While stratification scholars have extensively examined intergenerational associations in lifetime income, they have mostly disregarded how family background affects exposure to income volatility over the life course. As exposure to volatility represents a non-desirable outcome associated with negative shocks to individuals’ welfare, studying the link between family background and volatility is key to further advancing the understanding of how family-based inequalities impact lifelong economic prospects. This article fills this gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of the role of family background in shaping exposure to earnings volatility across the life course in Denmark, Germany, and the United States. We find that brother correlations in volatility exposure—a broad measure of family background’s impact—are much lower in Denmark than in Germany and the United States. Further analyses indicate that in Germany and the United States, family background exerts a considerable influence particularly around the period of occupational maturity, while in Denmark, its impact remains consistent over time. We also find that family background impacts volatility exposure net of individuals’ position in the overall earnings distribution, indicating that family background has a direct impact on volatility experiences and thus constitutes a nonnegligible component in intergenerational inequality.
{"title":"Family background and life cycle earnings volatility: evidence from brother correlations in Denmark, Germany, and the United States","authors":"Filippo Gioachin, Kristian Bernt Karlson","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf017","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf017","url":null,"abstract":"While stratification scholars have extensively examined intergenerational associations in lifetime income, they have mostly disregarded how family background affects exposure to income volatility over the life course. As exposure to volatility represents a non-desirable outcome associated with negative shocks to individuals’ welfare, studying the link between family background and volatility is key to further advancing the understanding of how family-based inequalities impact lifelong economic prospects. This article fills this gap by providing a comprehensive analysis of the role of family background in shaping exposure to earnings volatility across the life course in Denmark, Germany, and the United States. We find that brother correlations in volatility exposure—a broad measure of family background’s impact—are much lower in Denmark than in Germany and the United States. Further analyses indicate that in Germany and the United States, family background exerts a considerable influence particularly around the period of occupational maturity, while in Denmark, its impact remains consistent over time. We also find that family background impacts volatility exposure net of individuals’ position in the overall earnings distribution, indicating that family background has a direct impact on volatility experiences and thus constitutes a nonnegligible component in intergenerational inequality.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"61 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143083638","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Over recent decades, the relative wellbeing of younger birth cohorts declined in many western countries, indicating growing generational inequality. Building on Durkheimian theory, this paper examines explanations for these changes, hypothesizing that differences in cohort wellbeing are related to variations in social integration associated with birth cohorts and national socio-political contexts. Age–period-specific suicide rates of men and women from 1950 to 2020 in 19 highly developed western nations, including 26 birth cohorts, born from 1875 to 2004, are examined using estimable function analysis and age–period–cohort characteristic (APCC) models. Cohort variations in wellbeing are significantly greater in English-speaking nations, which have traditionally provided less institutionalized support and social integration than continental European nations. Age-specific suicide rates are larger for cohorts with childhood demographic characteristics associated with less social integration (relative cohort size and family structure). Major historical events associated with social integration in formative years of late adolescence and young adulthood also influence cohort wellbeing, with higher age-specific rates for cohorts experiencing the Great Depression of the 1930s and health pandemics of the early 20th and 21st centuries and lower rates for those experiencing periods of war and national conflict. However, the magnitude of these associations is strongly influenced by socio-political context. Negative effects of cohort characteristics are muted and positive effects are enhanced in the continental nations. In addition, patterns of associations vary by age and gender. Results remain with strong controls for the pace of change, additional measures of national context, and sensitivity analyses.
