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Correction to: Who are the “Immigrants”?: How Whites’ Diverse Perceptions of Immigrants Shape Their Attitudes 更正: 谁是 "移民"?谁是 "移民"?白人对移民的不同看法如何影响他们的态度
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-10 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae049
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引用次数: 0
Review of “The Faithful Scientist: Experiences of Anti-Religious Bias in Scientific Training” 忠实的科学家:科学培训中反宗教偏见的经验"
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-30 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae039
N. Ammerman
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引用次数: 0
Review of “Rights Refused: Grassroots Activism and State Violence in Myanmar” 权利被拒绝:缅甸的基层活动与国家暴力》评论缅甸的基层激进主义和国家暴力 "评论
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-30 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae038
Julie Stewart
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引用次数: 0
Review of “Rules of the Road: The Automobile and the Transformation of American Criminal Justice” 道路规则》评论:汽车与美国刑事司法的变革
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-30 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae035
Ian Loader
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引用次数: 0
Review of “Words Like Water: Queer Mobilization and Social Change in China” 评论《言如水:中国的同性恋动员与社会变革
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-30 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae045
Wei Wei
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引用次数: 0
Review of “In Defense of Solidarity and Pleasure: Feminist Technopolitics from the Global South” 为团结和愉悦辩护:来自全球南部的女权主义技术政治" 评论
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-30 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae034
Smitha Radhakrishnan
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引用次数: 0
Review of “Family Life in the Time of COVID: International Perspectives” COVID 时代的家庭生活:国际视角 "评论
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-30 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae037
Leah Schmalzbauer
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引用次数: 0
Left Partisanship, Corporatism, and the Reorientation of the Knowledge Economy in Advanced Capitalist Societies 先进资本主义社会中的左翼党派、公司主义和知识经济的重新定位
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-23 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae048
Jingjing Huo
While the progress of the knowledge economy is inexorable, this paper argues that partisan politics and labor market institutions can affect the direction in which the knowledge economy progresses. In particular, a combination of corporatist industrial relations systems and left partisanship tends to foster greater wage restraint, and such a wage outcome tends to encourage the greater adoption of communications technology than information-processing technology in the economy. This reorientation of the knowledge economy toward communications technology, in turn, has egalitarian distributive implications. In particular, the greater adoption of communications technology reduces wage inequality across the board in lower 90–10, 50–10, as well as 90–50 wage ratios. These arguments are tested using data across 15–21 OECD countries (1970–2015).
虽然知识经济的发展是不可阻挡的,但本文认为,党派政治和劳动力市场制度会影响知识经济的发展方向。特别是,公司制劳资关系制度和左翼党派政治的结合往往会促进工资的提高,而这样的工资结果往往会鼓励在经济中更多地采用通信技术,而不是信息处理技术。知识经济向通信技术的这种调整反过来又产生了平等主义的分配影响。特别是,在 90-10、50-10 和 90-50 工资比率较低的情况下,更多采用通信技术会全面减少工资不平等现象。我们使用 15-21 个经合组织国家(1970-2015 年)的数据对这些论点进行了检验。
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引用次数: 0
How Political Dynasties Concentrate Advantage within Cities: Evidence from Crime and City Services in Chicago 政治王朝如何在城市内部集中优势:芝加哥犯罪与城市服务的证据
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-12 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae029
Stephanie Ternullo, Ángela Zorro-Medina, Robert Vargas
Classic models of urban inequality acknowledge the importance of politics for resource distribution and service provision. Yet, contemporary studies of spatial inequality rarely measure politics directly. In this paper, we introduce political dynasties as a way of integrating political economy approaches with ecological theory to better understand the political construction of urban spatial inequality. To do so, we examine the case of political dynasties within the Chicago city council. We show that, from 2011 to 2018, blocks in dynastic wards saw fewer homicides, assaults, robberies, and thefts relative to those in non-dynastic wards. We then leverage the 2015 ward redistricting to provide evidence that dynastic effects play some role in producing these outcomes: blocks annexed into dynastic wards experienced a decline in assaults and robberies and an increase in pothole coverings. While dynastic politicians improve outcomes for blocks they annex, they also withdraw power from those they displace; and displaced blocks had relatively higher levels of crime than annexed blocks in 2015. Taken together, our findings provide evidence that dynastic politicians are contributing to spatial inequalities within Chicago.
