Unions serve as primary labor market institutions that improve employees’ working conditions, yet existing literature offers mixed results of their influence on workers’ access to work–family policies. This may be partially due to the extant literature having not considered possible variation across work contexts. In this study, I ask whether union coverage can increase workers’ access to work–family policies and examine how family-friendly work contexts—public sector organizations and female-dominated occupations—can modify these union effects in the United States. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 97 (2000–2017) and individual-fixed effect models, I analyze the impact of transitioning from a nonunion worker to a union-represented worker on the worker’s access to three work–family policies: paid parental leave, schedule control, and paid sick/vacation days. Results show that changing from a nonunion position to a union-represented one increases workers’ access to paid parental leave and paid sick/vacation days but decreases access to schedule control. The findings also show that workers in public sector organizations and female-dominated occupations tend to experience outsized benefits of union coverage on access to longer paid sick/vacation days. These findings suggest that the advantages of union coverage in workers’ access to work–family policies may be influenced by gendered work contexts.
{"title":"Labor unions, work contexts, and workers’ access to work–family policies","authors":"Eunjeong Paek","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae103","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae103","url":null,"abstract":"Unions serve as primary labor market institutions that improve employees’ working conditions, yet existing literature offers mixed results of their influence on workers’ access to work–family policies. This may be partially due to the extant literature having not considered possible variation across work contexts. In this study, I ask whether union coverage can increase workers’ access to work–family policies and examine how family-friendly work contexts—public sector organizations and female-dominated occupations—can modify these union effects in the United States. Using the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 97 (2000–2017) and individual-fixed effect models, I analyze the impact of transitioning from a nonunion worker to a union-represented worker on the worker’s access to three work–family policies: paid parental leave, schedule control, and paid sick/vacation days. Results show that changing from a nonunion position to a union-represented one increases workers’ access to paid parental leave and paid sick/vacation days but decreases access to schedule control. The findings also show that workers in public sector organizations and female-dominated occupations tend to experience outsized benefits of union coverage on access to longer paid sick/vacation days. These findings suggest that the advantages of union coverage in workers’ access to work–family policies may be influenced by gendered work contexts.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-23","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141755203","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does competition for school resources, along with racial and socioeconomic biases, shape parental preferences for schools? In this article, I investigate how school attributes affect preferences and choice, which sheds light on the processes that maintain school segregation. To do so, I conduct a survey experiment that explores parental preferences and the tradeoffs inherent in the process of school selection using school profiles that resemble those available on widely used education data platforms. I find that parents hold the strongest positive preferences for learning opportunities and overall school achievement compared to other attributes, including school racial and socioeconomic composition. Additionally, though parents prefer schools that have higher equity rankings, highly equitable schools are less desirable to parents than schools with more status and learning opportunities. However, parents also hold independent racial and socioeconomic preferences and —on average—avoid schools with more students of color and low-income students. Furthermore, results suggest they are largely unwilling to make tradeoffs that would result in schools with higher fractions of students of color or low-income students. Taken together, this study links prior studies on the segregating effects of educational data with literatures on school segregation by illustrating the specific dimensions that drive school choice.
{"title":"The effect of academic outcomes, equity, and student demographics on parental preferences for schools: evidence from a survey experiment","authors":"Marissa E Thompson","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae101","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae101","url":null,"abstract":"How does competition for school resources, along with racial and socioeconomic biases, shape parental preferences for schools? In this article, I investigate how school attributes affect preferences and choice, which sheds light on the processes that maintain school segregation. To do so, I conduct a survey experiment that explores parental preferences and the tradeoffs inherent in the process of school selection using school profiles that resemble those available on widely used education data platforms. I find that parents hold the strongest positive preferences for learning opportunities and overall school achievement compared to other attributes, including school racial and socioeconomic composition. Additionally, though parents prefer schools that have higher equity rankings, highly equitable schools are less desirable to parents than schools with more status and learning opportunities. However, parents also hold independent racial and socioeconomic preferences and —on average—avoid schools with more students of color and low-income students. Furthermore, results suggest they are largely unwilling to make tradeoffs that would result in schools with higher fractions of students of color or low-income students. Taken together, this study links prior studies on the segregating effects of educational data with literatures on school segregation by illustrating the specific dimensions that drive school choice.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141732674","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
How does migrants’ social embeddedness influence non-migrants’ attitudes? Although research on intergroup relations has considered the effects of various dimensions of migrants’ lives, often measured by economic and cultural traits, social embeddedness, defined by the composition of interpersonal relationships, has received relatively less attention. We consider two types of social embeddedness and hypothesize that non-migrants will positively view migrants who are more socially embedded with non-migrants. In contrast, theory suggests that co-ethnic social embeddedness will result in a more negative view. Using a conjoint analysis in the UK, results show that non-migrant’s do indeed have more positive attitudes towards a hypothetical migrant who is socially embedded with non-migrants. However, co-ethnic social embeddedness does not result in a more negative perception.