{"title":"Generational variations in wellbeing: suicide rates, cohort characteristics, and national socio-political context over seven decades","authors":"Jean Stockard","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf019","url":null,"abstract":"Over recent decades, the relative wellbeing of younger birth cohorts declined in many western countries, indicating growing generational inequality. Building on Durkheimian theory, this paper examines explanations for these changes, hypothesizing that differences in cohort wellbeing are related to variations in social integration associated with birth cohorts and national socio-political contexts. Age–period-specific suicide rates of men and women from 1950 to 2020 in 19 highly developed western nations, including 26 birth cohorts, born from 1875 to 2004, are examined using estimable function analysis and age–period–cohort characteristic (APCC) models. Cohort variations in wellbeing are significantly greater in English-speaking nations, which have traditionally provided less institutionalized support and social integration than continental European nations. Age-specific suicide rates are larger for cohorts with childhood demographic characteristics associated with less social integration (relative cohort size and family structure). Major historical events associated with social integration in formative years of late adolescence and young adulthood also influence cohort wellbeing, with higher age-specific rates for cohorts experiencing the Great Depression of the 1930s and health pandemics of the early 20th and 21st centuries and lower rates for those experiencing periods of war and national conflict. However, the magnitude of these associations is strongly influenced by socio-political context. Negative effects of cohort characteristics are muted and positive effects are enhanced in the continental nations. In addition, patterns of associations vary by age and gender. Results remain with strong controls for the pace of change, additional measures of national context, and sensitivity analyses.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"123 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-02-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143077457","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Despite recent increases in females entering male-typed job domains, women are more likely to exit these jobs than men, leading to a “leaky-pipeline” phenomenon and contributing to continued occupational gender segregation. Extant work has demonstrated that women are less likely to reapply to employers who previously rejected them for jobs in male-typed job domains. However, these studies leave unexamined whether women will reapply to other employers in those job domains and, if so, whether this pattern differs in female-typed job domains, hampering our confidence in the contribution of these patterns to gender segregation. This paper investigates whether employer rejection dampens women’s job-seeking persistence more than men’s for all employers and across male versus female job domains. Regression analyses of more than 700,000 applications for over 200,000 job postings by roughly 70,000 freelancers in an online contract labor market demonstrate that women are more likely than men to reduce job-seeking activity from all employers following rejections in the male-typed IT and programming job domain. Women are also more likely than men to seek jobs in other domains outside IT and programming following job-seeking rejection. By contrast, female freelancers in female-typed writing and translation jobs do not exhibit similar gendered behavior patterns. Implications for research on gender segregation, careers, and hiring are discussed.
{"title":"Approaching or avoiding? Gender asymmetry in reactions to prior job search outcomes by gig workers in female- versus male-typed job domains","authors":"Tiantian Yang, Jiayi Bao, Ming D Leung","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf011","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf011","url":null,"abstract":"Despite recent increases in females entering male-typed job domains, women are more likely to exit these jobs than men, leading to a “leaky-pipeline” phenomenon and contributing to continued occupational gender segregation. Extant work has demonstrated that women are less likely to reapply to employers who previously rejected them for jobs in male-typed job domains. However, these studies leave unexamined whether women will reapply to other employers in those job domains and, if so, whether this pattern differs in female-typed job domains, hampering our confidence in the contribution of these patterns to gender segregation. This paper investigates whether employer rejection dampens women’s job-seeking persistence more than men’s for all employers and across male versus female job domains. Regression analyses of more than 700,000 applications for over 200,000 job postings by roughly 70,000 freelancers in an online contract labor market demonstrate that women are more likely than men to reduce job-seeking activity from all employers following rejections in the male-typed IT and programming job domain. Women are also more likely than men to seek jobs in other domains outside IT and programming following job-seeking rejection. By contrast, female freelancers in female-typed writing and translation jobs do not exhibit similar gendered behavior patterns. Implications for research on gender segregation, careers, and hiring are discussed.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-02-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143072369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Racial segregation is an enduring social reality in the United States. Since safety is central to residential and educational decisions, one explanation is, when choosing neighborhoods and schools, individuals use racial composition to signal safety. However, few studies have focused on race-based perceptions of school safety. To examine racialized school safety beliefs, I leverage an original survey experiment with 995 White, Asian, Latine, and Black eighth-grade parents and students. Respondents examined school profiles with randomly varied racial compositions, school and neighborhood safety ratings, metal detector presence, and graduation rates. Among Whites, Asians, and Latines, school racial composition shapes their beliefs about school safety, even when schools have identical safety ratings and security measures. White and Asian respondents believed that Black and Latine schools were less safe than White schools; Latine respondents believed that Black schools were less safe than all other schools; and school racial composition did not influence Black respondents’ beliefs about school safety. Non-Black respondents, with stronger anti-Black and anti-Latine personal racial biases and more knowledge of cultural stereotypes of Black violence, were more likely to express race-based beliefs about school safety. Non-Black respondents’ anti-Black perceptions of school safety contributed to their avoidance of Black schools. These findings suggest that anti-Blackness undergirds the public imagination of physical spaces and has implications for understanding contemporary segregation, discrimination, and racial inequality.
