Edvard Nergård Larsen, Aleksander Å Madsen, Are Skeie Hermansen
How does the presence of immigrant coworkers shape the likelihood that minority employees stay or leave their jobs? This study uses linked employer–employee administrative data covering the entire Norwegian labor market to investigate how workplace immigrant concentration influences turnover among immigrants and their native-born children. Building on theories of organizational demography, we ask whether working alongside a higher share of immigrant-background coworkers fosters employee retention—consistent with mechanisms of social contact and homophily—or instead prompts workplace exit, as suggested by group threat and competition theories. Our findings reveal that greater representation of immigrant-background coworkers significantly reduces turnover among immigrants, especially when contact occurs within same-skill occupations. The exposure effects reducing the likelihood of workplace exit are also stronger when immigrant-background employees share the same national origin with their minority coworkers and when minorities are better represented among top earners in the organization. For children of immigrants, the effects of coworker composition are weaker, consistent with theories of assimilation and the weakening of ethnic boundaries across generations. Taken together, these results support social contact theories, which claim that a more inclusive work environment and coworker support in more ethnically diverse workplace contexts foster organizational attachment and reduce turnover among immigrant-background minority employees. However, minority employees’ increased retention in organizations with higher immigrant concentration may also reinforce patterns of ethnic workplace segregation.
{"title":"Blending in or moving on? Immigrant coworkers, assimilation, and employee turnover","authors":"Edvard Nergård Larsen, Aleksander Å Madsen, Are Skeie Hermansen","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf161","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf161","url":null,"abstract":"How does the presence of immigrant coworkers shape the likelihood that minority employees stay or leave their jobs? This study uses linked employer–employee administrative data covering the entire Norwegian labor market to investigate how workplace immigrant concentration influences turnover among immigrants and their native-born children. Building on theories of organizational demography, we ask whether working alongside a higher share of immigrant-background coworkers fosters employee retention—consistent with mechanisms of social contact and homophily—or instead prompts workplace exit, as suggested by group threat and competition theories. Our findings reveal that greater representation of immigrant-background coworkers significantly reduces turnover among immigrants, especially when contact occurs within same-skill occupations. The exposure effects reducing the likelihood of workplace exit are also stronger when immigrant-background employees share the same national origin with their minority coworkers and when minorities are better represented among top earners in the organization. For children of immigrants, the effects of coworker composition are weaker, consistent with theories of assimilation and the weakening of ethnic boundaries across generations. Taken together, these results support social contact theories, which claim that a more inclusive work environment and coworker support in more ethnically diverse workplace contexts foster organizational attachment and reduce turnover among immigrant-background minority employees. However, minority employees’ increased retention in organizations with higher immigrant concentration may also reinforce patterns of ethnic workplace segregation.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"62 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-10-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145241955","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Immigrants with higher levels of education tend to report more discrimination and a weaker attachment to their destination country than immigrants with lower levels of education. This so-called integration paradox may be caused by two basic, mutually independent mechanisms: highly educated immigrants (1) more often experience unmet migration expectations, and (2) show stronger negative reactions when their expectations about their life abroad are not met. Existing research mainly focused on the first mechanism, while empirically tracing the second has been hampered by a lack of evidence comparing less- and more-educated immigrants over time. Here, we address this gap and examine how unmet migration expectations contribute to education-related differences in destination attachment. The mechanism we investigate is rooted in the educational background, but migration amplifies the dynamics, contributing to higher hopes while confronting individuals with unpredictable realities and limited control. Using panel data on recent immigrants to Switzerland from the Swiss Migration-Mobility Survey (N = 5242 immigrants and 13,890 observations, 2016–2022), we assessed the extent of unmet expectations and associated disappointment through a question on dissatisfaction with the decision to migrate. Consistent with theory, we found that increasingly negative evaluations of the migration decision were linked to reduced destination attachment, especially for immigrants with higher levels of education. Analyses further revealed that these detrimental reactions were not limited to immigrants with distinct ethno-racial background. These results suggest a fundamental mechanism for the emergence of the integration paradox, enhancing our understanding of educational inequalities in expectation management and immigrant integration.
