Despite their significance, life-course dynamics are rarely considered as consequences of social movements. We address this shortcoming by investigating the relationship between protest and marriage formation in Ethiopia. Building on scholarship in social movements and insights from family demography, we argue that exposure to protest delays marriage formation. To test our theoretical arguments, we created an original panel dataset using georeferenced data from the 2016 Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey. We combined the marriage histories of 4,398 young women with fine-grained measures of exposure to local protests that we compiled from two conflict datasets covering events between 2002 and 2016. Using discrete-time event history analyses, we find that protest delays first-marriage formation. Additional analyses suggest that political uncertainty and disruptions in interethnic marriages cannot explain this effect. Instead, we provide tentative evidence that protest delays marriage formation by preoccupying large segments of the marriageable population, rendering them unavailable for this critical life-course transition. Our findings pave the way for scholarship on the demographic outcomes of protest and contribute to understanding marriage patterns in a country where the timing of marriage has far-reaching social consequences.
{"title":"Demographic consequences of social movements: local protests delay marriage formation in Ethiopia","authors":"Liliana Andriano, Mathis Ebbinghaus","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae112","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae112","url":null,"abstract":"Despite their significance, life-course dynamics are rarely considered as consequences of social movements. We address this shortcoming by investigating the relationship between protest and marriage formation in Ethiopia. Building on scholarship in social movements and insights from family demography, we argue that exposure to protest delays marriage formation. To test our theoretical arguments, we created an original panel dataset using georeferenced data from the 2016 Ethiopia Demographic and Health Survey. We combined the marriage histories of 4,398 young women with fine-grained measures of exposure to local protests that we compiled from two conflict datasets covering events between 2002 and 2016. Using discrete-time event history analyses, we find that protest delays first-marriage formation. Additional analyses suggest that political uncertainty and disruptions in interethnic marriages cannot explain this effect. Instead, we provide tentative evidence that protest delays marriage formation by preoccupying large segments of the marriageable population, rendering them unavailable for this critical life-course transition. Our findings pave the way for scholarship on the demographic outcomes of protest and contribute to understanding marriage patterns in a country where the timing of marriage has far-reaching social consequences.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"6 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142090036","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Research has shown that socioeconomic and psychological resources may influence educational trajectories. There are still unanswered questions, however, about the unique roles of these resources and the interplay between them. We consider two such questions: First, how do major psychological resources—a sense of school belonging and optimistic future expectations—predict educational trajectories when controlling for the effect of socioeconomic resources? And, second, do these psychological resources compensate for lacking socioeconomic resources or do they reinforce the influence of socioeconomic resources on educational trajectories? We used data from a 15-year-long Swiss panel study (N = 1989) and investigated educational trajectories concerning individuals’ transitions from lower-secondary to academic upper-secondary education, and from there to university. Findings indicated that both socioeconomic and psychological resources were significantly associated with individuals’ probability of transitioning to academic upper-secondary education. We also uncovered some evidence of resource compensation between socioeconomic resources and future expectations, suggesting that optimistic expectations may buffer the adverse effect of scarce socioeconomic resources on educational attainment. Furthermore, we found that both the sense of school belonging and future expectations were significantly associated with individuals’ probability of transitioning to university. Overall, we conclude that psychological resources play a critical role in academically oriented educational trajectories and that they may partly compensate for the effects of limited socioeconomic resources on these trajectories.
{"title":"Origins, belonging, and expectations: assessing resource compensation and reinforcement in academic educational trajectories","authors":"Kaspar Burger, Nathan Brack","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae113","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae113","url":null,"abstract":"Research has shown that socioeconomic and psychological resources may influence educational trajectories. There are still unanswered questions, however, about the unique roles of these resources and the interplay between them. We consider two such questions: First, how do major psychological resources—a sense of school belonging and optimistic future expectations—predict educational trajectories when controlling for the effect of socioeconomic resources? And, second, do these psychological resources compensate for lacking socioeconomic resources or do they reinforce the influence of socioeconomic resources on educational trajectories? We used data from a 15-year-long Swiss panel study (N = 1989) and investigated educational trajectories concerning individuals’ transitions from lower-secondary to academic upper-secondary education, and from there to university. Findings indicated that both socioeconomic and psychological resources were significantly associated with individuals’ probability of transitioning to academic upper-secondary education. We also uncovered some evidence of resource compensation between socioeconomic resources and future expectations, suggesting that optimistic expectations may buffer the adverse effect of scarce socioeconomic resources on educational attainment. Furthermore, we found that both the sense of school belonging and future expectations were significantly associated with individuals’ probability of transitioning to university. Overall, we conclude that psychological resources play a critical role in academically oriented educational trajectories and that they may partly compensate for the effects of limited socioeconomic resources on these trajectories.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"4 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"142084702","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper connects insights from the literature on cosmopolitan worldviews and the effects of perspective-taking in political science, (intergroup) anxiety in social psychology, and identity economics in a vignette-style experiment. In particular, we asked German respondents about their attitudes towards a Syrian refugee, randomizing components of his description (N = 662). The main treatment describes the refugee as being aware of and empathetic towards potential worries in the German population about cultural change, costs, and violence associated with refugee inflows. This perspective-taking by the refugee increases the reported ability to empathize with the refugee and, especially for risk-averse people, reported sympathy and trust. We argue that acknowledging the potential concerns of the host population relieves the tension between an anxious and a cosmopolitan/open part of people’s identities. Moreover, relieved tension renders people less defensive; i.e. when one aspect of identity is already acknowledged (expressing anxieties), it has less influence on actual behavior (expressing sympathy). In addition, previous contact with foreigners and a higher willingness to take risks are important factors in determining an individual’s willingness to interact with refugees.
