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Intergenerational family life courses and wealth accumulation in Norway 挪威代际家庭生活历程与财富积累
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-10-19 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae151
Bettina Hünteler, Theresa Nutz, Jonathan Wörn
While prior research has widely acknowledged the consequences of specific family transitions (e.g., parental death, parenthood, grandparenthood) for individual wealth holdings, the interplay of multiple family transitions and positions occurring at different life stages and in various orderings has received little attention. This is despite the fact that these transitions and positions most likely jointly shape wealth accumulation, both in the shorter and longer run. We apply (1) sequence analysis to identify typical family life course clusters defined by the timing of the death of the parent generation, the timing of the transition into parenthood, and grandparenthood and (2) regression analysis to describe how the accumulation of wealth between ages 40 and 64 differs by family life course cluster. Using Norwegian register data of individuals born in 1953 (N = 47,945), we identified six clusters of family trajectories ranging from childless individuals to individuals who were sandwiched between their parents, children, and grandchildren because of relatively early (grand)parenthood and late parental death. Individuals experiencing patterns with a later transition into (grand)parenthood occupied stable and high wealth positions over time. Individuals without children exhibited a steady increase in their wealth position. Additionally, experiencing parental death later in life was associated with increasing wealth, whereas early parental death was not. These results held net of gender and education. Pronounced and even increasing wealth differences over the life course seem to be associated with the interplay of multiple family transitions.
以往的研究普遍承认特定的家庭转变(如父母去世、为人父母、为人祖父母)对个人财富持有的影响,但在不同人生阶段以不同顺序发生的多种家庭转变和地位的相互作用却很少受到关注。尽管这些转变和地位很可能在短期和长期内共同影响财富的积累。我们采用(1)序列分析法来确定典型的家庭生命历程群组,这些群组由父母一代的死亡时间、转变为父母的时间以及成为祖父母的时间所界定;(2)回归分析法来描述不同家庭生命历程群组在 40 岁至 64 岁之间的财富积累有何不同。我们利用挪威1953年出生的个人登记数据(N = 47,945),确定了六个家庭轨迹群组,既有无子女的个人,也有因相对较早成为(祖)父母和父母较晚去世而夹在父母、子女和孙辈之间的个人。随着时间的推移,较晚转变为(孙)父母的个人占据了稳定和较高的财富地位。没有子女的个人的财富地位则稳步上升。此外,父母晚年去世与财富增长相关,而父母早年去世则与财富增长无关。这些结果与性别和教育程度无关。生命过程中明显的甚至是不断增加的财富差异似乎与多种家庭转变的相互作用有关。
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引用次数: 0
Why do partners often prefer the same political parties? Evidence from couples in Germany 为什么伴侣往往喜欢相同的政党?来自德国夫妇的证据
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-19 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae133
Ansgar Hudde, Daniela Grunow
Research has demonstrated that couples have similar partisan preferences, a finding associated with political polarization. However, it remains debated to what extent different mechanisms contribute to this homogamy. Analyzing dyadic panel data from the German Socio-Economic Panel 1984–2020, we distinguish analytically between (1) direct political matching (i.e., partner selection on matching party preferences); (2) indirect political matching (i.e., social structural homogamy with political homogamy as a by-product); and (3) couples’ political alignment over time, to explain party preference similarity. First, we study matching among recently formed couples using an innovative method that compares real-world couples with three types of counterfactuals: couples that are matched (1) randomly, (2) by multidimensional social structural characteristics, and (3) by maximizing similarity in party preference. Second, we study couples’ political alignment over the course of relationships, tracking real-world couples over time and controlling for macro-level changes in the party-political landscape. Results indicate substantial political homogamy among recently formed couples, which is best explained by political matching (i.e., direct selection based on partisan preferences). Effects of social structural homogamy appear weak in comparison and rather stable across cohorts. Couples further align in their partisan preferences over time, but this effect is countered by an increasing heterogeneity of the German political landscape.