{"title":"Racial prisms: experimental evidence on families’ race-based evaluations of school safety","authors":"Chantal A Hailey","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf012","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf012","url":null,"abstract":"Racial segregation is an enduring social reality in the United States. Since safety is central to residential and educational decisions, one explanation is, when choosing neighborhoods and schools, individuals use racial composition to signal safety. However, few studies have focused on race-based perceptions of school safety. To examine racialized school safety beliefs, I leverage an original survey experiment with 995 White, Asian, Latine, and Black eighth-grade parents and students. Respondents examined school profiles with randomly varied racial compositions, school and neighborhood safety ratings, metal detector presence, and graduation rates. Among Whites, Asians, and Latines, school racial composition shapes their beliefs about school safety, even when schools have identical safety ratings and security measures. White and Asian respondents believed that Black and Latine schools were less safe than White schools; Latine respondents believed that Black schools were less safe than all other schools; and school racial composition did not influence Black respondents’ beliefs about school safety. Non-Black respondents, with stronger anti-Black and anti-Latine personal racial biases and more knowledge of cultural stereotypes of Black violence, were more likely to express race-based beliefs about school safety. Non-Black respondents’ anti-Black perceptions of school safety contributed to their avoidance of Black schools. These findings suggest that anti-Blackness undergirds the public imagination of physical spaces and has implications for understanding contemporary segregation, discrimination, and racial inequality.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"20 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-01-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143044331","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Mikkeline Munk Nielsen, Peter Fallesen, Michael Gähler
Increasingly children whose parents no longer live together are living in two households, alternating between family contexts. A growing literature documents strong, descriptive heterogeneities in children’s wellbeing across living arrangements. We combine longitudinal survey and administrative population data on 6000 Danish children born in 1995 to study how children’s emotional and behavioral problems change following parental union dissolution. Extending the existing, predominantly descriptive literature, we use several panel regression strategies that aim to control for unobservable confounding together with repeated measurement of the Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire to study children’s problems increase after parental union dissolution and examine heterogeneity across post-dissolution living arrangements. We find a substantial increase in emotional and behavioral problems following union dissolution, but only little evidence for substantial heterogeneity existing across post-dissolution family constellations and living arrangements. Our findings indicate that not only there is casual effect of parental union dissolution on children’s long-term wellbeing, but also that existing descriptive findings on differences across living arrangements likely are due to selection.
{"title":"Parental union dissolution and children’s emotional and behavioral problems: addressing selection and considering the role of post-dissolution living arrangements","authors":"Mikkeline Munk Nielsen, Peter Fallesen, Michael Gähler","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf015","url":null,"abstract":"Increasingly children whose parents no longer live together are living in two households, alternating between family contexts. A growing literature documents strong, descriptive heterogeneities in children’s wellbeing across living arrangements. We combine longitudinal survey and administrative population data on 6000 Danish children born in 1995 to study how children’s emotional and behavioral problems change following parental union dissolution. Extending the existing, predominantly descriptive literature, we use several panel regression strategies that aim to control for unobservable confounding together with repeated measurement of the Strength and Difficulties Questionnaire to study children’s problems increase after parental union dissolution and examine heterogeneity across post-dissolution living arrangements. We find a substantial increase in emotional and behavioral problems following union dissolution, but only little evidence for substantial heterogeneity existing across post-dissolution family constellations and living arrangements. Our findings indicate that not only there is casual effect of parental union dissolution on children’s long-term wellbeing, but also that existing descriptive findings on differences across living arrangements likely are due to selection.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-01-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"143034960","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How and in what sequence do social structures, contingent events, and agents’ decisions combine over time to bring about a new populist right? To answer this question, we propose a framework to analyze social processes spanning three levels of analysis: global political economy, national political articulation, and subnational political geography. We challenge static theories that focus solely on the “supply and demand” for populism, as well as purely contingent accounts of a “perfect storm.” Instead, we argue that processes across these three levels link together in causal chains to produce an “ecosystem” of right-wing populist support. To specify this framework, we analyze the ascendance of Jair Bolsonaro to the presidency of Brazil between 2013 and 2018, drawing upon quantitative macroeconomic and protest event data, qualitative interview and archival data collected from private sector actors and social movements, and geo-spatial electoral data. Finally, we probe the generalizability of this analytical framework through a discussion of secondary work on recent cases of right-wing populism in the Global South. By focusing on the dynamic connection of inter-scalar processes over time, we illustrate how our framework paves the way for further conjunctural analyses of the current right-wing populist upsurge.