{"title":"Conflicting identities: cosmopolitan or anxious? Appreciating concerns of host country population improves attitudes towards immigrants","authors":"Tobias Heidland, Philipp C Wichardt","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae108","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae108","url":null,"abstract":"This paper connects insights from the literature on cosmopolitan worldviews and the effects of perspective-taking in political science, (intergroup) anxiety in social psychology, and identity economics in a vignette-style experiment. In particular, we asked German respondents about their attitudes towards a Syrian refugee, randomizing components of his description (N = 662). The main treatment describes the refugee as being aware of and empathetic towards potential worries in the German population about cultural change, costs, and violence associated with refugee inflows. This perspective-taking by the refugee increases the reported ability to empathize with the refugee and, especially for risk-averse people, reported sympathy and trust. We argue that acknowledging the potential concerns of the host population relieves the tension between an anxious and a cosmopolitan/open part of people’s identities. Moreover, relieved tension renders people less defensive; i.e. when one aspect of identity is already acknowledged (expressing anxieties), it has less influence on actual behavior (expressing sympathy). In addition, previous contact with foreigners and a higher willingness to take risks are important factors in determining an individual’s willingness to interact with refugees.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"18 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141899400","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Receiving assistance can be stigmatizing. As the cash welfare rolls have fallen to near-historic lows, the privatization of the social safety net in many states has brought up new questions about how recipients of assistance meet their material needs without sacrificing their sense of dignity. I draw on 15 months of ethnographic observation and 44 interviews with social service recipients in two majority Black neighborhoods in Houston, Texas to explore how they destigmatize their encounters with social service providers. I find that service recipients primarily seek out organizations that will treat them with respect due to the stigma attached to receiving assistance. This stigma is both racialized and gendered, such that groups with identities congruent with negative stereotypes about welfare recipients—like Black women—see themselves at higher risk of stigmatization and therefore practice destigmatization strategies with greater frequency. I build on these findings by highlighting two repertoires of destigmatization that service recipients draw upon to access both material and symbolic resources simultaneously: getting out of their neighborhoods to receive services anonymously and giving back by volunteering at local organizations. In doing so, I highlight multiple pathways through which residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods move from stigmatization to destigmatization in the welfare system.
{"title":"Getting out and giving back: repertoires of destigmatization in the private social safety net","authors":"Daniel Bolger","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae106","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae106","url":null,"abstract":"Receiving assistance can be stigmatizing. As the cash welfare rolls have fallen to near-historic lows, the privatization of the social safety net in many states has brought up new questions about how recipients of assistance meet their material needs without sacrificing their sense of dignity. I draw on 15 months of ethnographic observation and 44 interviews with social service recipients in two majority Black neighborhoods in Houston, Texas to explore how they destigmatize their encounters with social service providers. I find that service recipients primarily seek out organizations that will treat them with respect due to the stigma attached to receiving assistance. This stigma is both racialized and gendered, such that groups with identities congruent with negative stereotypes about welfare recipients—like Black women—see themselves at higher risk of stigmatization and therefore practice destigmatization strategies with greater frequency. I build on these findings by highlighting two repertoires of destigmatization that service recipients draw upon to access both material and symbolic resources simultaneously: getting out of their neighborhoods to receive services anonymously and giving back by volunteering at local organizations. In doing so, I highlight multiple pathways through which residents of disadvantaged neighborhoods move from stigmatization to destigmatization in the welfare system.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"11 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-08-05","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141895273","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Unions serve as primary labor market institutions that improve employees’ working conditions, yet existing literature offers mixed results of their influence on workers’ access to work–family policies. This may be partially due to the extant literature having not considered possible variation across work contexts. In this study, I ask whether union coverage can increase workers’ access to work–family policies and examine how family-friendly work contexts—public sector organizations and female-dominated occupations—can modify these union effects in the United States. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 97 (2000–2017) and individual-fixed effect models, I analyze the impact of transitioning from a nonunion worker to a union-represented worker on the worker’s access to three work–family policies: paid parental leave, schedule control, and paid sick/vacation days. Results show that changing from a nonunion position to a union-represented one increases workers’ access to paid parental leave and paid sick/vacation days but decreases access to schedule control. The findings also show that workers in public sector organizations and female-dominated occupations tend to experience outsized benefits of union coverage on access to longer paid sick/vacation days. These findings suggest that the advantages of union coverage in workers’ access to work–family policies may be influenced by gendered work contexts.
