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Can Racial Diversity among Judges Affect Sentencing Outcomes? 法官的种族多样性会影响判决结果吗?
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000552
Allison P. Harris
How does racial diversity impact institutional outcomes and (in)equality? Discussions about diversity usually focus on how individuals’ identities shape their behavior, but diversity is a group-level characteristic. Scholars must, therefore, consider the relationship between group composition and the individual decisions that shape institutional outcomes. Using felony data from a large U.S. court system, I explore the relationship between racial diversity among the judges comprising a court and individual judges’ decisions. I find that as the percent of Black judges in a courthouse increases white judges are less likely to render incarceration sentences in cases with Black defendants. Increases in racial diversity decrease the Black–white gap in the probability of incarceration by up to 7 percentage points. However, I find no relationship between judge’s racial identities and disparities in their decisions. This study highlights the importance of conceptualizing diversity as a group characteristic and the relationship between institutional context and outcomes.
种族多样性如何影响制度结果和(在)平等?关于多样性的讨论通常集中在个人身份如何塑造他们的行为,但多样性是一种群体层面的特征。因此,学者们必须考虑群体构成与影响制度结果的个人决策之间的关系。使用来自美国大型法院系统的重罪数据,我探索了组成法院的法官之间的种族多样性与法官个人判决之间的关系。我发现,随着法院黑人法官比例的增加,白人法官在黑人被告的案件中不太可能判处监禁。种族多样性的增加使黑人和白人入狱概率的差距减少了7个百分点。然而,我发现法官的种族身份和他们的判决差异之间没有关系。本研究强调了将多样性概念化为群体特征的重要性,以及制度背景与结果之间的关系。
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引用次数: 9
The View from the Future: Aurobindo Ghose’s Anticolonial Darwinism 未来的观点:奥罗宾多·戈斯的反殖民达尔文主义
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000576
I. Marwah
Darwinism and evolutionary theory have a bad track record in political theory, given their entanglements with fin-de-siècle militarist imperialisms, racialized hierarchies, and eugenic reformism. In colonial contexts, however, Darwinism had an entirely different afterlife as anticolonialists marshaled evolutionist frameworks to contest the parameters of colonial rule. This article exhumes just such an evolutionary anticolonialism in the political thought of Aurobindo Ghose, radical firebrand of the early Indian independence movement. I argue that Ghose drew on a nuanced reform Darwinism to criticize British imperialism and advance an alternative grounded in the Indian polity’s mutualism. Evolutionism formed a conceptual ecosystem framing his understanding of progress—national, civilizational, and spiritual—and reformulating the temporal and conceptual coordinates of the liberal empire he resisted. The article thus exposes the constructiveness of anticolonial politics, the hybridity of South Asian intellectual history, and the surprising critical potential of Darwinism in colonial settings.
达尔文主义和进化理论在政治理论方面有着糟糕的记录,因为它们与极端的军国主义帝国主义、种族化的等级制度和优生改良主义纠缠在一起。然而,在殖民时期,达尔文主义有着完全不同的来生,因为反殖民主义者组织了进化论的框架来挑战殖民统治的参数。本文在早期印度独立运动的激进煽动者Aurobindo Ghose的政治思想中发掘出了这种进化的反殖民主义。我认为戈斯借鉴了一种微妙的改良达尔文主义来批评英国帝国主义,并在印度政体的互惠主义基础上提出了另一种选择。进化论形成了一个概念生态系统,框定了他对进步的理解——民族的、文明的和精神的——并重新制定了他所抵制的自由帝国的时间和概念坐标。因此,这篇文章揭示了反殖民政治的建设性,南亚思想史的混杂性,以及达尔文主义在殖民背景下令人惊讶的批判潜力。
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引用次数: 0
The Geography of Racially Polarized Voting: Calibrating Surveys at the District Level 种族极化投票的地理:在地区层面校准调查
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-27 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000436
SHIRO KURIWAKI, STEPHEN ANSOLABEHERE, ANGELO DAGONEL, SOICHIRO YAMAUCHI
Debates over racial voting, and over policies to combat vote dilution, turn on the extent to which groups’ voting preferences differ and vary across geography. We present the first study of racial voting patterns in every congressional district (CD) in the United States. Using large-sample surveys combined with aggregate demographic and election data, we find that national-level differences across racial groups explain 60% of the variation in district-level voting patterns, whereas geography explains 30%. Black voters consistently choose Democratic candidates across districts, whereas Hispanic and white voters’ preferences vary considerably across geography. Districts with the highest racial polarization are concentrated in the parts of the South and Midwest. Importantly, multiracial coalitions have become the norm: in most CDs, the winning majority requires support from non-white voters. In arriving at these conclusions, we make methodological innovations that improve the precision and accuracy when modeling sparse survey data.