研究表明,夫妻双方具有相似的党派偏好,这一发现与政治极化有关。然而,不同的机制在多大程度上促成了这种同质性,目前仍存在争议。通过分析 1984-2020 年德国社会经济面板研究(German Socio-Economic Panel 1984-2020)中的夫妇面板数据,我们在分析中区分了(1)直接政治匹配(即在匹配党派偏好的基础上选择伴侣);(2)间接政治匹配(即作为政治同配副产品的社会结构同配);以及(3)夫妇随着时间推移的政治一致性,以解释党派偏好的相似性。首先,我们使用一种创新方法来研究新近结成的夫妻之间的匹配情况,该方法将现实世界中的夫妻与三种反事实夫妻进行比较:(1) 随机匹配的夫妻,(2) 根据多维社会结构特征匹配的夫妻,(3) 根据政党偏好相似性最大化匹配的夫妻。其次,我们研究了夫妻在恋爱过程中的政治倾向,对现实世界中的夫妻进行了长期跟踪,并对政党政治格局的宏观变化进行了控制。结果表明,在新近结成的夫妻中,政治上的同质性很高,而政治匹配(即基于党派偏好的直接选择)可以很好地解释这一点。相比之下,社会结构同质性的影响似乎较弱,而且在不同组群中相当稳定。随着时间的推移,夫妻双方的党派偏好进一步趋于一致,但德国政治格局的日益异质性抵消了这一效应。
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引用次数: 0
Pay talk in contemporary workplaces 当代工作场所的薪酬问题
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-10 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae130
Patrick Denice, Jake Rosenfeld, Shengwei Sun
Drawing on a unique survey of US workers with information about their employers’ policies on pay discussions and whether workers engage in such talk with their coworkers, we provide the most comprehensive investigation into pay talk in workplaces to date. Unlike existing treatments, we focus on core organizational and relational factors that influence whether workers talk about pay. We theorize pay talk as a challenge to managerial discretion, and we hypothesize that organizational attributes related to pay-setting influence workers’ willingness to discuss wages and salaries with colleagues. Managers, in turn, combat such challenges to their discretion by instituting pay secrecy rules. Particular relational factors within organizations are related to workers’ violations of these rules. Findings indicate that the likelihood of pay discussions varies by workplace pay secrecy rules, managerial relations within organizations, and, in certain model specifications, sector and career turning points. Among status characteristics, only age is associated with discussing pay, with younger workers significantly more likely to talk about pay and to violate organizational rules meant to suppress pay discussions.
通过对美国工人进行的一项独特调查,我们获得了有关雇主的薪酬讨论政策以及工人是否与同事进行薪酬讨论的信息,从而对工作场所的薪酬讨论进行了迄今为止最全面的调查。与现有研究不同的是,我们关注影响工人是否谈论薪酬的核心组织和关系因素。我们将薪酬谈话理论化为对管理者自由裁量权的挑战,并假设与薪酬设定相关的组织属性会影响工人与同事讨论工资和薪金的意愿。反过来,管理者会通过制定薪酬保密规则来应对这种对其自由裁量权的挑战。组织内部的特定关系因素与工人违反这些规则有关。研究结果表明,薪酬讨论的可能性因工作场所的薪酬保密规则、组织内部的管理关系以及某些模型规格中的部门和职业转折点而异。在身份特征中,只有年龄与讨论薪酬相关,年轻工人更有可能讨论薪酬问题,也更有可能违反旨在抑制薪酬讨论的组织规则。
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引用次数: 0
Families of austerity: benefit cutbacks and family stress in the UK 紧缩家庭:英国福利削减与家庭压力
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-04 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae126
Gabriele Mari, Renske Keizer
Benefit cutbacks have been prominent after the Great Recession. The Family Economic Stress Model (FESM) theorizes how financial losses such as those spurred by cutbacks might adversely affect parental and child well-being. Yet, few links with policy have been established. We extend current knowledge by comprehensively assessing how benefits cutbacks may affect parents and their adolescent children. We rely on the first ten waves of the UK Household Longitudinal Study (2009–2019) and an event-study approach to examine the aftermath of an exceptional raft of benefit cutbacks. We find that mothers with lower incomes and single mothers accumulated losses equal to 20–30 percent of their household benefit income. Mothers could not fully compensate for such benefit income losses via their extra earnings, despite increased workforce participation. Financial worries, some forms of material hardship, and mental health worsened among mothers with lower incomes and single mothers exposed to cutbacks. Adolescent socio-emotional difficulties also increased in the period. We find little evidence, though, that cutbacks disrupted parenting. Parents thus display more agency than that accorded by the FESM. Nonetheless, findings point to deepening socioeconomic divides in financial and mental well-being, questioning the rationale for cutbacks.