{"title":"Labor unions, work contexts, and workers’ access to work–family policies","authors":"Eunjeong Paek","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae103","url":null,"abstract":"Unions serve as primary labor market institutions that improve employees’ working conditions, yet existing literature offers mixed results of their influence on workers’ access to work–family policies. This may be partially due to the extant literature having not considered possible variation across work contexts. In this study, I ask whether union coverage can increase workers’ access to work–family policies and examine how family-friendly work contexts—public sector organizations and female-dominated occupations—can modify these union effects in the United States. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 97 (2000–2017) and individual-fixed effect models, I analyze the impact of transitioning from a nonunion worker to a union-represented worker on the worker’s access to three work–family policies: paid parental leave, schedule control, and paid sick/vacation days. Results show that changing from a nonunion position to a union-represented one increases workers’ access to paid parental leave and paid sick/vacation days but decreases access to schedule control. The findings also show that workers in public sector organizations and female-dominated occupations tend to experience outsized benefits of union coverage on access to longer paid sick/vacation days. These findings suggest that the advantages of union coverage in workers’ access to work–family policies may be influenced by gendered work contexts.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"93 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141755203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does competition for school resources, along with racial and socioeconomic biases, shape parental preferences for schools? In this article, I investigate how school attributes affect preferences and choice, which sheds light on the processes that maintain school segregation. To do so, I conduct a survey experiment that explores parental preferences and the tradeoffs inherent in the process of school selection using school profiles that resemble those available on widely used education data platforms. I find that parents hold the strongest positive preferences for learning opportunities and overall school achievement compared to other attributes, including school racial and socioeconomic composition. Additionally, though parents prefer schools that have higher equity rankings, highly equitable schools are less desirable to parents than schools with more status and learning opportunities. However, parents also hold independent racial and socioeconomic preferences and —on average—avoid schools with more students of color and low-income students. Furthermore, results suggest they are largely unwilling to make tradeoffs that would result in schools with higher fractions of students of color or low-income students. Taken together, this study links prior studies on the segregating effects of educational data with literatures on school segregation by illustrating the specific dimensions that drive school choice.
{"title":"The effect of academic outcomes, equity, and student demographics on parental preferences for schools: evidence from a survey experiment","authors":"Marissa E Thompson","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae101","url":null,"abstract":"How does competition for school resources, along with racial and socioeconomic biases, shape parental preferences for schools? In this article, I investigate how school attributes affect preferences and choice, which sheds light on the processes that maintain school segregation. To do so, I conduct a survey experiment that explores parental preferences and the tradeoffs inherent in the process of school selection using school profiles that resemble those available on widely used education data platforms. I find that parents hold the strongest positive preferences for learning opportunities and overall school achievement compared to other attributes, including school racial and socioeconomic composition. Additionally, though parents prefer schools that have higher equity rankings, highly equitable schools are less desirable to parents than schools with more status and learning opportunities. However, parents also hold independent racial and socioeconomic preferences and —on average—avoid schools with more students of color and low-income students. Furthermore, results suggest they are largely unwilling to make tradeoffs that would result in schools with higher fractions of students of color or low-income students. Taken together, this study links prior studies on the segregating effects of educational data with literatures on school segregation by illustrating the specific dimensions that drive school choice.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"25 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141732674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does migrants’ social embeddedness influence non-migrants’ attitudes? Although research on intergroup relations has considered the effects of various dimensions of migrants’ lives, often measured by economic and cultural traits, social embeddedness, defined by the composition of interpersonal relationships, has received relatively less attention. We consider two types of social embeddedness and hypothesize that non-migrants will positively view migrants who are more socially embedded with non-migrants. In contrast, theory suggests that co-ethnic social embeddedness will result in a more negative view. Using a conjoint analysis in the UK, results show that non-migrant’s do indeed have more positive attitudes towards a hypothetical migrant who is socially embedded with non-migrants. However, co-ethnic social embeddedness does not result in a more negative perception.