{"title":"When expectations backfire: educational differences in declining destination attachment among recent immigrants","authors":"Andreas Genoni, Didier Ruedin","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf157","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf157","url":null,"abstract":"Immigrants with higher levels of education tend to report more discrimination and a weaker attachment to their destination country than immigrants with lower levels of education. This so-called integration paradox may be caused by two basic, mutually independent mechanisms: highly educated immigrants (1) more often experience unmet migration expectations, and (2) show stronger negative reactions when their expectations about their life abroad are not met. Existing research mainly focused on the first mechanism, while empirically tracing the second has been hampered by a lack of evidence comparing less- and more-educated immigrants over time. Here, we address this gap and examine how unmet migration expectations contribute to education-related differences in destination attachment. The mechanism we investigate is rooted in the educational background, but migration amplifies the dynamics, contributing to higher hopes while confronting individuals with unpredictable realities and limited control. Using panel data on recent immigrants to Switzerland from the Swiss Migration-Mobility Survey (N = 5242 immigrants and 13,890 observations, 2016–2022), we assessed the extent of unmet expectations and associated disappointment through a question on dissatisfaction with the decision to migrate. Consistent with theory, we found that increasingly negative evaluations of the migration decision were linked to reduced destination attachment, especially for immigrants with higher levels of education. Analyses further revealed that these detrimental reactions were not limited to immigrants with distinct ethno-racial background. These results suggest a fundamental mechanism for the emergence of the integration paradox, enhancing our understanding of educational inequalities in expectation management and immigrant integration.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145182997","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Explanations for police behavior argue that “us versus them” group dynamics shape officer interactions with the public. Yet, studies on racial disparities in policing overlook the interpersonal networks central to scholarship on group boundaries. We integrate insights from the literature on networks, group identity, and intergroup relations to consider how social network size and racial composition affect racial disparities in police officer use of force, and how those social network effects are conditioned by officer race. We test our perspective by analyzing newly collected longitudinal network data on the friendship relations between officers in one large department and linking these data to administrative records on officer use of force. The number of friendship ties to other officers is associated with within-officer increases in use of excessive force against Black victims, but not against White victims. Ties to White officers are only associated with use of excessive force against Black victims and only among Black officers. These findings suggest that social network integration contributes to racial disparities in police use of force and carries broader implications for intra- and intergroup discrimination in organizations characterized by strong institutional attachments.
{"title":"Black in blue networks: social network integration and racial disparities in police use of force","authors":"Scott W Duxbury, Marie Ouellet, Sadaf Hashimi","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf151","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf151","url":null,"abstract":"Explanations for police behavior argue that “us versus them” group dynamics shape officer interactions with the public. Yet, studies on racial disparities in policing overlook the interpersonal networks central to scholarship on group boundaries. We integrate insights from the literature on networks, group identity, and intergroup relations to consider how social network size and racial composition affect racial disparities in police officer use of force, and how those social network effects are conditioned by officer race. We test our perspective by analyzing newly collected longitudinal network data on the friendship relations between officers in one large department and linking these data to administrative records on officer use of force. The number of friendship ties to other officers is associated with within-officer increases in use of excessive force against Black victims, but not against White victims. Ties to White officers are only associated with use of excessive force against Black victims and only among Black officers. These findings suggest that social network integration contributes to racial disparities in police use of force and carries broader implications for intra- and intergroup discrimination in organizations characterized by strong institutional attachments.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"106 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145183111","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Public discourses frequently portray religiosity as a problem for the emancipation of women and sexual minorities, and in Europe, Muslims are particularly singled out as threatening liberal values. Empirical studies indeed often document negative associations between Muslims’ religiosity and attitudes such as support for gender equality and acceptance of homosexuality. However, research so far mainly applied variable-centered analyses which neglect that there might be different ways in which Muslim minority members combine their religiosity and attitudes towards individual (sexual) liberties and gender equality. To provide a more differentiated understanding of these complex associations, we conduct a person-centered analysis and identify different subgroups in the Turkish- and Moroccan-origin oversample of the Netherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study (NELLS 2011, N = 1829). Two subgroups confirm findings from variable-centered approaches: we find a profile that combines high levels of religiosity with low acceptance of sexual liberalism, and one with the opposite pattern of low religiosity but high levels of acceptance of sexual liberalism and gender equality. A sizable additional subgroup combines high levels of religiosity with acceptance of homosexuality, and to a lesser extent divorce and chosen childlessness. Our findings suggest that the acceptance of homosexuality is particularly relevant in differentiating between subgroups of Muslims, whereas attitudes towards gender equality do not differ remarkably between profiles. In conclusion, liberal attitudes are complexly related to religiosity, warning against over-simplified interpretations of religion as generally threatening progressive values or the emancipation of minoritized groups on the basis of gender or sexuality.
