The article newly actualizes the etymology of the hydronyms Ketvergio upalis, Neknupis, Plocis, Rikinė, Župė / Župis, situated in Klaipėda Region. Given the typology of the indicated morphophonetic changes in the word structure – change of the initial affricate č- to voiceless guttural K-, one can state that the first hydronym belongs to Slavonicisms, i.e., Ketvergio upalis is to be related to Lithuanian substantive četvergas ‘Thursday’. It has been stated that the semantic connotation of the onym is to be based on the etymological analysis of the hydronym Turkupis situated in the Lowlanders area of Raseiniai. It is to be assumed that the primary semmeme of the hydronym Ketvergio upalis should be reconstructed in accordance with the meaning *‘the river flowing near bazaar; noisy river’. The name of the stream Neknupis is interpreted as an authentic factographic relict of the Baltic Lexis. The primary form *Meknupis ‘a stream full of ides’ is reconstructed, i.e., the change of initial consonant *M- is presupposed, cf. N- ← *M- ↔ -n- (due to regressive assimilation). The connotation of the onym is related to the referent ide, as the type of the fish is very typical to the fauna of the stream. The last three hydronyms have been found to be formed of the Germanic words. It is to be assumed that the authentic onyms of Baltic origin were changed with these Germanisms: (1) the onym Plocis (other variants are also possible: Plazis 1912, Plažės ežeras 1994, Plazės gamtinis draustinis 2016, Plačias, Plocė 1959, Pluokis [Pluocis] 1998, Plocė 1959, [German variants] Plotsee, Plazis-Teich, Plazis-See) is related to German hydronym Plötzensee ‘roach lake’ (cf. also German toponyms Plötzenbruch, Plötzbusch, Plötzenhof ↔ Plötzenteich). The primary Lithuanian forms *Plakis ↔ *Plakė ‘roach lake’ are likely to be reconstructed. The authentic Lithuanian hydronym *Plakis in the long run was replaced by Germanism Plocis; (2) etymological analysis of the hydronym Rikinė (Rikio upė) is based on formal identity between morphological cluster -rike used in the West German toponymy and dialectal German substantive, used in East Prussia, Rick ‘a long pole; transverse; pole stuck in the ground; a type of fence’, related to Middle Low German substantive recke / rik ‘a long, thin pole’, rek / rekke ‘fence; a hedge, planted in the middle of the field; grating etc.’, rieke / rikke ‘hedge, quickset’, Middle High German substantive ric, ricke ‘fence, narrow road etc.’ (cf. Old Saxon hydronyms Geld-rike, Lun-rike and toponym Led-rike). The primary Lithuanian forms *Siauroji, *Siaurukė are reconstructed; (3) it is to be assumed that the origin of the hydronyms Župė / Župis (cf. other variants: Szopis, Szopebach, Szob 1725, Szope 1912, 1939), implied by Lithuanian dialectal Germanism zupė ‘soup, mess, skilly’, presuppose the change of the initial consonant, i.e., *Z- → Ž-, typical of the subdialects of Lowlanders. The above-mentioned variants Szopis etc., due to the voca
{"title":"Neaiškios etimologijos Klaipėdos krašto hidronimai: Ketvergio upalis, Neknupis, Plocis, Rikinė, Župė / Župis","authors":"Rolandas Kregždys","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.4","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.4","url":null,"abstract":"The article newly actualizes the etymology of the hydronyms Ketvergio upalis, Neknupis, Plocis, Rikinė, Župė / Župis, situated in Klaipėda Region. Given the typology of the indicated morphophonetic changes in the word structure – change of the initial affricate č- to voiceless guttural K-, one can state that the first hydronym belongs to Slavonicisms, i.e., Ketvergio upalis is to be related to Lithuanian substantive četvergas ‘Thursday’. It has been stated that the semantic connotation of the onym is to be based on the etymological analysis of the hydronym Turkupis situated in the Lowlanders area of Raseiniai. It is to be assumed that the primary semmeme of the hydronym Ketvergio upalis should be reconstructed in accordance with the meaning *‘the river flowing near bazaar; noisy river’. The name of the stream Neknupis is interpreted as an authentic factographic relict of the Baltic Lexis. The primary form *Meknupis ‘a stream full of ides’ is reconstructed, i.e., the change of initial consonant *M- is presupposed, cf. N- ← *M- ↔ -n- (due to regressive assimilation). The connotation of the onym is related to the referent ide, as the type of the fish is very typical to the fauna of the stream. The last three hydronyms have been found to be formed of the Germanic words. It is to be assumed that the authentic onyms of Baltic origin were changed with these Germanisms: (1) the onym Plocis (other variants are also possible: Plazis 1912, Plažės ežeras 1994, Plazės gamtinis draustinis 2016, Plačias, Plocė 1959, Pluokis [Pluocis] 1998, Plocė 1959, [German variants] Plotsee, Plazis-Teich, Plazis-See) is related to German hydronym Plötzensee ‘roach lake’ (cf. also German toponyms Plötzenbruch, Plötzbusch, Plötzenhof ↔ Plötzenteich). The primary Lithuanian forms *Plakis ↔ *Plakė ‘roach lake’ are likely to be reconstructed. The authentic Lithuanian hydronym *Plakis in the long run was replaced by Germanism Plocis; (2) etymological analysis of the hydronym Rikinė (Rikio upė) is based on formal identity between morphological cluster -rike used in the West German toponymy and dialectal German substantive, used in East Prussia, Rick ‘a long pole; transverse; pole stuck in the ground; a type of fence’, related to Middle Low German substantive recke / rik ‘a long, thin pole’, rek / rekke ‘fence; a hedge, planted in the middle of the field; grating etc.’, rieke / rikke ‘hedge, quickset’, Middle High German substantive ric, ricke ‘fence, narrow road etc.’ (cf. Old Saxon hydronyms Geld-rike, Lun-rike and toponym Led-rike). The primary Lithuanian forms *Siauroji, *Siaurukė are reconstructed; (3) it is to be assumed that the origin of the hydronyms Župė / Župis (cf. other variants: Szopis, Szopebach, Szob 1725, Szope 1912, 1939), implied by Lithuanian dialectal Germanism zupė ‘soup, mess, skilly’, presuppose the change of the initial consonant, i.e., *Z- → Ž-, typical of the subdialects of Lowlanders. The above-mentioned variants Szopis etc., due to the voca","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"148 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139171353","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