{"title":"Does social embeddedness shape attitudes toward migrants? Evidence from a survey experiment in the United Kingdom","authors":"Akira Igarashi, Mathew J Creighton","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae104","url":null,"abstract":"How does migrants’ social embeddedness influence non-migrants’ attitudes? Although research on intergroup relations has considered the effects of various dimensions of migrants’ lives, often measured by economic and cultural traits, social embeddedness, defined by the composition of interpersonal relationships, has received relatively less attention. We consider two types of social embeddedness and hypothesize that non-migrants will positively view migrants who are more socially embedded with non-migrants. In contrast, theory suggests that co-ethnic social embeddedness will result in a more negative view. Using a conjoint analysis in the UK, results show that non-migrant’s do indeed have more positive attitudes towards a hypothetical migrant who is socially embedded with non-migrants. However, co-ethnic social embeddedness does not result in a more negative perception.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"30 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141725855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We distinguish two streams of theory that dominate explanations of religious change: cohort-based cumulative decline theory, which emphasizes small and ongoing declines in individual religiosity accruing across generations; and political backlash theory, which emphasizes period- and identity-based changes due to the politicized meaning of religion. Notably, Muslim countries have largely been excluded from a recent wave of quantitative research on individual-level religious change, implicitly continuing an assumption that Islamic societies require different theoretical concepts. We deploy both theories to examine religious identity and behavior over multiple decades in Turkey, a Muslim-majority country with recent social conflict over religion. Utilizing age-period-cohort interaction models, our results suggest minimal evidence for a cohort-based process in Turkey, in contrast to that observed in Western countries. Rather, a political transformation—the politicization of religion through the rise of Turkey’s AKP (Justice and Development Party) and President Erdogan—is most salient to Turkish religious change. We introduce two concepts to backlash theory—identity updating and performance signaling—to show how different dimensions of individual religiosity respond to different politicized contexts. These findings extend our understanding of religious change beyond the Western context, with further implications for theorizing political backlash and cohort-based processes.
{"title":"Religious rebound, political backlash, and the youngest cohort: understanding religious change in Turkey","authors":"Ibrahim Enes Atac, Gary J Adler Jr","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae102","url":null,"abstract":"We distinguish two streams of theory that dominate explanations of religious change: cohort-based cumulative decline theory, which emphasizes small and ongoing declines in individual religiosity accruing across generations; and political backlash theory, which emphasizes period- and identity-based changes due to the politicized meaning of religion. Notably, Muslim countries have largely been excluded from a recent wave of quantitative research on individual-level religious change, implicitly continuing an assumption that Islamic societies require different theoretical concepts. We deploy both theories to examine religious identity and behavior over multiple decades in Turkey, a Muslim-majority country with recent social conflict over religion. Utilizing age-period-cohort interaction models, our results suggest minimal evidence for a cohort-based process in Turkey, in contrast to that observed in Western countries. Rather, a political transformation—the politicization of religion through the rise of Turkey’s AKP (Justice and Development Party) and President Erdogan—is most salient to Turkish religious change. We introduce two concepts to backlash theory—identity updating and performance signaling—to show how different dimensions of individual religiosity respond to different politicized contexts. These findings extend our understanding of religious change beyond the Western context, with further implications for theorizing political backlash and cohort-based processes.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"1 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141725856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Andrew V Papachristos, James P Murphy, Anthony Braga, Brandon Turchan
The salience of neighborhoods in shaping crime patterns is one of sociology’s most robust areas of research. One way through which neighborhoods shape outcomes is through the creation and maintenance of social networks, patterns of interactions and relationships among neighborhood residents, organizations, groups, and institutions. This paper explores the relationship between network structures generated through acts of co-offending—when two or more individuals engage in an alleged crime together—and patterns of neighborhood gun violence and gun availability. Using arrest data from New York City, we create co-arrest networks between individuals arrested in the city between 2010 and 2015. We analyze these network patterns to, first, understand the overall structure of co-offending networks and, then, assess how they impact neighborhood levels of gun violence and gun availability. Results show that local and extra-local networks play a central role in predicting neighborhood levels of shootings: neighborhoods with a greater density of local ties have higher shootings rates, and neighborhoods that share social ties have similar rates of violence. In contrast, the network dynamics involved in gun recoveries are almost entirely local: co-offending patterns within neighborhoods are strongly associated with the level of gun recoveries, especially the clustering of co-offending networks indicative of groups. Contrary to previous research, spatial autocorrelation failed to predict either shootings or gun recoveries when demographic features were considered. Social-demographic characteristics seem to explain much of the observed spatial autocorrelation and the precise measurement of network properties might provide better measurements of the neighborhood dynamics involved in urban gun violence.
