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Crossing the doorsteps for social reform: The social crusades of Florence Kelley and Ellen Richards. 跨越社会改革的门槛:弗洛伦斯·凯利和艾伦·理查兹的社会十字军。
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0269889723000091
Gabrielle Soudan, David Philippy, Harro Maas

This paper contrasts the research strategies of two women reformers, Florence Kelley and Ellen Swallow Richards, which entailed different strategies of social reform. In the early 1890s, social activist Florence Kelley used the social survey as a weapon for legal reform of the working conditions of women and children in Chicago's sweatshop system. Kelley's case shows that her surveys were most effective as "grounded" knowledge, rooted in a local community with which she was well acquainted. Her social survey, re-enacted by lawmakers and the press, provided the evidence that moved her target audience to legal action. Chemist and propagator of the Home Economics Movement Ellen Richards situated the social problem, and hence its solution, not in exploitative working conditions, but in the inefficient and wasteful usage of available resources by the poor. Laboratory work, she argued, would enable the development of optimal standards, and educational programs should bring these standards to the household by means of models and exhibits. With this aim, she constructed public spaces that she ran as food laboratories and sanitary experiments. Kelley and Richards thus crossed the doorsteps of the household in very different ways. While Florence Kelley entered the household to change the living and working conditions of the poor by changing the law, Richards flipped the household inside out by bringing women into hybrid public laboratory spaces to change their behavior by experiment and instruction.