{"title":"Does social embeddedness shape attitudes toward migrants? Evidence from a survey experiment in the United Kingdom","authors":"Akira Igarashi, Mathew J Creighton","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae104","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae104","url":null,"abstract":"How does migrants’ social embeddedness influence non-migrants’ attitudes? Although research on intergroup relations has considered the effects of various dimensions of migrants’ lives, often measured by economic and cultural traits, social embeddedness, defined by the composition of interpersonal relationships, has received relatively less attention. We consider two types of social embeddedness and hypothesize that non-migrants will positively view migrants who are more socially embedded with non-migrants. In contrast, theory suggests that co-ethnic social embeddedness will result in a more negative view. Using a conjoint analysis in the UK, results show that non-migrant’s do indeed have more positive attitudes towards a hypothetical migrant who is socially embedded with non-migrants. However, co-ethnic social embeddedness does not result in a more negative perception.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141725855","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
We distinguish two streams of theory that dominate explanations of religious change: cohort-based cumulative decline theory, which emphasizes small and ongoing declines in individual religiosity accruing across generations; and political backlash theory, which emphasizes period- and identity-based changes due to the politicized meaning of religion. Notably, Muslim countries have largely been excluded from a recent wave of quantitative research on individual-level religious change, implicitly continuing an assumption that Islamic societies require different theoretical concepts. We deploy both theories to examine religious identity and behavior over multiple decades in Turkey, a Muslim-majority country with recent social conflict over religion. Utilizing age-period-cohort interaction models, our results suggest minimal evidence for a cohort-based process in Turkey, in contrast to that observed in Western countries. Rather, a political transformation—the politicization of religion through the rise of Turkey’s AKP (Justice and Development Party) and President Erdogan—is most salient to Turkish religious change. We introduce two concepts to backlash theory—identity updating and performance signaling—to show how different dimensions of individual religiosity respond to different politicized contexts. These findings extend our understanding of religious change beyond the Western context, with further implications for theorizing political backlash and cohort-based processes.
{"title":"Religious rebound, political backlash, and the youngest cohort: understanding religious change in Turkey","authors":"Ibrahim Enes Atac, Gary J Adler Jr","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae102","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae102","url":null,"abstract":"We distinguish two streams of theory that dominate explanations of religious change: cohort-based cumulative decline theory, which emphasizes small and ongoing declines in individual religiosity accruing across generations; and political backlash theory, which emphasizes period- and identity-based changes due to the politicized meaning of religion. Notably, Muslim countries have largely been excluded from a recent wave of quantitative research on individual-level religious change, implicitly continuing an assumption that Islamic societies require different theoretical concepts. We deploy both theories to examine religious identity and behavior over multiple decades in Turkey, a Muslim-majority country with recent social conflict over religion. Utilizing age-period-cohort interaction models, our results suggest minimal evidence for a cohort-based process in Turkey, in contrast to that observed in Western countries. Rather, a political transformation—the politicization of religion through the rise of Turkey’s AKP (Justice and Development Party) and President Erdogan—is most salient to Turkish religious change. We introduce two concepts to backlash theory—identity updating and performance signaling—to show how different dimensions of individual religiosity respond to different politicized contexts. These findings extend our understanding of religious change beyond the Western context, with further implications for theorizing political backlash and cohort-based processes.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141725856","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Andrew V Papachristos, James P Murphy, Anthony Braga, Brandon Turchan