{"title":"A processual framework for understanding the rise of the populist right: the case of Brazil (2013–2018)","authors":"Benjamin H Bradlow, Tomás Gold","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae189","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae189","url":null,"abstract":"How and in what sequence do social structures, contingent events, and agents’ decisions combine over time to bring about a new populist right? To answer this question, we propose a framework to analyze social processes spanning three levels of analysis: global political economy, national political articulation, and subnational political geography. We challenge static theories that focus solely on the “supply and demand” for populism, as well as purely contingent accounts of a “perfect storm.” Instead, we argue that processes across these three levels link together in causal chains to produce an “ecosystem” of right-wing populist support. To specify this framework, we analyze the ascendance of Jair Bolsonaro to the presidency of Brazil between 2013 and 2018, drawing upon quantitative macroeconomic and protest event data, qualitative interview and archival data collected from private sector actors and social movements, and geo-spatial electoral data. Finally, we probe the generalizability of this analytical framework through a discussion of secondary work on recent cases of right-wing populism in the Global South. By focusing on the dynamic connection of inter-scalar processes over time, we illustrate how our framework paves the way for further conjunctural analyses of the current right-wing populist upsurge.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-01-12","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142962784","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article examines mechanisms related to lawmaker support for public policies based on scientific evidence and supportive of organized science. We propose that Republican lawmakers are more likely than Democrats to oppose these policies because Republicans are less likely than Democrats to base policy decisions on scientific authority and more likely than Democrats to base decisions on religious authority. We tested this hypothesis using data from a survey of state legislators from all 50 states (n = 941). Our structural equation model shows that compared to Democrats, Republicans’ policy decisions rely less on information from scientists and other experts and more on information from religious leaders. We also find evidence that lawmakers’ reliance on scientific and religious authority plays intermediary roles between their partisan identities and their attitudes about energy, vaccine, and biomedical research policies. Specifically, party differences in support for each kind of policy are associated with Democratic lawmakers’ greater reliance on science and Republicans’ greater reliance on religion. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for research on science, religion, politics, and policymaking.