公共话语经常将宗教信仰描绘成妇女和性少数群体解放的问题，在欧洲，穆斯林被特别指出是对自由价值观的威胁。实证研究确实经常证明穆斯林的宗教信仰与诸如支持性别平等和接受同性恋等态度之间存在负面联系。然而，迄今为止的研究主要采用以变量为中心的分析，忽视了穆斯林少数民族成员可能以不同的方式将他们的宗教信仰与对个人（性）自由和性别平等的态度结合起来。为了提供对这些复杂关联的更有区别的理解，我们进行了以人为中心的分析，并在荷兰纵向生命历程研究（NELLS 2011, N = 1829）的土耳其和摩洛哥裔样本中确定了不同的亚组。有两个小组证实了以变量为中心的研究方法的发现：我们发现一组人的宗教信仰程度高，但对性自由主义的接受程度低；另一组人的宗教信仰程度低，但对性自由主义和性别平等的接受程度高。另外还有一个相当大的子群体，他们既有高度的宗教信仰，又能接受同性恋，在较小程度上离婚和选择不生孩子。我们的研究结果表明，对同性恋的接受程度与区分不同的穆斯林群体特别相关，而对性别平等的态度在不同群体之间并没有显著差异。总而言之，自由主义的态度与宗教虔诚有着复杂的关系，警告人们不要过分简化对宗教的解释，认为它通常会威胁到进步价值观或基于性别或性取向的少数群体的解放。
{"title":"Unpacking the nexus of Islamic religiosity and attitudes towards individual liberties and gender equality: a person-centered analysis among Dutch Muslims","authors":"Marija Dangubić, Fenella Fleischmann","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf149","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf149","url":null,"abstract":"Public discourses frequently portray religiosity as a problem for the emancipation of women and sexual minorities, and in Europe, Muslims are particularly singled out as threatening liberal values. Empirical studies indeed often document negative associations between Muslims’ religiosity and attitudes such as support for gender equality and acceptance of homosexuality. However, research so far mainly applied variable-centered analyses which neglect that there might be different ways in which Muslim minority members combine their religiosity and attitudes towards individual (sexual) liberties and gender equality. To provide a more differentiated understanding of these complex associations, we conduct a person-centered analysis and identify different subgroups in the Turkish- and Moroccan-origin oversample of the Netherlands Longitudinal Lifecourse Study (NELLS 2011, N = 1829). Two subgroups confirm findings from variable-centered approaches: we find a profile that combines high levels of religiosity with low acceptance of sexual liberalism, and one with the opposite pattern of low religiosity but high levels of acceptance of sexual liberalism and gender equality. A sizable additional subgroup combines high levels of religiosity with acceptance of homosexuality, and to a lesser extent divorce and chosen childlessness. Our findings suggest that the acceptance of homosexuality is particularly relevant in differentiating between subgroups of Muslims, whereas attitudes towards gender equality do not differ remarkably between profiles. In conclusion, liberal attitudes are complexly related to religiosity, warning against over-simplified interpretations of religion as generally threatening progressive values or the emancipation of minoritized groups on the basis of gender or sexuality.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"42 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145141491","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Political knowledge, including knowledge of basic civics and current political conditions, is associated with a host of pro-democratic outcomes including institutional trust and civic and political participation. Religion is also historically associated with these outcomes, yet a link between religion and indicators of political knowledge remains underexamined. Integrating research on religion/secularism and political engagement with work on partisan sorting, I theorize self-consciously secular Americans, particularly if they are sorted politically, will exhibit the strongest grasp on basic civics and current political conditions. Analyses of data from a recent, nationally representative survey affirm my expectations. Self-identified atheists/agnostics consistently score significantly higher than religious or non-affiliated Americans on questions about basic civics and current political conditions. Interactions reveal that education helps most other religious groups catch up to atheists/agnostics on civics knowledge, but not knowledge about current politics. And on knowledge of both basic civics and current politics, atheists/agnostics’ advantage is strongest among liberals and Democrats and disappears among conservatives and Republicans. A similar pattern appears for evangelical Protestants in the opposite direction with their scores on both civics and current politics increasing significantly as they identify more with ideological conservatism, but this does not apply to partisan identity. Findings extend literatures on political knowledge, religious/secular political engagement, and partisan sorting by showing that (1) self-identified secular Americans, particularly if they are sorted, tend to be the most knowledgeable about basic civics and current political conditions, and (2) this pattern is to a weaker extent mirrored by evangelicals, another politicized religious group.