The salience of neighborhoods in shaping crime patterns is one of sociology’s most robust areas of research. One way through which neighborhoods shape outcomes is through the creation and maintenance of social networks, patterns of interactions and relationships among neighborhood residents, organizations, groups, and institutions. This paper explores the relationship between network structures generated through acts of co-offending—when two or more individuals engage in an alleged crime together—and patterns of neighborhood gun violence and gun availability. Using arrest data from New York City, we create co-arrest networks between individuals arrested in the city between 2010 and 2015. We analyze these network patterns to, first, understand the overall structure of co-offending networks and, then, assess how they impact neighborhood levels of gun violence and gun availability. Results show that local and extra-local networks play a central role in predicting neighborhood levels of shootings: neighborhoods with a greater density of local ties have higher shootings rates, and neighborhoods that share social ties have similar rates of violence. In contrast, the network dynamics involved in gun recoveries are almost entirely local: co-offending patterns within neighborhoods are strongly associated with the level of gun recoveries, especially the clustering of co-offending networks indicative of groups. Contrary to previous research, spatial autocorrelation failed to predict either shootings or gun recoveries when demographic features were considered. Social-demographic characteristics seem to explain much of the observed spatial autocorrelation and the precise measurement of network properties might provide better measurements of the neighborhood dynamics involved in urban gun violence.
{"title":"The importance of neighborhood offending networks for gun violence and firearm availability","authors":"Andrew V Papachristos, James P Murphy, Anthony Braga, Brandon Turchan","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae099","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae099","url":null,"abstract":"The salience of neighborhoods in shaping crime patterns is one of sociology’s most robust areas of research. One way through which neighborhoods shape outcomes is through the creation and maintenance of social networks, patterns of interactions and relationships among neighborhood residents, organizations, groups, and institutions. This paper explores the relationship between network structures generated through acts of co-offending—when two or more individuals engage in an alleged crime together—and patterns of neighborhood gun violence and gun availability. Using arrest data from New York City, we create co-arrest networks between individuals arrested in the city between 2010 and 2015. We analyze these network patterns to, first, understand the overall structure of co-offending networks and, then, assess how they impact neighborhood levels of gun violence and gun availability. Results show that local and extra-local networks play a central role in predicting neighborhood levels of shootings: neighborhoods with a greater density of local ties have higher shootings rates, and neighborhoods that share social ties have similar rates of violence. In contrast, the network dynamics involved in gun recoveries are almost entirely local: co-offending patterns within neighborhoods are strongly associated with the level of gun recoveries, especially the clustering of co-offending networks indicative of groups. Contrary to previous research, spatial autocorrelation failed to predict either shootings or gun recoveries when demographic features were considered. Social-demographic characteristics seem to explain much of the observed spatial autocorrelation and the precise measurement of network properties might provide better measurements of the neighborhood dynamics involved in urban gun violence.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-11","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141597369","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Demagogues in action: the reputational rise and demise of “Cotton” Tom Heflin","authors":"Claire Whitlinger, Gary Alan Fine","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae096","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae096","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":3.3,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141661247","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Divorce among older adults—known as gray divorce—is increasingly common; however, we have a relative gap in knowledge about predictors of gray divorce. Job insecurity, a pervasive and disruptive work-related exposure, may be a salient predictor of divorce among older couples for whom job loss can be particularly detrimental. Using longitudinal dyadic data from the Health and Retirement Study (1998–2020), the present study examined whether labor force status and job insecurity were prospectively associated with the risk of divorce in mid to later life, with attention to differences based on gender (n = 10,446 couples). Discrete-time event history models linked husbands’ and wives’ labor force status and job insecurity with subsequent odds of divorce in mid to later life. Findings show that husbands’ part-time employment, unemployment, and disability status were risk factors for divorce. Wives’ work disability also increased the risk of divorce, whereas wives’ retirement and exclusion from the labor force were protective against divorce. Husbands’ exposure to objective job insecurity (shorter job tenure) and perceived job insecurity were associated with divorce in mid to later life, whereas the adverse consequence of wives’ exposure to shorter job tenure reduced to non-significance with the inclusion of covariates. The present study documents previously untested predictors of gray divorce, finding that work-related factors may be an area of vulnerability for marriages in later life. Understanding the linkages between job insecurity and divorce is important because job insecurity is pervasive and divorce can contribute to declines in health and well-being.