{"title":"Partisan identity, scientific and religious authority, and lawmaker support for science policy","authors":"Timothy L O'Brien, David R Johnson","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae188","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae188","url":null,"abstract":"This article examines mechanisms related to lawmaker support for public policies based on scientific evidence and supportive of organized science. We propose that Republican lawmakers are more likely than Democrats to oppose these policies because Republicans are less likely than Democrats to base policy decisions on scientific authority and more likely than Democrats to base decisions on religious authority. We tested this hypothesis using data from a survey of state legislators from all 50 states (n = 941). Our structural equation model shows that compared to Democrats, Republicans’ policy decisions rely less on information from scientists and other experts and more on information from religious leaders. We also find evidence that lawmakers’ reliance on scientific and religious authority plays intermediary roles between their partisan identities and their attitudes about energy, vaccine, and biomedical research policies. Specifically, party differences in support for each kind of policy are associated with Democratic lawmakers’ greater reliance on science and Republicans’ greater reliance on religion. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for research on science, religion, politics, and policymaking.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-01-07","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142935921","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In reaction to terrorism, current research shows that discriminatory attitudes against immigrant populations among native populations sometimes increase. However, it is unclear if native populations respond to threats with a specifically targeted anti-immigrant sentiment or whether there is a general increase in anti-immigrant views that spill over to other minority groups. Furthermore, plausible processes explaining the spread of anti-immigration sentiment to larger immigrant populations are largely underexplored in the research. This article analyzes the impact of terrorist attacks on anti-Muslim sentiment and spillover effects on groups seemingly unrelated to the attacks. Using the coincidental timing of the European Social Survey and the attack on Charlie Hebdo, we investigate the effects of terrorism on anti-immigrant attitudes toward Muslim, Jewish, and Roma minorities. Second, in accordance with symbolic boundary theory, we investigate whether the Charlie Hebdo attack increased discriminatory attitudes toward immigrant characteristics and argue that these spillover effects are partially attributable to such changes. Our findings show that the Charlie Hebdo attack was associated with increased anti-immigrant sentiment toward all three groups to a comparable degree and that these effects are partially explained by intensified racial and religious boundaries. Furthermore, we find that the association between the attack and increases in racial and religious boundaries, as well as discriminatory attitudes toward all studied minorities, is stronger in countries with historically low immigration reception. Our study finds that where discriminatory processes are activated, they are not manifested through precise social categorization but rather using generalized minority characteristics.
{"title":"“Not one of us”: anti-immigrant sentiment spread to multiple immigrant groups in the wake of Islamic terrorism","authors":"Daniel Ramirez, Joeun Kim","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae172","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae172","url":null,"abstract":"In reaction to terrorism, current research shows that discriminatory attitudes against immigrant populations among native populations sometimes increase. However, it is unclear if native populations respond to threats with a specifically targeted anti-immigrant sentiment or whether there is a general increase in anti-immigrant views that spill over to other minority groups. Furthermore, plausible processes explaining the spread of anti-immigration sentiment to larger immigrant populations are largely underexplored in the research. This article analyzes the impact of terrorist attacks on anti-Muslim sentiment and spillover effects on groups seemingly unrelated to the attacks. Using the coincidental timing of the European Social Survey and the attack on Charlie Hebdo, we investigate the effects of terrorism on anti-immigrant attitudes toward Muslim, Jewish, and Roma minorities. Second, in accordance with symbolic boundary theory, we investigate whether the Charlie Hebdo attack increased discriminatory attitudes toward immigrant characteristics and argue that these spillover effects are partially attributable to such changes. Our findings show that the Charlie Hebdo attack was associated with increased anti-immigrant sentiment toward all three groups to a comparable degree and that these effects are partially explained by intensified racial and religious boundaries. Furthermore, we find that the association between the attack and increases in racial and religious boundaries, as well as discriminatory attitudes toward all studied minorities, is stronger in countries with historically low immigration reception. Our study finds that where discriminatory processes are activated, they are not manifested through precise social categorization but rather using generalized minority characteristics.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"228 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-12-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142805301","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This study investigates the multifaceted factors influencing immigrants’ naturalization intentions, with a primary focus on legal requirements and the implementation of naturalization laws. It distinguishes between different groups of non-citizens, such as refugees, European Union (EU) citizens, and non-EU citizens. Employing a vignette experiment among non-citizens in a large-scale representative data in Germany—the German Socioeconomic Panel (in 2022), the IAB-SOEP Migration Sample (in 2022), and the IAB-BAMF-SOEP Survey of Refugees in Germany (in 2021) (Total N = 6431)—the research empirically analyzes the effects of liberalizing legal requirements and the effects of more inclusive naturalization procedure on intentions to acquire German citizenship. This comparison, both for current versus liberalized requirements and less versus more inclusive naturalization procedures, offers a realistic scenario of how liberalization and inclusiveness impact naturalization intentions. The results reveal that liberalizing legal requirements, specifically dual citizenship availability and reduced waiting period, has a positive effect on naturalization intentions. Simultaneously, these effects differ between the three groups of non-citizens, particularly due to differences in the perceived benefits of naturalization. In contrast, a more inclusive naturalization procedure does not affect non-citizens’ naturalization intentions. These results underline the importance of citizenship policy for the naturalization intentions of non-citizens. However, the results also show nuanced reactions to liberalized requirements stressing the importance of group-specific cost–benefit considerations.