{"title":"Secularism, sorting, and Americans’ political knowledge","authors":"Samuel L Perry","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf150","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf150","url":null,"abstract":"Political knowledge, including knowledge of basic civics and current political conditions, is associated with a host of pro-democratic outcomes including institutional trust and civic and political participation. Religion is also historically associated with these outcomes, yet a link between religion and indicators of political knowledge remains underexamined. Integrating research on religion/secularism and political engagement with work on partisan sorting, I theorize self-consciously secular Americans, particularly if they are sorted politically, will exhibit the strongest grasp on basic civics and current political conditions. Analyses of data from a recent, nationally representative survey affirm my expectations. Self-identified atheists/agnostics consistently score significantly higher than religious or non-affiliated Americans on questions about basic civics and current political conditions. Interactions reveal that education helps most other religious groups catch up to atheists/agnostics on civics knowledge, but not knowledge about current politics. And on knowledge of both basic civics and current politics, atheists/agnostics’ advantage is strongest among liberals and Democrats and disappears among conservatives and Republicans. A similar pattern appears for evangelical Protestants in the opposite direction with their scores on both civics and current politics increasing significantly as they identify more with ideological conservatism, but this does not apply to partisan identity. Findings extend literatures on political knowledge, religious/secular political engagement, and partisan sorting by showing that (1) self-identified secular Americans, particularly if they are sorted, tend to be the most knowledgeable about basic civics and current political conditions, and (2) this pattern is to a weaker extent mirrored by evangelicals, another politicized religious group.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"24 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145134623","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
A large and robust literature has emerged in recent years that looks at the acceptance of migrants into Western countries. Surprisingly, these studies have consistently found that residents in Western countries accept non-White migrants at virtually the same level as White migrants. Missing from these studies is an engagement with racism in its modern form, which is often more “color-blind,” or hidden, rather than overtly expressed, and thus can be more difficult to capture. In this study, I ask the following questions: (1) What role do racialization processes play in attitudes toward migrants? and (2) Do these processes vary across different questions of acceptance? To answer these questions, this study utilizes Duboisian insight to argue that, while White attitudes toward non-White migrants may be positive in the abstract, when Whites are forced to give up their symbolic and material power in the process, this positive reception wanes. The study utilizes a conjoint design experimental online survey to test the acceptance of migrants applying for refugee status across multiple outcomes: (1) legal acceptance, which measures the acceptance across the physical border, and (2) symbolic acceptance, which measures the acceptance into American society. These findings replicate prior research in finding no significant difference between the legal acceptance of White and non-White migrants among White respondents. However, when the acceptance outcome becomes symbolic, this parity dissipates. This study contributes to the literature by adding a symbolic layer to migrant acceptance in the United States, an important distinction in the era of color-blind racism.