{"title":"The importance of neighborhood offending networks for gun violence and firearm availability","authors":"Andrew V Papachristos, James P Murphy, Anthony Braga, Brandon Turchan","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae099","url":null,"abstract":"The salience of neighborhoods in shaping crime patterns is one of sociology’s most robust areas of research. One way through which neighborhoods shape outcomes is through the creation and maintenance of social networks, patterns of interactions and relationships among neighborhood residents, organizations, groups, and institutions. This paper explores the relationship between network structures generated through acts of co-offending—when two or more individuals engage in an alleged crime together—and patterns of neighborhood gun violence and gun availability. Using arrest data from New York City, we create co-arrest networks between individuals arrested in the city between 2010 and 2015. We analyze these network patterns to, first, understand the overall structure of co-offending networks and, then, assess how they impact neighborhood levels of gun violence and gun availability. Results show that local and extra-local networks play a central role in predicting neighborhood levels of shootings: neighborhoods with a greater density of local ties have higher shootings rates, and neighborhoods that share social ties have similar rates of violence. In contrast, the network dynamics involved in gun recoveries are almost entirely local: co-offending patterns within neighborhoods are strongly associated with the level of gun recoveries, especially the clustering of co-offending networks indicative of groups. Contrary to previous research, spatial autocorrelation failed to predict either shootings or gun recoveries when demographic features were considered. Social-demographic characteristics seem to explain much of the observed spatial autocorrelation and the precise measurement of network properties might provide better measurements of the neighborhood dynamics involved in urban gun violence.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"22 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141597369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Divorce among older adults—known as gray divorce—is increasingly common; however, we have a relative gap in knowledge about predictors of gray divorce. Job insecurity, a pervasive and disruptive work-related exposure, may be a salient predictor of divorce among older couples for whom job loss can be particularly detrimental. Using longitudinal dyadic data from the Health and Retirement Study (1998–2020), the present study examined whether labor force status and job insecurity were prospectively associated with the risk of divorce in mid to later life, with attention to differences based on gender (n = 10,446 couples). Discrete-time event history models linked husbands’ and wives’ labor force status and job insecurity with subsequent odds of divorce in mid to later life. Findings show that husbands’ part-time employment, unemployment, and disability status were risk factors for divorce. Wives’ work disability also increased the risk of divorce, whereas wives’ retirement and exclusion from the labor force were protective against divorce. Husbands’ exposure to objective job insecurity (shorter job tenure) and perceived job insecurity were associated with divorce in mid to later life, whereas the adverse consequence of wives’ exposure to shorter job tenure reduced to non-significance with the inclusion of covariates. The present study documents previously untested predictors of gray divorce, finding that work-related factors may be an area of vulnerability for marriages in later life. Understanding the linkages between job insecurity and divorce is important because job insecurity is pervasive and divorce can contribute to declines in health and well-being.
{"title":"Job insecurity as a predictor of gray divorce: a gendered dyadic analysis","authors":"Rachel Donnelly","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae097","url":null,"abstract":"Divorce among older adults—known as gray divorce—is increasingly common; however, we have a relative gap in knowledge about predictors of gray divorce. Job insecurity, a pervasive and disruptive work-related exposure, may be a salient predictor of divorce among older couples for whom job loss can be particularly detrimental. Using longitudinal dyadic data from the Health and Retirement Study (1998–2020), the present study examined whether labor force status and job insecurity were prospectively associated with the risk of divorce in mid to later life, with attention to differences based on gender (n = 10,446 couples). Discrete-time event history models linked husbands’ and wives’ labor force status and job insecurity with subsequent odds of divorce in mid to later life. Findings show that husbands’ part-time employment, unemployment, and disability status were risk factors for divorce. Wives’ work disability also increased the risk of divorce, whereas wives’ retirement and exclusion from the labor force were protective against divorce. Husbands’ exposure to objective job insecurity (shorter job tenure) and perceived job insecurity were associated with divorce in mid to later life, whereas the adverse consequence of wives’ exposure to shorter job tenure reduced to non-significance with the inclusion of covariates. The present study documents previously untested predictors of gray divorce, finding that work-related factors may be an area of vulnerability for marriages in later life. Understanding the linkages between job insecurity and divorce is important because job insecurity is pervasive and divorce can contribute to declines in health and well-being.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"33 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141584341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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