本文比较了两位女性改革家弗洛伦斯·凯利和艾伦·斯沃洛·理查兹的研究策略,发现她们的社会改革策略不同。19世纪90年代初,社会活动家弗洛伦斯·凯利(Florence Kelley)利用社会调查作为武器,对芝加哥血汗工厂系统中妇女和儿童的工作条件进行了法律改革。凯利的案例表明,她的调查最有效的是“有根据的”知识,植根于她熟悉的当地社区。她的社会调查由立法者和媒体重新制定,提供了促使她的目标受众采取法律行动的证据。化学家和家政学运动的传播者艾伦·理查兹(Ellen Richards)认为,社会问题及其解决方案不在于剥削性的工作条件,而在于穷人对可用资源的低效和浪费。她认为,实验室工作将有助于制定最佳标准,而教育项目应该通过模型和展览的方式将这些标准带入家庭。出于这个目的,她建造了公共空间,作为食品实验室和卫生实验。凯利和理查兹就这样以截然不同的方式走过了家里的台阶。当弗洛伦斯·凯利进入家庭,通过改变法律来改变穷人的生活和工作条件时,理查兹将妇女带入混合公共实验室空间,通过实验和指导来改变她们的行为,从而彻底改变了家庭。
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引用次数: 0
Data at the doorstep. 数据就在门口。
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0269889723000108
Laurens Schlicht, Sophie Ledebur, Anna Echterhölter
To acquire data about a society or to put a number on a social issue is a complex endeavor. According to Joseph Marie de Gérando (1772–1842), a philosopher among the French administrators of the poor, many obstacles stand in the way of proper formalization. For example, he identified the high rank of a philanthropist as a distorting factor in data collection. To counter this, Gérando suggests a home visit, in which a moment of intimacy is deliberately established at the doorstep:
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引用次数: 0
Formative encounters: Colonial data collection on land and law in German Micronesia. 形成的遭遇:德属密克罗尼西亚关于土地和法律的殖民数据收集。
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0269889723000042
Anna Echterhölter
Argument Data collections are a hallmark of nineteenth-century administrative knowledge making, and they were by no means confined to Europe. All colonial empires transferred and translated these techniques of serialised and quantified information gathering to their dominions overseas. The colonial situation affected the encounters underlying vital statistics, enquête methods and land surveying. In this paper, two of those data collections will be investigated—a survey on land and a survey on indigenous law, both conducted around 1910 on the Micronesian island of Pohnpei, which had fallen under German colonial influence a decade earlier. Strikingly, there are no enumerators or envoys of the state visiting the doorsteps of Pohnpei. To facilitate the data collection on homesteads, the whole population of the island was called upon to measure their respective plots of land themselves, without resorting to certified land surveyors. The preserved cadastral lists and spreadsheets testify to a rather peculiar contact between the colonizing administration and the colonized peoples. I argue that the production of data made encounters necessary, which are best observed though a methodological focus on data practices. I argue, furthermore, that the Pohnpeians were prompted during the surveys to define their homestead in new terms. This did not only entail new two-dimensional plots but also a new regime of private property. The change in the legal concept can be seen as a continuation of colonial violence by other means, given that it happened in the aftermath of the defeated Pohnpei Rebellion. The argument of the paper is, therefore, that data collection can have formative effects on society, and that measurement and quantified information are often, as Witold Kula argued, a scene of conflict. At its core, the installation of these metric regimes signified a change in patterns of justification, resource management and the unwritten constitution of the Pacific island.
数据收集是19世纪行政知识形成的一个标志,而且绝不仅限于欧洲。所有殖民帝国都将这些序列化和量化的信息收集技术转移和翻译到其海外领地。殖民局势影响了人口统计、enquête方法和土地测量的基础。在本文中,我们将对其中的两项数据收集进行调查——一项关于土地的调查和一项关于土著法律的调查,这两项调查都是在1910年左右在密克罗尼西亚的波纳佩岛进行的,该岛屿在十年前就受到了德国的殖民影响。引人注目的是,没有人口普查员或国家使节访问波纳佩的家门口。为了便于收集有关宅基地的数据,要求全岛居民自己测量各自的土地,而不求助于合格的土地测量师。保存下来的地籍表和电子表格证明了殖民当局和被殖民人民之间相当特殊的联系。我认为,数据的产生使相遇成为必要,最好通过关注数据实践的方法来观察。此外,我认为,在调查过程中,波纳佩人被促使用新的术语定义他们的家园。这不仅带来了新的二维地块,而且带来了新的私有财产制度。法律概念的变化可以被视为殖民暴力以其他方式的延续,因为它发生在被击败的波纳佩叛乱之后。因此,这篇论文的论点是,数据收集可以对社会产生形成性的影响,正如维托尔德·库拉(Witold Kula)所说,测量和量化信息往往是冲突的场景。这些公制制度的建立,其核心是标志着这个太平洋岛屿的辩护方式、资源管理和不成文宪法的改变。
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引用次数: 0
Information, meaning and physics: The intellectual evolution of the English School of Information Theory during 1946-1956. 信息、意义和物理:1946-1956年间英国信息论学派的思想演变。
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0269889722000230
Javier Anta

In this comparative historical analysis, we will analyze the intellectual tendency that emerged between 1946 and 1956 to take advantage of the popularity of communication theory to develop a kind of informational epistemology of statistical mechanics. We will argue that this tendency results from a historical confluence in the early 1950s of certain theoretical claims of the so-called English School of Information Theory, championed by authors such as Gabor (1956) or MacKay (), and from the attempt to extend the profound success of Shannon's ([1948] 1993) technical theory of sign transmission to the field of statistical thermal physics. As a paradigmatic example of this tendency, we will evaluate the intellectual work of Léon Brillouin (), who, in the mid-fifties, developed an information theoretical approach to statistical mechanical physics based on a concept of information linked to the knowledge of the observer.

在这一比较历史分析中,我们将分析1946年至1956年间出现的一种知识倾向,即利用通信理论的流行来发展一种统计力学的信息认识论。我们将认为,这种趋势源于20世纪50年代初由Gabor(1956)或MacKay()等作者倡导的所谓英国信息论学派的某些理论主张的历史融合,以及将香农([1948]1993)的符号传输技术理论的深刻成功扩展到统计热物理领域的尝试。作为这一趋势的典型例子,我们将评价l on Brillouin()的智力工作,他在五十年代中期基于与观察者知识相关的信息概念,发展了统计机械物理学的信息理论方法。
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引用次数: 1
SIC volume 34 issue 3 Cover and Back matter SIC第34卷第3期封面和封底
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0269889723000030
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引用次数: 0
Belgium and probability in the nineteenth century: The case of Paul Mansion. 19世纪的比利时与概率:以保罗大厦为例。
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0269889722000254
Laurent Mazliak

