothers. Analyses of survey and experimental data collected from a large national sample of US retail and food service workers support this theoretical synthesis, showing that motherhood advantages in scheduling appear under male managers and female managers who are mothers, but erode under female managers without children. By positioning motherhood—not gender alone—as the status dimension that most directly collides with ideal worker norms, this work highlights an important determinant of when women in management act as agents of change and when they reinforce inequality. More broadly, this study frames managerial discretion as a key mechanism linking status expectations, manager-employee relations, and organizational outcomes, advancing theory on the micro-foundations of workplace inequality.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-11-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145553560","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The notion that everyone deserves education and that governments need to strive for this ideal has been legitimized and expanded worldwide over the past few decades, as a central part of the successful establishment of a liberal world order. However, the recent resurgence of global illiberalism poses a threat to liberal ideas of equity and diversity, potentially impeding progress toward a more inclusive education system. Against this backdrop, I investigate the extent to which countries around the world introduced policies to incorporate historically disadvantaged populations into education between 1960 and 2019 and what sociocultural factors are associated with the adoption of education policies for the marginalized. Using event count analyses and a novel longitudinal dataset on global education reforms, I show that countries are more likely to adopt education policies for the marginalized when liberalism is globally prevalent, while they are less likely to do so when illiberalism is globally prominent. I also find that countries’ linkages to international liberal or illiberal institutions, including through organized transnational networks, as well as domestic sociopolitical environments, relate to the adoption of education policies for the marginalized. These results help illuminate how countries exist in a world filled with opposing cultural models and through which mechanisms their approaches to educational equity are shaped by such global forces. While focused on education for the marginalized, these findings offer insights into understanding inequality in a changing world context of growing illiberalism.
{"title":"Institutional contestations and educational equity: incorporation of the marginalized in National Education Policies Worldwide, 1960–2019","authors":"Jieun Song","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf192","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf192","url":null,"abstract":"The notion that everyone deserves education and that governments need to strive for this ideal has been legitimized and expanded worldwide over the past few decades, as a central part of the successful establishment of a liberal world order. However, the recent resurgence of global illiberalism poses a threat to liberal ideas of equity and diversity, potentially impeding progress toward a more inclusive education system. Against this backdrop, I investigate the extent to which countries around the world introduced policies to incorporate historically disadvantaged populations into education between 1960 and 2019 and what sociocultural factors are associated with the adoption of education policies for the marginalized. Using event count analyses and a novel longitudinal dataset on global education reforms, I show that countries are more likely to adopt education policies for the marginalized when liberalism is globally prevalent, while they are less likely to do so when illiberalism is globally prominent. I also find that countries’ linkages to international liberal or illiberal institutions, including through organized transnational networks, as well as domestic sociopolitical environments, relate to the adoption of education policies for the marginalized. These results help illuminate how countries exist in a world filled with opposing cultural models and through which mechanisms their approaches to educational equity are shaped by such global forces. While focused on education for the marginalized, these findings offer insights into understanding inequality in a changing world context of growing illiberalism.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"13 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-11-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145553561","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Manuel T Valdés, Fabrizio Bernardi, Ilaria Lievore
Extensive research has examined the effect of educational expansion in one cohort on educational inequality and occupational returns in that same cohort. This study makes a novel contribution by exploring whether the expansion of university education among parents affects their children’s academic achievement. We argue that this expansion reduces the selectivity of university attainment, making graduates progressively less selected on traits relevant to their children’s achievement. Additionally, expansion likely diminishes occupational returns on a university degree, increasing the proportion of overqualified university-graduated parents. Consequently, the average achievement of children from university-educated families should diminish with this expansion among parents. Using data from 30 countries across seven waves of the Program for International Student Assessment, we show that students from university-educated families experience a notable decline in achievement as the proportion of university-educated parents increases. Importantly, the growing over-qualification of university-educated parents and the diminishing objectified cultural capital of university-educated families mediate this negative effect. Furthermore, we also observe a negative association between educational expansion among parents and children’s achievement in non-university-educated families, but less pronounced, resulting in a negative (albeit modest) association between expansion among parents and inequality among children.