{"title":"The causal effect of liberalizing legal requirements on naturalization intentions","authors":"Yuliya Kosyakova, Andreas Damelang","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae170","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae170","url":null,"abstract":"This study investigates the multifaceted factors influencing immigrants’ naturalization intentions, with a primary focus on legal requirements and the implementation of naturalization laws. It distinguishes between different groups of non-citizens, such as refugees, European Union (EU) citizens, and non-EU citizens. Employing a vignette experiment among non-citizens in a large-scale representative data in Germany—the German Socioeconomic Panel (in 2022), the IAB-SOEP Migration Sample (in 2022), and the IAB-BAMF-SOEP Survey of Refugees in Germany (in 2021) (Total N = 6431)—the research empirically analyzes the effects of liberalizing legal requirements and the effects of more inclusive naturalization procedure on intentions to acquire German citizenship. This comparison, both for current versus liberalized requirements and less versus more inclusive naturalization procedures, offers a realistic scenario of how liberalization and inclusiveness impact naturalization intentions. The results reveal that liberalizing legal requirements, specifically dual citizenship availability and reduced waiting period, has a positive effect on naturalization intentions. Simultaneously, these effects differ between the three groups of non-citizens, particularly due to differences in the perceived benefits of naturalization. In contrast, a more inclusive naturalization procedure does not affect non-citizens’ naturalization intentions. These results underline the importance of citizenship policy for the naturalization intentions of non-citizens. However, the results also show nuanced reactions to liberalized requirements stressing the importance of group-specific cost–benefit considerations.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"81 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142805297","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
There has been an intense yet inconclusive debate over the impacts of socioeconomic status (SES) and postmaterialism on environmental concern. Recent years have seen a growing interest in addressing the controversy by exploring the conditioning effect of social context. Previous studies of inequality argue that it unevenly exposes people to environmental degradation, reduces social cooperation, and erodes egalitarian values. This study integrates the two lines of research by linking social inequality to environmental sustainability and examines the extent to which inequality shapes the impact of SES and postmaterialism on environmental concern in the cross-national intercohort context. Analyses of multiple waves of the World Values Survey data using the hierarchical age-period-cohort modeling techniques suggest that contextual inequality substantially attenuates the effects of SES and postmaterialism. This relationship is consistent across countries with different economic development levels and more pronounced in older cohorts. The current study illustrates the importance of careful consideration of social conditions, the unequal distribution of income in particular, when examining predictors of environmental concern, and sheds light on the theorization of a more inclusive, balanced human-nature relationship.
{"title":"The decoupling of socioeconomic status, postmaterialism, and environmental concern in an unequal world: a cross-national intercohort analysis","authors":"Yan Wang","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae168","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae168","url":null,"abstract":"There has been an intense yet inconclusive debate over the impacts of socioeconomic status (SES) and postmaterialism on environmental concern. Recent years have seen a growing interest in addressing the controversy by exploring the conditioning effect of social context. Previous studies of inequality argue that it unevenly exposes people to environmental degradation, reduces social cooperation, and erodes egalitarian values. This study integrates the two lines of research by linking social inequality to environmental sustainability and examines the extent to which inequality shapes the impact of SES and postmaterialism on environmental concern in the cross-national intercohort context. Analyses of multiple waves of the World Values Survey data using the hierarchical age-period-cohort modeling techniques suggest that contextual inequality substantially attenuates the effects of SES and postmaterialism. This relationship is consistent across countries with different economic development levels and more pronounced in older cohorts. The current study illustrates the importance of careful consideration of social conditions, the unequal distribution of income in particular, when examining predictors of environmental concern, and sheds light on the theorization of a more inclusive, balanced human-nature relationship.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-12-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142805298","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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