{"title":"Rethinking migrant reception in the age of color-blind racism: an experimental approach","authors":"Michael Middleton","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf147","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf147","url":null,"abstract":"A large and robust literature has emerged in recent years that looks at the acceptance of migrants into Western countries. Surprisingly, these studies have consistently found that residents in Western countries accept non-White migrants at virtually the same level as White migrants. Missing from these studies is an engagement with racism in its modern form, which is often more “color-blind,” or hidden, rather than overtly expressed, and thus can be more difficult to capture. In this study, I ask the following questions: (1) What role do racialization processes play in attitudes toward migrants? and (2) Do these processes vary across different questions of acceptance? To answer these questions, this study utilizes Duboisian insight to argue that, while White attitudes toward non-White migrants may be positive in the abstract, when Whites are forced to give up their symbolic and material power in the process, this positive reception wanes. The study utilizes a conjoint design experimental online survey to test the acceptance of migrants applying for refugee status across multiple outcomes: (1) legal acceptance, which measures the acceptance across the physical border, and (2) symbolic acceptance, which measures the acceptance into American society. These findings replicate prior research in finding no significant difference between the legal acceptance of White and non-White migrants among White respondents. However, when the acceptance outcome becomes symbolic, this parity dissipates. This study contributes to the literature by adding a symbolic layer to migrant acceptance in the United States, an important distinction in the era of color-blind racism.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"35 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145089652","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Existing studies highlight numerous barriers immigrants encounter upon arrival and the economic benefits of citizenship acquisition in reducing these barriers to integration at their destinations. While researchers have extensively studied native-immigrant economic disparities and the lower monetary returns to immigrants’ education, limited knowledge exists about the distinct roles natives and immigrants play in nationwide labor markets and the principles underlying these roles. I investigate how immigrants may experience marginalization in contemporary US labor markets despite their employment participation. I propose that this marginalization may be reflected in occupational trait differentials across moral, mechanistic, and animalistic dimensions within citizenship hierarchies. Cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses of three recent nationally representative US samples provide consistent evidence that citizenship ladders contribute to stratification in workers’ occupational traits across each marginalization dimension, leading to diverging trajectories. Beyond the prominent non-monetary trait gaps between citizens and non-citizens, the results reveal persistent disparities tied to birthright and naturalized citizenship statuses, particularly for Asian and Hispanic immigrants. These trait differentials help to segment occupational roles based on citizenship hierarchies, potentially limiting immigrants’ decision-making freedom and workplace influence, and reducing access to positions emphasizing moral judgment or expressive communication skills. The conclusion discusses broader theoretical, empirical, and policy implications.