广泛的研究考察了一个群体的教育扩张对同一群体的教育不平等和职业回报的影响。本研究探讨了大学教育在父母间的扩张是否会影响子女的学业成就，这是一项新颖的研究贡献。我们认为，这种扩张降低了大学成就的选择性，使毕业生在与子女成就相关的特质上的选择越来越少。此外，人口扩张可能会降低大学学历的职业回报，从而增加了学历过高的大学毕业生父母的比例。因此，受过大学教育家庭的孩子的平均成绩应该随着父母人数的增加而下降。我们利用国际学生评估项目（Program for International Student Assessment）七波中30个国家的数据表明，随着受过大学教育的父母比例的增加，受过大学教育的家庭的学生成绩显著下降。重要的是，受过大学教育的父母的学历过高和受过大学教育的家庭的物化文化资本的减少调解了这种负面影响。此外，我们还观察到，在非大学教育家庭中，父母的教育扩张与孩子的成就之间存在负相关，但不太明显，导致父母的教育扩张与孩子之间的不平等之间存在负相关（尽管适度）。
{"title":"Do university-educated families lose their edge as education expands? The withering performance and advantage of their children","authors":"Manuel T Valdés, Fabrizio Bernardi, Ilaria Lievore","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf189","url":null,"abstract":"Extensive research has examined the effect of educational expansion in one cohort on educational inequality and occupational returns in that same cohort. This study makes a novel contribution by exploring whether the expansion of university education among parents affects their children’s academic achievement. We argue that this expansion reduces the selectivity of university attainment, making graduates progressively less selected on traits relevant to their children’s achievement. Additionally, expansion likely diminishes occupational returns on a university degree, increasing the proportion of overqualified university-graduated parents. Consequently, the average achievement of children from university-educated families should diminish with this expansion among parents. Using data from 30 countries across seven waves of the Program for International Student Assessment, we show that students from university-educated families experience a notable decline in achievement as the proportion of university-educated parents increases. Importantly, the growing over-qualification of university-educated parents and the diminishing objectified cultural capital of university-educated families mediate this negative effect. Furthermore, we also observe a negative association between educational expansion among parents and children’s achievement in non-university-educated families, but less pronounced, resulting in a negative (albeit modest) association between expansion among parents and inequality among children.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"56 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-11-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145515838","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Courtney E Boen, Nick Graetz, Atheendar Venkataramani, Robin Ortiz
Over the past three decades in the United States, a surge of federal, state, and local laws and policies has increased levels of immigration enforcement and eroded immigrant access to public services and benefits. While a large body of research documents the deleterious effects of these forms of legal violence for a range of immigrant outcomes like poverty, employment, and schooling, the health consequences of these sociopolitical shifts for aging adults remain to be better understood. Linking panel data from the Health and Retirement Study (2004–2016) (n = 18,259) to longitudinal data on county immigration enforcement and state immigrant policies, we estimate three-way fixed-effects models to examine how changes in immigration enforcement and policy shape physical and physiological health at the intersection of race-ethnicity and immigration status. Results show that as local immigration enforcement intensifies and state policy contexts become more hostile toward immigrants, foreign-born adults—especially Latinx immigrants—experience accelerated health decline. Like episodes of physical violence that can leave lacerations and damage—both visible and more concealed—our results provide evidence of the health harms of state-sanctioned violence: what we call bodily scars of legal violence. Taken together, this research shows how policies governing the surveillance and control of immigrants not only shape structures of racial domination and immigrant exclusion but the embodied health inequities that flow from them, with implications for understanding and redressing inequities in health and aging.
{"title":"The bodily scars of legal violence: local immigration enforcement, state immigrant policy, and health inequality","authors":"Courtney E Boen, Nick Graetz, Atheendar Venkataramani, Robin Ortiz","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf181","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf181","url":null,"abstract":"Over the past three decades in the United States, a surge of federal, state, and local laws and policies has increased levels of immigration enforcement and eroded immigrant access to public services and benefits. While a large body of research documents the deleterious effects of these forms of legal violence for a range of immigrant outcomes like poverty, employment, and schooling, the health consequences of these sociopolitical shifts for aging adults remain to be better understood. Linking panel data from the Health and Retirement Study (2004–2016) (n = 18,259) to longitudinal data on county immigration enforcement and state immigrant policies, we estimate three-way fixed-effects models to examine how changes in immigration enforcement and policy shape physical and physiological health at the intersection of race-ethnicity and immigration status. Results show that as local immigration enforcement intensifies and state policy contexts become more hostile toward immigrants, foreign-born adults—especially Latinx immigrants—experience accelerated health decline. Like episodes of physical violence that can leave lacerations and damage—both visible and more concealed—our results provide evidence of the health harms of state-sanctioned violence: what we call bodily scars of legal violence. Taken together, this research shows how policies governing the surveillance and control of immigrants not only shape structures of racial domination and immigrant exclusion but the embodied health inequities that flow from them, with implications for understanding and redressing inequities in health and aging.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"377 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145472910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study posits to an intricate interrelation between changes in occupational gender segregation (OGS) and the rise in computer use in the workplace in the United States. I posit that two contrasting mechanisms underpin this relation. Firstly, computerization has contributed to a more balanced gender distribution in certain professions, previously dominated by men, due to a decrease in physical tasks in occupations, thereby reducing OGS. Conversely, in other occupations, heightened computer use has increased Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) knowledge requirements, thus restricting women’s integration and reproducing OGS. My empirical analysis, utilizing fixed-effects regression models, lagged models, ordinary least squares (OLS) models, and mediation analysis on a comprehensive dataset of the United States Census, American Community Survey, and Occupational Information Network data, confirms a significant association between computer use and OGS. The physical attributes of occupations and their required STEM knowledge components emerge as critical factors. These contradictory mechanisms—one involving reduced physical demands and the other increased required STEM knowledge—ultimately maintain a stable OGS level.