经济大衰退之后,福利削减现象十分突出。家庭经济压力模型(FESM)从理论上解释了经济损失(如削减福利所造成的损失)如何对父母和儿童的福祉产生不利影响。然而,很少有人将其与政策联系起来。我们通过全面评估福利削减如何影响父母及其青少年子女,扩展了现有知识。我们利用英国家庭纵向研究(2009-2019 年)的前十次波次,并采用事件研究的方法,对一系列特殊的福利削减措施的后果进行了研究。我们发现,收入较低的母亲和单身母亲累计损失相当于其家庭福利收入的 20%-30%。尽管增加了劳动力参与,但母亲们无法通过额外收入来完全弥补福利收入的损失。收入较低的母亲和受到削减影响的单身母亲的经济担忧、某些形式的物质困难和精神健康状况都有所恶化。在此期间,青少年的社会情感困难也有所增加。不过,我们几乎没有发现任何证据表明削减开支扰乱了养育子女的工作。因此,家长们所表现出的能动性要比 "家庭经济状况调查 "所赋予的更强。尽管如此,研究结果表明,在经济和精神福祉方面,社会经济鸿沟正在加深,这对削减开支的合理性提出了质疑。
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引用次数: 0
The promise and limits of inclusive public policy: federal safety net clinics and immigrant access to health care in the U.S. 包容性公共政策的承诺与局限:美国联邦安全网诊所与移民获得医疗保健服务
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-09-03 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae111
Emily Parker, Rebecca Anna Schut, Courtney Boen
In the United States, exclusionary public policies generate inequalities within and across labor, financial, and legal status hierarchies, which together undermine immigrant well-being. But can inclusive public policies improve immigrant health? We examine whether and how an immigrant-inclusive federal program, Federally Qualified Health Centers (FQHCs), shaped health care access and use among farmworkers over nearly three decades, paying particular attention to disparities at the intersection of nativity and legal status. Linking historical administrative data on the location and funding of FQHCs with the National Agricultural Workers Survey from 1989–2017, we first document trends in farmworkers’ county-level proximity to FQHCs and identify a steady increase in FQHC access among undocumented farmworkers following the Affordable Care Act. Next, using time-series cross-sectional regressions with a battery of fixed effects, we find that living in a county where FQHCs are available and better resourced is associated with increased health care use among undocumented farmworkers, but not among U.S.-born or documented immigrant farmworkers. We also find that county-level access to FQHCs is associated with reduced reports of language barriers to care among both documented and undocumented foreign-born farmworkers. These findings suggest that FQHCs may improve access for immigrants who are typically excluded from U.S. health care institutions. Still, county-level FQHC infrastructure is not associated with cost-related barriers to care for any nativity or legal status groups. Taken together, our study highlights both the potential and constraints of inclusive public policies for promoting health equity in a welfare state context characterized by commodification and stratification.