经典的城市不平等模型承认政治对资源分配和服务提供的重要性。然而,当代的空间不平等研究很少直接衡量政治。在本文中,我们介绍了政治王朝,以此将政治经济学方法与生态理论相结合,从而更好地理解城市空间不平等的政治构造。为此,我们研究了芝加哥市议会中的政治王朝案例。我们发现,从 2011 年到 2018 年,与非王朝选区相比,王朝选区内的街区发生的凶杀案、袭击案、抢劫案和盗窃案更少。然后,我们利用 2015 年的选区重新划分提供证据,证明王朝效应在产生这些结果方面发挥了一定作用:并入王朝选区的街区经历了袭击和抢劫的下降,以及坑洞覆盖率的上升。虽然王朝政治家改善了他们所吞并街区的结果,但他们也从被取代的街区收回了权力;2015 年,被取代街区的犯罪率相对高于吞并街区。综上所述,我们的研究结果提供了证据,证明王朝政治家正在加剧芝加哥的空间不平等。
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引用次数: 0
Are High-Immigrant Neighborhoods Disadvantaged in Seeking Local Government Services? Evidence from Baltimore City, Maryland 高移民社区在寻求地方政府服务方面是否处于劣势?来自马里兰州巴尔的摩市的证据
IF 4.8 1区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-03-12 DOI: 10.1093/sf/soae030
Min Xie, David McDowall, Sean Houlihan
To modernize public service delivery, U.S. communities increasingly rely on 311 systems for residents to request government services. Research on 311 systems is relatively new, and there is mixed evidence on whether 311 can help bridge the gap between disadvantaged communities and governments. This study draws from research on immigration, race/ethnicity, and differential engagement to explore the link between immigrant concentration and 311 usage. We use longitudinal data on 311 requests in Baltimore City, Maryland (2014–2019) and spatial panel regression analysis to show that neighborhood racial/ethnic structure and the national policy environment can significantly influence whether immigrant concentration is a barrier for 311 service-seeking. Specifically, we find that immigrant concentration reduces 311 requests in high-immigrant neighborhoods with Latino or Black concentration, but not in high-immigrant neighborhoods with White/Asian concentration. We also find that in Latino high-immigrant neighborhoods, the relationship between immigrant concentration and 311 requests appears mainly after 2017, when the federal government adopted hostile immigration policies. By establishing and contextualizing the relationship between immigrant concentration and 311 usage, the study contributes to a deeper understanding of civic participation and the connection between immigrant communities and government.
为了实现公共服务的现代化,美国社区越来越多地依靠 311 系统为居民提供政府服务。有关 311 系统的研究相对较新,关于 311 是否有助于缩小弱势社区与政府之间的差距,证据不一。本研究借鉴了有关移民、种族/族裔和不同参与度的研究成果,探讨了移民集中与 311 使用率之间的联系。我们使用马里兰州巴尔的摩市 311 请求的纵向数据(2014-2019 年)和空间面板回归分析表明,社区的种族/族裔结构和国家政策环境会显著影响移民聚集是否会成为 311 服务寻求的障碍。具体而言,我们发现,在拉丁裔或黑人聚居的高移民社区,移民聚居会减少 311 请求,但在白人/亚裔聚居的高移民社区则不会。我们还发现,在拉丁裔高移民聚居区,移民聚居与 311 请求之间的关系主要出现在 2017 年之后,当时联邦政府采取了敌意移民政策。通过建立移民聚居区与 311 使用率之间的关系并将其背景化,本研究有助于加深对公民参与以及移民社区与政府之间联系的理解。
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引用次数: 0
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Social Forces
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