{"title":"Less than citizens: varieties of workplace marginalization of immigrants to the United States","authors":"Qian He","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf145","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf145","url":null,"abstract":"Existing studies highlight numerous barriers immigrants encounter upon arrival and the economic benefits of citizenship acquisition in reducing these barriers to integration at their destinations. While researchers have extensively studied native-immigrant economic disparities and the lower monetary returns to immigrants’ education, limited knowledge exists about the distinct roles natives and immigrants play in nationwide labor markets and the principles underlying these roles. I investigate how immigrants may experience marginalization in contemporary US labor markets despite their employment participation. I propose that this marginalization may be reflected in occupational trait differentials across moral, mechanistic, and animalistic dimensions within citizenship hierarchies. Cross-sectional and longitudinal analyses of three recent nationally representative US samples provide consistent evidence that citizenship ladders contribute to stratification in workers’ occupational traits across each marginalization dimension, leading to diverging trajectories. Beyond the prominent non-monetary trait gaps between citizens and non-citizens, the results reveal persistent disparities tied to birthright and naturalized citizenship statuses, particularly for Asian and Hispanic immigrants. These trait differentials help to segment occupational roles based on citizenship hierarchies, potentially limiting immigrants’ decision-making freedom and workplace influence, and reducing access to positions emphasizing moral judgment or expressive communication skills. The conclusion discusses broader theoretical, empirical, and policy implications.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"47 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"145056686","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Gender pension gaps (GPGs) represent crucial indicators of gender inequalities over the life course. Despite reaching higher levels, they have received less attention than other gender inequalities, such as gender wage gaps. More generally, research typically focuses on selected sets of life course summary measures, predominantly the employment duration, to explain gender inequalities across the life course. This oversimplifies gender-specific life courses in particular. Taking a life-course perspective and using data from the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe for the Netherlands and West Germany, I propose an innovative combination of machine learning, sequence analysis, and decomposition techniques, allowing for a new perspective on gender inequalities over the life course. The study disentangles which specific life-course elements are most relevant for pension inequalities and quantifies the role of gender-exclusive life-course experiences for gender disparities. I find that the duration, timing, order of life-course events, and overall life-course complexity matter for pension income inequalities in both pension systems. Specifically, the duration, timing, and order of care work experiences are more crucial pension predictors than the employment duration, which has been the primary focus of previous research. This holds for the GPGs: the largest shares are attributable to gender-exclusive life-course experiences because of the lack of a male counterpart for female engagement in care work, which is poorly rewarded in pension systems. Future research and policymakers will benefit from considering such gender-specific combinations of life-course experiences for the gender pension gap and other inequalities.
{"title":"Full-time employment is all that matters? Quantifying the role of relevant and gender-exclusive life-course experiences for gender pension gaps","authors":"Carla Rowold","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf143","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf143","url":null,"abstract":"Gender pension gaps (GPGs) represent crucial indicators of gender inequalities over the life course. Despite reaching higher levels, they have received less attention than other gender inequalities, such as gender wage gaps. More generally, research typically focuses on selected sets of life course summary measures, predominantly the employment duration, to explain gender inequalities across the life course. This oversimplifies gender-specific life courses in particular. Taking a life-course perspective and using data from the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe for the Netherlands and West Germany, I propose an innovative combination of machine learning, sequence analysis, and decomposition techniques, allowing for a new perspective on gender inequalities over the life course. The study disentangles which specific life-course elements are most relevant for pension inequalities and quantifies the role of gender-exclusive life-course experiences for gender disparities. I find that the duration, timing, order of life-course events, and overall life-course complexity matter for pension income inequalities in both pension systems. Specifically, the duration, timing, and order of care work experiences are more crucial pension predictors than the employment duration, which has been the primary focus of previous research. This holds for the GPGs: the largest shares are attributable to gender-exclusive life-course experiences because of the lack of a male counterpart for female engagement in care work, which is poorly rewarded in pension systems. Future research and policymakers will benefit from considering such gender-specific combinations of life-course experiences for the gender pension gap and other inequalities.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144987387","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The COVID-19 pandemic precipitated the widespread adoption of remote and hybrid work arrangements. How will this change affect parental status gaps in hiring? We experimentally test hiring decision-makers’ beliefs about companies’ preferences (i.e., third-order beliefs) and their personal preferences (i.e., first-order beliefs) when evaluating mothers, childless women, fathers, and childless men applying to in-person, remote, and hybrid jobs. Participants believed companies would prefer childless women over mothers in all three job types and expected no significant penalties for fathers versus childless men. However, participants’ own preferences varied across jobs: they preferred childless women over mothers applying for in-person jobs, but they held no significant preference for childless women or mothers in remote or hybrid jobs. In additional analyses of digital trace data, we show that the salience of parental status differs by job candidate gender and job type. Overall, our findings suggest meaningful variation in parental status hiring gaps across gender and core job features, with potential implications for gender inequality.