1868 was a fateful year for Lithuanian children’s literature, as two books by Samogitian Bishop Motiejaus Valančius (1801–1875) appeared: Vaikų knygelė (Engl. Children’s Book) and Paaugusių žmonių knygelė (Engl. Adolescence Book). They mark the beginning of literature for Lithuanian children and teenagers. This is evidenced not only by the symbolic titles of both books, which indicate the addressee – children and teenagers, young people. It is important that Valančius thinks about a specific reader – a child, so in the Foreword of the Vaikų knygelė he hopes that “children will not regret while reading” his book, that is, they will not get bored. The author thinks that children while reading Aukso altorius (Engl. Golden Altar) only find prayers and litanies, however, they want to learn about interesting things to tell others, and if they do not find such things, “sometimes they can’t even learn”. Therefore, it is necessary to read special books for children in the post-elementary period. It was a modern approach in those times, which is not outdated even today. The article aims to discuss the publishing path of Valančius’ Vaikų knygelė as well as the most important modifications (textual and visual) this collection of didactic short stories underwent. The article analyses the following aspects: 1) issues of selection of texts and their presentation; 2) preservation of the dimension of authenticity of texts; 3) what was the presentation of the texts of Valančius’ Vaikų knygelė written in dialect over time. It is very important to emphasize that the linguistic expression of Valančius’ works, especially the stylistic layer, is an interesting phenomenon in all Lithuanian literature. Paradoxically, when the reissues were published, the stylistic layer of the works was often affected, the dialect was levelled, so a considerable part of the authentic layer, the exotic whiff of didactic prose of the 19th century, was “erased”. The interdisciplinary research approach is employed in the present research, the perspectives of literary studies, textology and art studies are combined: it is based on the scientific insights of the literary expert and textologist Paulius Subačius, the analysis of the illustrations of various editions of Valančiaus’ Vaikų knygelė by the art critic Ingrida Korsakaitė, the considerations of the literary researcher Vanda Zaborskaitė on the aesthetic value of the archaic nature of Valančius’ text, etc.
{"title":"Motiejaus Valančiaus Vaikų knygelės leidybos pėdsakais","authors":"Džiuljeta Maskuliūnienė","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.5","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.5","url":null,"abstract":"1868 was a fateful year for Lithuanian children’s literature, as two books by Samogitian Bishop Motiejaus Valančius (1801–1875) appeared: Vaikų knygelė (Engl. Children’s Book) and Paaugusių žmonių knygelė (Engl. Adolescence Book). They mark the beginning of literature for Lithuanian children and teenagers. This is evidenced not only by the symbolic titles of both books, which indicate the addressee – children and teenagers, young people. It is important that Valančius thinks about a specific reader – a child, so in the Foreword of the Vaikų knygelė he hopes that “children will not regret while reading” his book, that is, they will not get bored. The author thinks that children while reading Aukso altorius (Engl. Golden Altar) only find prayers and litanies, however, they want to learn about interesting things to tell others, and if they do not find such things, “sometimes they can’t even learn”. Therefore, it is necessary to read special books for children in the post-elementary period. It was a modern approach in those times, which is not outdated even today. The article aims to discuss the publishing path of Valančius’ Vaikų knygelė as well as the most important modifications (textual and visual) this collection of didactic short stories underwent. The article analyses the following aspects: 1) issues of selection of texts and their presentation; 2) preservation of the dimension of authenticity of texts; 3) what was the presentation of the texts of Valančius’ Vaikų knygelė written in dialect over time. It is very important to emphasize that the linguistic expression of Valančius’ works, especially the stylistic layer, is an interesting phenomenon in all Lithuanian literature. Paradoxically, when the reissues were published, the stylistic layer of the works was often affected, the dialect was levelled, so a considerable part of the authentic layer, the exotic whiff of didactic prose of the 19th century, was “erased”. The interdisciplinary research approach is employed in the present research, the perspectives of literary studies, textology and art studies are combined: it is based on the scientific insights of the literary expert and textologist Paulius Subačius, the analysis of the illustrations of various editions of Valančiaus’ Vaikų knygelė by the art critic Ingrida Korsakaitė, the considerations of the literary researcher Vanda Zaborskaitė on the aesthetic value