关于种族投票的争论,以及关于防止选票稀释的政策的争论,涉及到不同群体的投票偏好在多大程度上存在差异,并且在不同的地理位置上存在差异。我们提出了在美国每个国会选区(CD)的种族投票模式的第一个研究。通过结合人口统计和选举数据的大样本调查,我们发现,种族群体在全国范围内的差异解释了60%的地区一级投票模式差异,而地理位置解释了30%。不同选区的黑人选民一贯选择民主党候选人,而西班牙裔和白人选民的偏好在不同地区差别很大。种族分化最严重的地区集中在南部和中西部的部分地区。重要的是,多种族联盟已经成为常态:在大多数cd中,获胜的多数派需要非白人选民的支持。在得出这些结论时,我们进行了方法创新,提高了稀疏调查数据建模时的精度和准确性。
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引用次数: 0
Sisters Are Doing It for Themselves: How Female Combatants Help Generate Gender-Inclusive Peace Agreements in Civil Wars 姐妹们是为了自己:女性战士如何在内战中帮助达成包容性别的和平协议
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000461
Jakana L. Thomas
This article examines the effect rebel women have on the shape of civil war peace agreements, paying particular attention to the specific gender-inclusive provisions female rebels advocate for. I argue that, through conflict experiences and socialization, rebel women develop group identities that foster collective demands. Their identities as fighters and women from marginalized groups encourage rebel women to lobby for provisions that address the grievances of women from these societal groups. Using data on women’s participation in conflict and the terms written into contemporary peace agreements, I find support for this contention. Greater participation of female combatants is associated with an increased likelihood of observing gender-inclusive agreement provisions calling for the inclusion of women from marginalized groups and addressing the specific post-conflict needs of female ex-combatants. This study is one of the first to show that women’s participation in rebellion matters for the shape of post-conflict peace.
本文考察了反叛女性对内战和平协议形成的影响,特别关注了女性反叛所倡导的具体性别包容性条款。我认为,通过冲突经历和社会化,反叛女性形成了群体认同,从而促进了集体需求。她们作为战士和边缘群体妇女的身份鼓励反叛妇女游说制定解决这些社会群体妇女不满的规定。通过使用妇女参与冲突的数据和写入当代和平协议的条款,我找到了支持这一论点的证据。女性战斗人员的更多参与与更有可能遵守性别包容协议的条款有关,这些条款要求将边缘化群体的妇女纳入其中,并解决前女性战斗人员的具体冲突后需求。这项研究是第一个表明妇女参与叛乱对冲突后和平的形态很重要的研究之一。
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引用次数: 1
Social Capital, Institutional Rules, and Constitutional Amendment Rates 社会资本、制度规则与宪法修改率
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-26 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000606
WILLIAM D. BLAKE, JOSEPH FRANCESCO COZZA, DAVID A. ARMSTRONG, AMANDA FRIESEN
Why are some constitutions amended more frequently than others? The literature provides few clear answers, as some scholars focus on institutional factors, whereas others emphasize amendment culture. We bridge this divide with new theoretical and empirical insights. Using data from democratic constitutions worldwide and U.S. state constitutions, we examine how social capital reduces the transaction costs imposed by amendment rules. The results indicate that constitutional rigidity decreases amendment frequency, but group membership, civic activism, and political trust can offset the effect of amendment rules. Our findings have important implications for scholars in public law, constitutional and democratic theory, and social movements.