{"title":"Hiring the ideal remote worker: the gendered implications of the rise of remote work","authors":"Claire Daviss, Emma Williams-Baron, Erin Macke","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf141","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf141","url":null,"abstract":"The COVID-19 pandemic precipitated the widespread adoption of remote and hybrid work arrangements. How will this change affect parental status gaps in hiring? We experimentally test hiring decision-makers’ beliefs about companies’ preferences (i.e., third-order beliefs) and their personal preferences (i.e., first-order beliefs) when evaluating mothers, childless women, fathers, and childless men applying to in-person, remote, and hybrid jobs. Participants believed companies would prefer childless women over mothers in all three job types and expected no significant penalties for fathers versus childless men. However, participants’ own preferences varied across jobs: they preferred childless women over mothers applying for in-person jobs, but they held no significant preference for childless women or mothers in remote or hybrid jobs. In additional analyses of digital trace data, we show that the salience of parental status differs by job candidate gender and job type. Overall, our findings suggest meaningful variation in parental status hiring gaps across gender and core job features, with potential implications for gender inequality.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"58 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-09-02","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144930578","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Racism shapes the ways racialized actors and groups feel about the social world, but how does racism get reproduced through affective politics, the unequal ways White and Black Americans express feeling—or unfeeling—and consequently act—or don’t act—in response to racist violence? We use Twitter data and a combination of computational sentiment and qualitative content analyses to document and interrogate the racialized expression of emotions in response to two high-profile cases of racist police violence—the murders of Michael Brown and Tamir Rice. Using computational analyses, we first examine the racialized distributions of emotions before and after these murders. Results from these analyses showed especially high levels of negative emotion among Black women and men following these events and striking increases in negative emotion for both Black and White users in the wake of the murders. We then use content analyses to hand-code a random sample of White users’ Tweets to critically interrogate their affective expressions in response to racist police violence. Content analysis of White users’ Tweets revealed patterns of both White feeling and “un”-feeling. White feelings expressed through anger, fear, hope, and sadness emerge largely to protect rather than interrogate White dominance and complicity in White supremacy. White users evoked modes of apathy like humor and logic in service of minimizing, delegitimizing, and altogether evading racial reality. Our study highlights the utility of mixed-methods approaches to the study of racialized emotions, with findings holding implications for studies of inequality, politics, and emotions.
{"title":"The affective strategies of White unknowing: how police violence reveals the expression of racialized emotions on Twitter","authors":"Hajar Yazdiha, Courtney E Boen","doi":"10.1093/sf/soaf128","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaf128","url":null,"abstract":"Racism shapes the ways racialized actors and groups feel about the social world, but how does racism get reproduced through affective politics, the unequal ways White and Black Americans express feeling—or unfeeling—and consequently act—or don’t act—in response to racist violence? We use Twitter data and a combination of computational sentiment and qualitative content analyses to document and interrogate the racialized expression of emotions in response to two high-profile cases of racist police violence—the murders of Michael Brown and Tamir Rice. Using computational analyses, we first examine the racialized distributions of emotions before and after these murders. Results from these analyses showed especially high levels of negative emotion among Black women and men following these events and striking increases in negative emotion for both Black and White users in the wake of the murders. We then use content analyses to hand-code a random sample of White users’ Tweets to critically interrogate their affective expressions in response to racist police violence. Content analysis of White users’ Tweets revealed patterns of both White feeling and “un”-feeling. White feelings expressed through anger, fear, hope, and sadness emerge largely to protect rather than interrogate White dominance and complicity in White supremacy. White users evoked modes of apathy like humor and logic in service of minimizing, delegitimizing, and altogether evading racial reality. Our study highlights the utility of mixed-methods approaches to the study of racialized emotions, with findings holding implications for studies of inequality, politics, and emotions.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":"29 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2025-08-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"144919280","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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