{"title":"Job insecurity as a predictor of gray divorce: a gendered dyadic analysis","authors":"Rachel Donnelly","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae097","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae097","url":null,"abstract":"Divorce among older adults—known as gray divorce—is increasingly common; however, we have a relative gap in knowledge about predictors of gray divorce. Job insecurity, a pervasive and disruptive work-related exposure, may be a salient predictor of divorce among older couples for whom job loss can be particularly detrimental. Using longitudinal dyadic data from the Health and Retirement Study (1998–2020), the present study examined whether labor force status and job insecurity were prospectively associated with the risk of divorce in mid to later life, with attention to differences based on gender (n = 10,446 couples). Discrete-time event history models linked husbands’ and wives’ labor force status and job insecurity with subsequent odds of divorce in mid to later life. Findings show that husbands’ part-time employment, unemployment, and disability status were risk factors for divorce. Wives’ work disability also increased the risk of divorce, whereas wives’ retirement and exclusion from the labor force were protective against divorce. Husbands’ exposure to objective job insecurity (shorter job tenure) and perceived job insecurity were associated with divorce in mid to later life, whereas the adverse consequence of wives’ exposure to shorter job tenure reduced to non-significance with the inclusion of covariates. The present study documents previously untested predictors of gray divorce, finding that work-related factors may be an area of vulnerability for marriages in later life. Understanding the linkages between job insecurity and divorce is important because job insecurity is pervasive and divorce can contribute to declines in health and well-being.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-07-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141584341","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Rising antisemitism in the twenty-first century has alarmed Jewish communities and the general public, but antisemitic hate crime victimization remains understudied outside the US context. This study primarily relies on a comprehensive survey of 16,400 Jews across twelve European countries, supplemented with data from additional sources, to assess individual and country-level predictors of Jews’ experiences and fears of antisemitic harassment and violence. Multilevel models indicate that young age, perceived discrimination, identity visibility, and identification with Israel are pronounced individual risk factors for victimization. On the country level, negative opinion of Israel and Muslim population share predict victimization, highlighting the role of a “new” or Israel-derived antisemitism in the twenty-first century. The factors most strongly associated with fear are young age, previous victimization, perceptions of an ambient antisemitic threat, and recent occurrence of fatal antisemitic violence. Overall, the findings underscore the importance of integrating general theory on hate crime and victimization with context-specific factors when seeking to understand the experiences of targeted groups.
{"title":"Facing antisemitism in Europe: individual and country-level predictors of Jews’ victimization and fear across twelve countries","authors":"Johannes Due Enstad","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae091","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae091","url":null,"abstract":"Rising antisemitism in the twenty-first century has alarmed Jewish communities and the general public, but antisemitic hate crime victimization remains understudied outside the US context. This study primarily relies on a comprehensive survey of 16,400 Jews across twelve European countries, supplemented with data from additional sources, to assess individual and country-level predictors of Jews’ experiences and fears of antisemitic harassment and violence. Multilevel models indicate that young age, perceived discrimination, identity visibility, and identification with Israel are pronounced individual risk factors for victimization. On the country level, negative opinion of Israel and Muslim population share predict victimization, highlighting the role of a “new” or Israel-derived antisemitism in the twenty-first century. The factors most strongly associated with fear are young age, previous victimization, perceptions of an ambient antisemitic threat, and recent occurrence of fatal antisemitic violence. Overall, the findings underscore the importance of integrating general theory on hate crime and victimization with context-specific factors when seeking to understand the experiences of targeted groups.","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141462778","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of “Zygmunt Bauman and the West: A Sociology of Intellectual Exile”","authors":"Michael D. Kennedy","doi":"10.1093/sf/soae087","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soae087","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":48400,"journal":{"name":"Social Forces","volume":null,"pages":null},"PeriodicalIF":4.8,"publicationDate":"2024-06-14","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141338296","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":1,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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