为什么有些宪法比其他宪法修改得更频繁?文献没有给出明确的答案,因为一些学者关注制度因素,而另一些学者则强调修正文化。我们用新的理论和实证见解弥合了这一分歧。利用世界各国民主宪法和美国各州宪法的数据,我们考察了社会资本如何降低修正规则所带来的交易成本。结果表明,宪法刚性降低了修改频率,但团体成员、公民行动主义和政治信任可以抵消修改规则的影响。我们的发现对公法、宪法和民主理论以及社会运动的学者具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Civic Responses to Police Violence 公民对警察暴力的反应
1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000515
DESMOND ANG, JONATHAN TEBES
Roughly a thousand people are killed by American law enforcement officers each year, accounting for more than 5% of all homicides. We estimate the causal impact of these events on civic engagement. Exploiting hyperlocal variation in how close residents live to a killing, we find that exposure to police violence leads to significant increases in registrations and votes. These effects are driven entirely by Black and Hispanic citizens and are largest for killings of unarmed individuals. We find corresponding increases in support for criminal justice reforms, suggesting that police violence may cause voters to politically mobilize against perceived injustice.
每年大约有一千人被美国执法人员杀害,占所有凶杀案的5%以上。我们估计了这些事件对公民参与的因果影响。利用当地居民离杀戮事件的距离差异,我们发现,暴露于警察暴力会导致登记和投票的显著增加。这些影响完全是由黑人和西班牙裔公民造成的,对手无寸铁的人的杀戮是最大的。我们发现,对刑事司法改革的支持相应增加,这表明警察暴力可能导致选民在政治上动员起来反对他们认为的不公正。
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引用次数: 0
Civilian Protest in Civil War: Insights from Côte d’Ivoire 内战中的平民抗议:来自Côte科特迪瓦的见解
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000564
S. van Baalen
How does civilian protest shape civil war dynamics? Existing research shows that civilian protests against violence and war contribute to peace and restrain violence against civilians. There is less research on civilian protests that are at odds with peaceful conflict resolution, such as protests to salute armed actors, advocate against peace agreements, and oppose peacekeepers. This study develops a novel typology of wartime civilian protest that brings together protests to different ends, and theorizes the heterogeneous effects of protest on civil war dynamics. Using quantitative and qualitative evidence from new disaggregated and georeferenced event data from Côte d’Ivoire, the study demonstrates that—contingent on certain demands—protests were associated with violence against civilians, violence involving peacekeepers, and failed conflict resolution. These findings contribute new knowledge on how civilians shape the dynamics of civil war, and caution that nonviolent civilian action may not only be a force for de-escalation and peace.
平民抗议如何影响内战动态?现有研究表明,平民反对暴力和战争的抗议活动有助于和平,抑制针对平民的暴力行为。对与和平解决冲突不一致的平民抗议活动的研究较少,例如向武装行为者致敬、反对和平协议和反对维和人员的抗议活动。本研究发展了一种新的战时平民抗议类型,将不同目的的抗议聚集在一起,并理论化了抗议对内战动态的异质影响。该研究利用来自科特迪瓦新的分类和地理参考事件数据的定量和定性证据表明,根据某些要求,抗议活动与针对平民的暴力、涉及维和人员的暴力和冲突解决失败有关。这些发现有助于了解平民如何塑造内战的动态,并提醒人们,非暴力的平民行动可能不仅仅是缓和局势与和平的力量。
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引用次数: 0
Do Politicians Outside the United States Also Think Voters Are More Conservative than They Really Are? 美国以外的政客也认为选民比实际情况更保守吗?
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-14 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000527
J. Pilet, Lior Sheffer, Luzia Helfer, Frédéric Varone, R. Vliegenthart, S. Walgrave
In an influential recent study, Broockman and Skovron (2018) found that American politicians consistently overestimate the conservativeness of their constituents on a host of issues. Whether this conservative bias in politicians’ perceptions of public opinion is a uniquely American phenomenon is an open question with broad implications for the quality and nature of democratic representation. We investigate it in four democracies: Belgium, Canada, Germany, and Switzerland. Despite these countries having political systems that differ greatly, we document a strong and persistent conservative bias held by a majority of the 866 representatives interviewed. Our findings highlight the conservative bias in elites’ perception of public opinion as a widespread regularity and point toward a pressing need for further research on its sources and impacts.