{"title":"Occupational gender segregation: what can we learn from computer use trends?","authors":"Efrat Herzberg-Druker","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf180","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf180","url":null,"abstract":"This study posits to an intricate interrelation between changes in occupational gender segregation (OGS) and the rise in computer use in the workplace in the United States. I posit that two contrasting mechanisms underpin this relation. Firstly, computerization has contributed to a more balanced gender distribution in certain professions, previously dominated by men, due to a decrease in physical tasks in occupations, thereby reducing OGS. Conversely, in other occupations, heightened computer use has increased Science, Technology, Engineering, and Mathematics (STEM) knowledge requirements, thus restricting women’s integration and reproducing OGS. My empirical analysis, utilizing fixed-effects regression models, lagged models, ordinary least squares (OLS) models, and mediation analysis on a comprehensive dataset of the United States Census, American Community Survey, and Occupational Information Network data, confirms a significant association between computer use and OGS. The physical attributes of occupations and their required STEM knowledge components emerge as critical factors. These contradictory mechanisms—one involving reduced physical demands and the other increased required STEM knowledge—ultimately maintain a stable OGS level.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"111 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-11-09","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145478354","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Do organizations that previously discriminated against one marginalized group go on to discriminate against other marginalized groups? If so, why and under what conditions? We address this question by developing a theory of transmorphic organizations, which suggests that organizations’ likelihood of discriminating against different groups over time will be contingent on their associated moral schemas and organizational identities. We test this theory by analyzing a unique, comprehensive dataset of discriminatory policies at 526 Christian colleges and universities in the United States, a set of organizations that has routinely been exempted from federal non-discrimination policies. Through logistic regression analyses, we uncover an association between schools’ historical policies on race and contemporary policies on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) students among certain types of Christian colleges and universities. Specifically, evangelical Protestant colleges and universities that discriminated against Black students typically formally discriminate against LGBTQ students, whereas mainline Protestant and Catholic colleges and universities that discriminated against Black students rarely formally discriminate against LGBTQ students. We attribute this divergence to the increasingly conservative, individualist moral schemas of evangelical Protestants in general and the relatively exclusive organizational identities of evangelical Protestant colleges and universities. Our study’s findings hold implications for organizational theories of inequality and contribute to ongoing research on religion, race, LGBTQ rights, and higher education.