在美国,排斥性的公共政策造成了劳动、经济和法律地位等级内部和之间的不平等,共同损害了移民的福祉。但包容性公共政策能否改善移民的健康状况?我们研究了一项包容移民的联邦计划--联邦合格医疗中心(FQHCs)--是否以及如何在近三十年间影响了农民工获得和使用医疗服务的情况,尤其关注了原籍和法律地位交叉点上的差异。通过将有关 FQHC 位置和资金的历史行政数据与 1989-2017 年的全国农业工人调查联系起来,我们首先记录了农民工在县一级接近 FQHC 的趋势,并发现在《平价医疗法案》之后,无证农民工获得 FQHC 的机会稳步增加。接下来,通过使用一连串固定效应的时间序列横截面回归,我们发现,居住在有 FQHC 且资源较好的县,与无证农民工使用医疗服务的增加有关,但与美国出生或有证移民农民工的使用情况无关。我们还发现,在县一级使用联邦定点医疗保健中心与有证和无证外国出生的农民工在就医时遇到语言障碍的报告减少有关。这些研究结果表明,FQHC 可以改善通常被排除在美国医疗机构之外的移民的就医环境。尽管如此,对于任何国籍或法律地位的群体而言,县一级的 FQHC 基础设施都与成本相关的医疗障碍无关。综上所述,我们的研究强调了在以商品化和分层为特征的福利国家背景下,包容性公共政策在促进健康公平方面的潜力和制约因素。
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引用次数: 0
Demographic consequences of social movements: local protests delay marriage formation in Ethiopia 社会运动的人口后果:埃塞俄比亚地方抗议推迟了婚姻的形成
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-28 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae112
Liliana Andriano, Mathis Ebbinghaus
Despite their significance, life-course dynamics are rarely considered as consequences of social movements. We address this shortcoming by investigating the relationship between protest and marriage formation in Ethiopia. Building on scholarship in social movements and insights from family demography, we argue that exposure to protest delays marriage formation. To test our theoretical arguments, we created an original panel dataset using georeferenced data from the 2016 Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey. We combined the marriage histories of 4,398 young women with fine-grained measures of exposure to local protests that we compiled from two conflict datasets covering events between 2002 and 2016. Using discrete-time event history analyses, we find that protest delays first-marriage formation. Additional analyses suggest that political uncertainty and disruptions in interethnic marriages cannot explain this effect. Instead, we provide tentative evidence that protest delays marriage formation by preoccupying large segments of the marriageable population, rendering them unavailable for this critical life-course transition. Our findings pave the way for scholarship on the demographic outcomes of protest and contribute to understanding marriage patterns in a country where the timing of marriage has far-reaching social consequences.
尽管生命历程动态非常重要,但却很少被视为社会运动的结果。为了弥补这一不足,我们研究了埃塞俄比亚抗议活动与婚姻缔结之间的关系。在社会运动学术研究和家庭人口学见解的基础上,我们认为抗议活动会推迟婚姻的形成。为了验证我们的理论论点,我们利用 2016 年埃塞俄比亚人口与健康调查的地理参照数据创建了一个原始面板数据集。我们将 4398 名年轻女性的婚姻史与我们从两个冲突数据集(涵盖 2002 年至 2016 年间发生的事件)中整理出的当地抗议活动暴露的精细度量相结合。通过离散时间事件史分析,我们发现抗议活动会推迟初婚的形成。其他分析表明,政治不确定性和种族间婚姻的中断无法解释这种影响。相反,我们提供的初步证据表明,抗议活动会使大量适婚人口集中在一起,从而使他们无法参与这一关键的生命历程转变,从而推迟了婚姻的形成。我们的研究结果为研究抗议活动的人口统计结果铺平了道路,并有助于理解这个国家的婚姻模式,因为在这个国家,结婚时间会产生深远的社会影响。
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引用次数: 0
Origins, belonging, and expectations: assessing resource compensation and reinforcement in academic educational trajectories 起源、归属和期望:评估学术教育轨迹中的资源补偿和强化
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-26 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae113
Kaspar Burger, Nathan Brack
Research has shown that socioeconomic and psychological resources may influence educational trajectories. There are still unanswered questions, however, about the unique roles of these resources and the interplay between them. We consider two such questions: First, how do major psychological resources—a sense of school belonging and optimistic future expectations—predict educational trajectories when controlling for the effect of socioeconomic resources? And, second, do these psychological resources compensate for lacking socioeconomic resources or do they reinforce the influence of socioeconomic resources on educational trajectories? We used data from a 15-year-long Swiss panel study (N = 1989) and investigated educational trajectories concerning individuals’ transitions from lower-secondary to academic upper-secondary education, and from there to university. Findings indicated that both socioeconomic and psychological resources were significantly associated with individuals’ probability of transitioning to academic upper-secondary education. We also uncovered some evidence of resource compensation between socioeconomic resources and future expectations, suggesting that optimistic expectations may buffer the adverse effect of scarce socioeconomic resources on educational attainment. Furthermore, we found that both the sense of school belonging and future expectations were significantly associated with individuals’ probability of transitioning to university. Overall, we conclude that psychological resources play a critical role in academically oriented educational trajectories and that they may partly compensate for the effects of limited socioeconomic resources on these trajectories.