This paper explores how the Belgian mathematician Paul Mansion became interested in probability theory. In comparison to many other countries at the time, probability theory had a much stronger presence in Belgium. In addition, Mansion, who was an avowed Catholic militant, had found probability theory to be a useful means of reflecting on certain problems pertaining to determinism and randomness that were arising in scientific debates at the time. Mansion's work took place during a time of consolidation of mathematical education in Belgium, as well as a new interest in probabilistic results and the foundation of the Institute for Philosophy in Louvain by his friend Désiré Mercier. The present paper addresses how these aspects intersected at the turn of the twentieth century.

本文探讨了比利时数学家保罗·Mansion是如何对概率论产生兴趣的。与当时的许多其他国家相比,概率论在比利时的影响力要大得多。此外,作为一名公开的天主教激进分子,Mansion发现概率论是反映当时科学辩论中出现的与决定论和随机性有关的某些问题的有用方法。Mansion的工作发生在比利时数学教育的巩固时期,同时他对概率结果产生了新的兴趣,他的朋友dsamsi Mercier在鲁汶建立了哲学研究所。本文论述了这些方面在二十世纪之交是如何相交的。
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引用次数: 0
Medical decisions influenced by eugenics: Hungarian gynecological practices during the 1910s. 受优生学影响的医疗决定:1910年代匈牙利的妇科实践。
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0269889723000017
Barna Szamosi

This study contributes to the discussion on the development of eugenics in Central-Eastern Europe by tracing the way that eugenic ideas entered into medical decision-making in Hungary. Through a case study that reviews the professional argumentation of the gynecological management of tuberculosis pregnancies, this paper shows that the subordination of individual reproductive rights to state interests was influenced by the ideas of eugenics, which had begun to enter into the professional public health discourse. A eugenically informed morality was envisioned, to guide decision-making in the interest of the Hungarian "race." This biopolitically important morality can be viewed as an early influence on the formulation of biological citizenship. Leading figures were divided on how to ensure such morality: some scholars argued that education is the key, others thought that the state, and state actors, should act radically in the interest of the population and decide on behalf of the individual. Radical methods, such as the termination of pregnancies and sterilization of women, were among the practices of gynecologists. Although abortion and sterilization were not widespread and never became official therapeutic solutions for tuberculosis pregnancies, they were nonetheless part of a discourse that preceded the eugenic institutions of the interwar years.

本研究通过追踪优生学思想进入匈牙利医疗决策的方式,有助于讨论优生学在中欧和东欧的发展。本文通过一个案例研究,回顾了结核病妊娠妇科管理的专业论证,表明个人生殖权利从属于国家利益受到优生学思想的影响,优生学思想已经开始进入专业公共卫生话语。他们设想了一种优生学道德,以指导匈牙利“种族”利益的决策。这种生物政治上重要的道德可以被视为对生物公民形成的早期影响。领袖人物在如何确保这种道德上存在分歧:一些学者认为教育是关键,另一些人认为国家和国家行为者应该从根本上为人民的利益服务,并代表个人做出决定。激进的方法,如终止妊娠和妇女绝育,是妇科医生的做法之一。尽管堕胎和绝育并不普遍,也从未成为结核病怀孕的官方治疗方案,但在两次世界大战之间的优生制度出现之前,它们仍然是一种话语的一部分。
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引用次数: 0
The Theory-Practice Gap in the Evaluation of Agent-Based Social Simulations. 基于主体的社会模拟评价的理论与实践差距。
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0269889722000242
David Anzola

