American Psychologist最新文献

Autism spectrum disorder is one of the most common neurodevelopmental conditions diagnosed in children. Most autism research, intervention, and policy focus exclusively on this condition in childhood, but autism often persists across the life course. This narrative review leverages data from 115 participants first diagnosed with autism between ages 2 and 3 years and subsequently followed for 3 decades (M_age = 30.93 years, SD = 3.41) to highlight key aspects of adult life and experiences for autistic individuals identified in early childhood. Compared to other autism samples, the participants described here are relatively diverse: 20% are Black or mixed race; 13% are female; 43% reside in Census-designated rural locations; and 37% have a primary caregiver without a college degree. Fifty participants have average cognitive abilities (mean intellectual quotient [m_IQ] = 98.8, SD = 19.3) and are verbally fluent; the remaining 65 have an intellectual disability (m_IQ = 28.5, SD = 17.7) and/or are minimally verbal. In some ways, the adult experiences of autistic individuals are quite distinct from those of the general population, but important similarities exist also, particularly related to quality of life. As the number of autistic adults continues to rise, and increasing numbers of autistic adults seek out clinical and community services, high-quality research and clinical services focused on this population should be a priority for psychological science and practice. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

Loneliness is increasingly recognized as a critical public health concern, with growing evidence of the effectiveness of interventions to reduce loneliness across the lifespan. This preregistered systematic review and meta-analysis evaluated the effectiveness of interventions to reduce loneliness. The systematic review identified 312 studies. The meta-analysis included 280 studies (273 studies of short-term effects; 72 studies of long-term effects). Using random-effects models, a small to moderate short-term effect on loneliness (up to 4 weeks after the intervention) was observed (122 randomized controlled trials: standardized mean difference = -0.50, 95% confidence interval [-0.60, -0.39]; 33 multicohort studies: standardized mean difference = -0.51, 95% confidence interval [-0.68, -0.34]; 118 single-arm cohort studies: standardized mean difference = -0.38, 95% confidence interval [-0.46, -0.30]). Confidence in the estimates was assessed using the Grading of Recommendations, Assessment, Development, and Evaluation system and graded as low or very low. No statistically significant differences were found between age groups. Psychological interventions appeared to be the most effective intervention strategy for reducing loneliness, demonstrating a moderate effect, while social and emotional skills training, social network interventions, and social support interventions showed small to moderate effects. Further analyses demonstrated that long-term effects (1-6 months after the intervention) were comparable to short-term effects. The current meta-analysis provides overall evidence of the effectiveness of loneliness interventions. Given methodological limitations, it remains unclear whom the interventions would help the most. Overall, there is a need for rigorous and high-quality development and further evaluation of interventions for loneliness. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

Memorializes N. Dickon Reppucci (1941-2023). Dick had major influence in expanding community psychology's focus toward the intersection of adolescence and the law as well as the role of public policy. Many significant places and relationships shaped Dick's journey in psychology as a first-generation student. He became a full professor and director of clinical psychology at the University of Virginia (from 1976 to his retirement in 2017), with joint appointments in the Curry School of Education and the Institute of Law, Psychiatry, and Public Policy. These experiences shaped Dick's interdisciplinary thinking and his commitment to social impact. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

The frontier of artificial intelligence (AI) is constantly moving, raising fears and concerns whenever AI is deployed in a new occupation. Some of these fears are legitimate and should be addressed by AI developers-but others may result from psychological barriers, suppressing the uptake of a beneficial technology. Here, we show that country-level variations across occupations can be predicted by a psychological model at the individual level. Individual fears of AI in a given occupation are associated with the mismatch between psychological traits people deem necessary for an occupation and perceived potential of AI to possess these traits. Country-level variations can then be predicted by the joint cultural variations in psychological requirements and AI potential. We validated this preregistered prediction for six occupations (doctors, judges, managers, care workers, religious workers, and journalists) on a representative sample of 500 participants from each of 20 countries (total N = 10,000). Our findings may help develop best practices for designing and communicating about AI in a principled yet culturally sensitive way, avoiding one-size-fits-all approaches centered on Western values and perceptions. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).

In the last 20 years, there has been an enormous amount of research on awe and its associations with other phenomena. In this article, we draw on N = 168 publications to argue that it is very difficult to integrate this research into a coherent theory of awe because current awe research lacks a reasonably clear understanding of the phenomenon. In detail, we show that the majority of publications on awe are based on Keltner and Haidt's (2003) approach to awe without putting it to the test. Furthermore, we illustrate how researchers' heavy reliance on the term "awe" in evocation and assessment makes it oftentimes difficult to say what collected data represent. In addition, we identify inconsistencies between researchers' theoretical approach to awe and their empirical methods in some studies. Finally, we outline that there is only very little scientific knowledge about differences in awe across various languages, cultures, and time periods. Based on these claims, we draw conclusions for existing research on awe's associations with other phenomena and for debates about the classification of awe. As a final step, we propose various solutions to solve the problems we identified. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2026 APA, all rights reserved).