研究表明,社会经济和心理资源可能会影响教育轨迹。然而,关于这些资源的独特作用以及它们之间的相互作用,仍有一些问题没有得到解答。我们考虑了两个这样的问题:首先,在控制了社会经济资源的影响后,主要的心理资源--学校归属感和乐观的未来预期--如何预测教育轨迹?其次,这些心理资源是弥补了社会经济资源的不足,还是加强了社会经济资源对教育轨迹的影响?我们使用了一项长达 15 年的瑞士面板研究(N = 1989)的数据,调查了个人从初中到高中学术教育,再从高中到大学的教育轨迹。研究结果表明,社会经济资源和心理资源与个人过渡到学术性高中教育的概率有显著关联。我们还发现了一些社会经济资源与未来预期之间存在资源补偿的证据,这表明乐观的预期可以缓冲稀缺的社会经济资源对教育成就的不利影响。此外,我们还发现,学校归属感和未来预期都与个人升入大学的概率有显著关联。总之,我们得出的结论是,心理资源在以学术为导向的教育轨迹中起着至关重要的作用,它们可以部分弥补有限的社会经济资源对这些轨迹的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Motherhood and Employment in China: Gender Asymmetries in Multi-Generational Families 中国的母性与就业:多代同堂家庭中的性别不对称问题
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-09 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae105
Jia Yu, Cheng Cheng
Prior studies have shown a negative effect of motherhood on women’s post-maternal employment, yet few have examined how the motherhood employment penalty may vary by living arrangements. Using data from the 2010–2018 waves of the China Family Panel Studies, we applied fixed-effects linear probability models to examine the effects of the number and age of children on the employment status of Chinese women and how multi-generational living arrangements moderate these effects. The results show that motherhood significantly reduces women’s likelihood of labor force participation. A woman’s coresidence with her natal mother significantly mitigates the motherhood employment penalty, especially in urban China. In contrast, coresidence with only her father or father-in-law does not reduce the penalty. These findings indicate that there is a gendered intergenerational division of labor in Chinese extended families and highlight the importance of considering gender asymmetries in multi-generational relations in understanding mothers’ labor market decisions.
以往的研究表明,母性对女性产后就业有负面影响,但很少有人研究母性就业惩罚如何因生活安排而异。利用中国家庭面板研究 2010-2018 年的数据,我们运用固定效应线性概率模型,考察了子女数量和年龄对中国女性就业状况的影响,以及多代同堂的生活安排如何缓和这些影响。结果表明,母亲身份大大降低了女性参与劳动力市场的可能性。妇女与亲生母亲同住可显著减轻母性就业惩罚,尤其是在中国城市。相比之下,只与父亲或公公同住并不会减轻这种惩罚。这些研究结果表明,在中国大家庭中存在着代际劳动分工的性别差异,并强调了在理解母亲的劳动力市场决策时考虑多代关系中性别不对称的重要性。
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引用次数: 0
Conflicting identities: cosmopolitan or anxious? Appreciating concerns of host country population improves attitudes towards immigrants 身份冲突:世界主义还是焦虑?理解东道国民众的担忧可改善对移民的态度
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-06 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae108
Tobias Heidland, Philipp C Wichardt
This paper connects insights from the literature on cosmopolitan worldviews and the effects of perspective-taking in political science, (intergroup) anxiety in social psychology, and identity economics in a vignette-style experiment. In particular, we asked German respondents about their attitudes towards a Syrian refugee, randomizing components of his description (N = 662). The main treatment describes the refugee as being aware of and empathetic towards potential worries in the German population about cultural change, costs, and violence associated with refugee inflows. This perspective-taking by the refugee increases the reported ability to empathize with the refugee and, especially for risk-averse people, reported sympathy and trust. We argue that acknowledging the potential concerns of the host population relieves the tension between an anxious and a cosmopolitan/open part of people’s identities. Moreover, relieved tension renders people less defensive; i.e. when one aspect of identity is already acknowledged (expressing anxieties), it has less influence on actual behavior (expressing sympathy). In addition, previous contact with foreigners and a higher willingness to take risks are important factors in determining an individual’s willingness to interact with refugees.