{"title":"Transmorphic organizations: racial segregation and discrimination against LGBTQ students at Christian colleges and universities","authors":"Jonathan S Coley, Gabby Gomez","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf175","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf175","url":null,"abstract":"Do organizations that previously discriminated against one marginalized group go on to discriminate against other marginalized groups? If so, why and under what conditions? We address this question by developing a theory of transmorphic organizations, which suggests that organizations’ likelihood of discriminating against different groups over time will be contingent on their associated moral schemas and organizational identities. We test this theory by analyzing a unique, comprehensive dataset of discriminatory policies at 526 Christian colleges and universities in the United States, a set of organizations that has routinely been exempted from federal non-discrimination policies. Through logistic regression analyses, we uncover an association between schools’ historical policies on race and contemporary policies on lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer (LGBTQ) students among certain types of Christian colleges and universities. Specifically, evangelical Protestant colleges and universities that discriminated against Black students typically formally discriminate against LGBTQ students, whereas mainline Protestant and Catholic colleges and universities that discriminated against Black students rarely formally discriminate against LGBTQ students. We attribute this divergence to the increasingly conservative, individualist moral schemas of evangelical Protestants in general and the relatively exclusive organizational identities of evangelical Protestant colleges and universities. Our study’s findings hold implications for organizational theories of inequality and contribute to ongoing research on religion, race, LGBTQ rights, and higher education.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-10-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145314586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
What does attachment to place look like in neighborhoods marked by disinvestment? Drawing on nineteen in-depth interviews with Black public housing residents of a predominantly Black, resource-scarce urban neighborhood, this study explores the affective, behavioral, and cognitive dimensions of place attachment, the factors that drive attachment, and its relation to residential mobility desires. Findings reveal that place attachment is shaped less by physical infrastructure than by social ties, meaningful activities, and shared experiences. Residents’ connections to place are complex, as explanations for mobility desires vary across feelings of duty, affection, frustration, and grief. While some residents desire to leave for better conditions, others exhibit strong sentimental connections that motivate them to stay. This study highlights place attachment as a socially embedded process, particularly in contexts of shared struggle and physical proximity, such as public housing. Findings challenge frameworks that interpret immobility solely as the result of structural constraint or mobility solely as escape, complicating deficit-based portrayals of urban Black life by foregrounding residents’ emotions, memory, and agency. These findings advance theoretical understandings of Black placemaking, residential decision-making, and urban inequality, demonstrating the relational and recursive nature of human-place bonds under conditions shaped by racial capitalism. Findings also underscore the need for housing policy that recognizes emotional attachments to place and the social infrastructures that sustain them.
{"title":"“Stuck” or still?: place attachment and residential mobility in an urban resource desert","authors":"Lacee A Satcher","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf163","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf163","url":null,"abstract":"What does attachment to place look like in neighborhoods marked by disinvestment? Drawing on nineteen in-depth interviews with Black public housing residents of a predominantly Black, resource-scarce urban neighborhood, this study explores the affective, behavioral, and cognitive dimensions of place attachment, the factors that drive attachment, and its relation to residential mobility desires. Findings reveal that place attachment is shaped less by physical infrastructure than by social ties, meaningful activities, and shared experiences. Residents’ connections to place are complex, as explanations for mobility desires vary across feelings of duty, affection, frustration, and grief. While some residents desire to leave for better conditions, others exhibit strong sentimental connections that motivate them to stay. This study highlights place attachment as a socially embedded process, particularly in contexts of shared struggle and physical proximity, such as public housing. Findings challenge frameworks that interpret immobility solely as the result of structural constraint or mobility solely as escape, complicating deficit-based portrayals of urban Black life by foregrounding residents’ emotions, memory, and agency. These findings advance theoretical understandings of Black placemaking, residential decision-making, and urban inequality, demonstrating the relational and recursive nature of human-place bonds under conditions shaped by racial capitalism. Findings also underscore the need for housing policy that recognizes emotional attachments to place and the social infrastructures that sustain them.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"7 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-10-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145282718","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Irem Tuncer-Ebetürk, Jessica Kim, Yasemin Nuhoğlu Soysal
In the past three decades, the global diagnosis rate of attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) has grown drastically. While existing sociological studies demonstrate the complexity of ADHD diagnoses and treatment in specific national contexts, their ability to explain ADHD’s global growth is limited. In this article, starting from a macro-sociological perspective and drawing on world society theory, we empirically investigate the prevalence of ADHD diagnosis rates across 135 countries from 1996 to 2019. We find that the increasing rates of ADHD diagnosis worldwide since the 1990s are linked to two interconnected global cultural processes: (1) the global rise and institutionalization of child-centered cultural perspectives and (2) the global diffusion of narratives that define ADHD as a health condition impairing children’s well-being and development. Our findings do not support alternative explanations such as a nation’s level of development (measured by GDP, poverty, democracy, and tertiary enrollment rates) or healthcare quality and universal access. These findings highlight the substantial influence of global conceptions of childhood and health on ADHD prevalence rates worldwide, while downplaying the importance of national conditions. We contribute to the existing sociological literature on ADHD in two key ways. First, by conducting the first cross-national, longitudinal study of ADHD worldwide we provide novel insights about ADHD prevalence at the world level while identifying the key global factors driving this trend. Second, in merging the existing ADHD literature with the analytical frameworks advanced by world society theory, we introduce a new conceptualization of ADHD as not only a medical disability but also a global cultural phenomenon and institutional priority.
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