Broockman和Skovron(2018)在最近一项有影响力的研究中发现,美国政客在一系列问题上一贯高估选民的保守主义。政客们对公众舆论看法中的这种保守偏见是否是一种独特的美国现象,这是一个悬而未决的问题,对民主代表的质量和性质有着广泛的影响。我们在四个民主国家进行了调查:比利时、加拿大、德国和瑞士。尽管这些国家的政治制度差异很大,但我们记录到,在接受采访的866名代表中,大多数人都持有强烈而持久的保守偏见。我们的研究结果强调了精英们对公众舆论普遍存在的保守偏见,并指出迫切需要对其来源和影响进行进一步研究。
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引用次数: 0
Global Slavery in the Making of States and International Orders 国家和国际秩序形成中的全球奴隶制
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000424
J. C. Sharman, Patrick Sheehy, Ay ş e Zarakol
Despite having key implications for fundamental political science questions, slavery as a global phenomenon has received little attention in the field. We argue that slavery played an important role in state-building and international order formation. To counter a historical U.S./Atlantic bias, we draw evidence mostly from the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. We identify two slave-based paths to state construction. A “slaves as the state” logic saw slave soldiers and administrators used to overcome the constraints of indirect rule in centralizing power. In a “slaves under the state” model the economy was based on slave production, itself underpinned by institutionalized state coercion. Norms often prohibited enslavement within communities, thus externalizing demand. This led to militarized slaving, and fostered increasingly long-distance trade in slaves. The combination of these normative, military, and commercial factors formed international slaving orders.
尽管奴隶制对基本的政治科学问题有着重要的影响,但作为一种全球现象,奴隶制在该领域几乎没有受到关注。我们认为,奴隶制在国家建设和国际秩序形成中发挥了重要作用。为了对抗美国/大西洋的历史偏见,我们主要从中东、非洲和亚洲获取证据。我们确定了两条基于奴隶的国家建设道路。在“奴隶即国家”的逻辑中,奴隶士兵和行政人员被用来克服间接统治对权力集中的限制。在“国家统治下的奴隶”模式中,经济以奴隶生产为基础,而奴隶生产本身又以制度化的国家胁迫为基础。规范往往禁止在社区内奴役,从而将需求外部化。这导致了奴隶贸易的军事化,并促进了越来越多的奴隶长途贸易。这些规范、军事和商业因素的结合形成了国际奴隶制度。
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引用次数: 0
Buying a Blind Eye: Campaign Donations, Regulatory Enforcement, and Deforestation 盲目购买:运动捐赠、监管执法和森林砍伐
IF 6.8 1区 社会学 Q1 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-06-09 DOI: 10.1017/s0003055423000412
R. Harding, M. Prem, Nelson A. Ruiz, David Vargas
While existing work has demonstrated that campaign donations can buy access to benefits such as favorable legislation and preferential contracting, we highlight another use of campaign contributions: buying reductions in regulatory enforcement. Specifically, we argue that in return for campaign contributions, Colombian mayors who rely on donor-funding (compared with those who do not) choose not to enforce sanctions against illegal deforestation activities. Using a regression discontinuity design, we show that deforestation is significantly higher in municipalities that elect donor-funded as opposed to self-funded politicians. Further analysis shows that only part of this effect can be explained by differences in contracting practices by donor-funded mayors. Instead, evidence of heterogeneity in the effects according to the presence of alternative formal and informal enforcement institutions, and analysis of fire clearance, support the interpretation that campaign contributions buy reductions in the enforcement of environmental regulations.
虽然现有工作表明,竞选捐款可以购买优惠立法和优惠合同等福利,但我们强调了竞选捐款的另一个用途:购买减少监管执行的资金。具体而言,我们认为,作为竞选捐款的回报,依赖捐助者资金的哥伦比亚市长(与不依赖捐助者资金者相比)选择不对非法砍伐森林活动实施制裁。使用回归不连续性设计,我们发现,与自筹资金的政治家相比,选择捐助者资助的城市的森林砍伐率要高得多。进一步的分析表明,这种影响只有一部分可以解释为捐助者资助的市长在合同实践方面的差异。相反,根据替代性正式和非正式执法机构的存在,效果存在异质性的证据,以及对消防清理的分析,支持了这样一种解释,即竞选捐款可以减少环境法规的执行。
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引用次数: 4
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American Political Science Review
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