本文通过一个小故事式的实验,将有关世界主义世界观的文献见解与政治学中的透视效应、社会心理学中的(群体间)焦虑以及身份经济学联系起来。其中,我们询问了德国受访者对一名叙利亚难民的态度,并对他的描述成分进行了随机化处理(N = 662)。主要的处理方式是将难民描述为意识到了德国人对难民潮带来的文化变化、成本和暴力的潜在担忧,并对此表示同情。难民的这一视角增加了人们对难民的共情能力,尤其是对风险规避者的同情和信任。我们认为,承认东道国人口的潜在担忧可以缓解人们身份中焦虑与世界主义/开放之间的紧张关系。此外,紧张关系的缓解会降低人们的防御性;也就是说,当身份的一个方面已经得到承认(表达焦虑)时,它对实际行为(表达同情)的影响就会降低。此外,先前与外国人的接触和较高的冒险意愿也是决定个人是否愿意与难民互动的重要因素。
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引用次数: 0
Getting out and giving back: repertoires of destigmatization in the private social safety net 走出家门,回馈社会:私人社会安全网中消除鄙视的再现
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 SOCIOLOGY Pub Date : 2024-08-05 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae106
Daniel Bolger
Receiving assistance can be stigmatizing. As the cash welfare rolls have fallen to near-historic lows, the privatization of the social safety net in many states has brought up new questions about how recipients of assistance meet their material needs without sacrificing their sense of dignity. I draw on 15 months of ethnographic observation and 44 interviews with social service recipients in two majority Black neighborhoods in Houston, Texas to explore how they destigmatize their encounters with social service providers. I find that service recipients primarily seek out organizations that will treat them with respect due to the stigma attached to receiving assistance. This stigma is both racialized and gendered, such that groups with identities congruent with negative stereotypes about welfare recipients—like Black women—see themselves at higher risk of stigmatization and therefore practice destigmatization strategies with greater frequency. I build on these findings by highlighting two repertoires of destigmatization that service recipients draw upon to access both material and symbolic resources simultaneously: getting out of their neighborhoods to receive services anonymously and giving back by volunteering at local organizations. In doing so, I highlight multiple pathways through which residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods move from stigmatization to destigmatization in the welfare system.
接受援助可能是一种耻辱。随着现金福利人数降至近乎历史最低点,许多州的社会安全网私有化带来了新的问题,即受助者如何在满足物质需求的同时不牺牲自己的尊严感。我利用 15 个月的人种学观察和 44 次访谈,在得克萨斯州休斯顿的两个黑人占多数的社区对社会服务受助者进行了调查,以探讨他们如何消除与社会服务提供者相遇时的耻辱感。我发现,由于接受援助的耻辱感,接受服务者主要寻找那些会尊重他们的机构。这种鄙视既是种族化的,也是性别化的,因此,身份认同与对福利领取者的负面刻板印象一致的群体--如黑人妇女--认为自己遭受鄙视的风险更高,因此更频繁地采取去鄙视化策略。在这些发现的基础上,我强调了两种去鄙视化策略,服务接受者利用这两种策略可以同时获得物质和象征性资源:走出社区匿名接受服务,以及通过在当地组织做志愿者来回馈社会。在此过程中,我强调了弱势群体居民在福利制度中从被鄙视到去鄙视的多种途径。
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引用次数: 0
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Social Forces
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