Agent-based social simulations have historically been evaluated using two criteria: verification and validation. This article questions the adequacy of this dual evaluation scheme. It claims that the scheme does not conform to everyday practices of evaluation, and has, over time, fostered a theory-practice gap in the assessment of social simulations. This gap originates because the dual evaluation scheme, inherited from computer science and software engineering, on one hand, overemphasizes the technical and formal aspects of the implementation process and, on the other hand, misrepresents the connection between the conceptual and the computational model. The mismatch between evaluation theory and practice, it is suggested, might be overcome if practitioners of agent-based social simulation adopt a single criterion evaluation scheme in which: i) the technical/formal issues of the implementation process are tackled as a matter of debugging or instrument calibration, and ii) the epistemological issues surrounding the connection between conceptual and computational models are addressed as a matter of validation.

基于代理的社会模拟历来使用两个标准进行评估:验证和确认。本文对这种双重评价方案的充分性提出了质疑。它声称该方案不符合日常的评估实践,并且随着时间的推移,在社会模拟评估中形成了理论与实践的差距。这一差距的产生是因为继承自计算机科学和软件工程的双重评估方案,一方面过分强调了实现过程的技术和形式方面,另一方面,误解了概念模型和计算模型之间的联系。有人建议,如果基于代理的社会模拟的实践者采用单一标准的评估方案,评估理论和实践之间的不匹配可能会被克服:i)实施过程的技术/正式问题作为调试或仪器校准的问题来解决,ii)围绕概念和计算模型之间的联系的认识论问题作为验证的问题来解决。
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引用次数: 3
The Bryson synthesis: The forging of climate change narratives during the World Food Crisis. 布莱森综合:世界粮食危机期间气候变化叙事的锻造。
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0269889722000266
Robert L Naylor

During the first half of the 1970s, climate research gained a new significance and began to be perceived within political and academic circles as being worthy of public support. Conventional explanations for this increased status include a series of climate anomalies that generated awareness and heightened concern over the potentially devastating effects of climate change. Controversial climatologist Reid Bryson was one of the first to publicly promote what he saw as a definitive link between these climate anomalies and unidirectional climate change in the fall of 1973, and rising food prices in the same year gave him a platform on which to air his views to receptive senior members of the US Congress. Bryson's testimony before a US Senate subcommittee offers a unique glimpse into how he was able to successfully resonate his agenda with that of senior politicians in a time of crisis, as well as the immediate responses of those senior US politicians upon first hearing climate change arguments. Bryson was one of the most prominent US climatologists to break a taboo against making bold climatological predictions and de-facto policy recommendations in public. As a result, although Bryson was criticized by many in the climatological community, his actions instigated the involvement of other scientists in the public arena, leading to an important elevation in US public climate discourse.

在20世纪70年代上半叶,气候研究获得了新的意义,并开始在政界和学术界被认为值得公众支持。对这一地位提高的传统解释包括一系列气候异常,这些异常引起了人们对气候变化潜在破坏性影响的认识和高度关注。1973年秋天,备受争议的气候学家里德·布莱森(Reid Bryson)是第一批公开宣扬他认为这些气候异常与单向气候变化之间存在明确联系的人之一,同年粮食价格上涨给了他一个平台,让他向接受这种观点的美国国会高级议员发表自己的观点。布莱森在美国参议院小组委员会的证词提供了一个独特的机会,让我们得以一见他是如何在危机时期成功地与高级政治家的议程产生共鸣的,以及这些美国高级政治家在第一次听到气候变化论点时的即时反应。布莱森是美国最杰出的气候学家之一,他打破了禁止在公开场合做出大胆的气候预测和事实上的政策建议的禁忌。结果,尽管布莱森受到了气候学界许多人的批评,但他的行为促使其他科学家参与到公共领域,导致美国公共气候话语的重要提升。
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引用次数: 1
SIC volume 34 issue 3 Cover and Front matter SIC第34卷第3期封面和封面问题
IF 0.3 4区 哲学 Q2 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2021-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0269889723000029
Yosef Schwartz, Reid A. Bryson, Robert L. Naylor
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引用次数: 0
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