of the archaic nature of Valančius’ text, etc.","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"91 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139174304","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Until now, little attention has been paid to studies of Latvian language vocabulary on a thematic aspect related to the traditional homestead on the Baltic Sea coast once inhabited by the Curonians. This article presents names denominating the object of a kitchen in a traditionally built dwelling house, their diversity, origins, and prevalence in Latvian-speaking communities on the coast of the Baltic Sea in Latvia and Lithuania. The analysis is based on Latvian material from various written sources, using descriptive, partly historical and mapping methods. The vocabulary analysed in the sources of this article shows lexemes that denominate both the separate, enclosed room and the part of the room used for food preparation and cooking. The prevalence of analysed lexemes in the meaning of a ‘kitchen’ is not uniform. In the coastal areas of Kurzeme, the names ķēķis, kukņa, plītsistaba, virtuve and their variations were identified, but in the vocabulary of the Latvian dialect of Šventoji, the morphological variant ķēķe inherited from the dialectal vocabulary of Kurzeme has been recorded. In the vocabulary of Kurzeme, names denominating a kitchen are mainly of Germanic and Slavic origin. The emergence of Germanisms in the Latvian vocabulary related to the kitchen is directly related to the material cultural peculiarities, which were encouraged to Latvian peasants in Kurzeme by the German nobility, and to the Baltic German everyday speech. The impact of Lithuanian as an intermediary language has been recorded mainly in the Latvian dialect of the Curonian Spit. The borrowed names with the meaning of a ‘kitchen’, such as kukne || kukine, can be explained by the close contact of New Curonians with the Lithuanian-speaking community on the eastern coast of the Curonian Lagoon; New Curonians not only had economic ties with them, but also formed mixed families.
{"title":"Lexis of Latvian-speaking Communities at the Baltic Sea Coast in Latvia and Lithuania: Denominations of the Object kitchen","authors":"Ilze Rudzāte","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.8","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.8","url":null,"abstract":"Until now, little attention has been paid to studies of Latvian language vocabulary on a thematic aspect related to the traditional homestead on the Baltic Sea coast once inhabited by the Curonians. This article presents names denominating the object of a kitchen in a traditionally built dwelling house, their diversity, origins, and prevalence in Latvian-speaking communities on the coast of the Baltic Sea in Latvia and Lithuania. The analysis is based on Latvian material from various written sources, using descriptive, partly historical and mapping methods. The vocabulary analysed in the sources of this article shows lexemes that denominate both the separate, enclosed room and the part of the room used for food preparation and cooking. The prevalence of analysed lexemes in the meaning of a ‘kitchen’ is not uniform. In the coastal areas of Kurzeme, the names ķēķis, kukņa, plītsistaba, virtuve and their variations were identified, but in the vocabulary of the Latvian dialect of Šventoji, the morphological variant ķēķe inherited from the dialectal vocabulary of Kurzeme has been recorded. In the vocabulary of Kurzeme, names denominating a kitchen are mainly of Germanic and Slavic origin. The emergence of Germanisms in the Latvian vocabulary related to the kitchen is directly related to the material cultural peculiarities, which were encouraged to Latvian peasants in Kurzeme by the German nobility, and to the Baltic German everyday speech. The impact of Lithuanian as an intermediary language has been recorded mainly in the Latvian dialect of the Curonian Spit. The borrowed names with the meaning of a ‘kitchen’, such as kukne || kukine, can be explained by the close contact of New Curonians with the Lithuanian-speaking community on the eastern coast of the Curonian Lagoon; New Curonians not only had economic ties with them, but also formed mixed families.","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"99 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139176134","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Nowadays, the long-standing communication by letters has changed a lot. A couple of decades ago, writing letters to another city, country or simply to someone who lives further away was a completely normal activity. Today, paper letters are usually only documents or postcards. Thus, it is interesting and meaningful to study letters as a disappearing form of communication. Researching letters is interesting for representatives of various branches of science. Investigating ego documents, especially letters, gives us an opportunity to find out more about the past communication, sender and receiver of the letter and the general discourse of the researched period. Reading letters, especially letters written by famous public figures, is interesting not only for the scientists, but also for the regular readers. Furthermore, it justifies the taboo set by social norms – prohibited reading of stranger’s letters. The subject of this article are the letters of the Lithuanian poet Justinas Marcinkevičius to his teacher Andrašiūnienė, written in 1949–1961, after leaving Prienai to study at Vilnius University. Andrašiūnienė was a famous intelligent of Prienai district, a teacher of the Lithuanian language, who financially and morally supported her talented students, including famous poet Marcinkevičius and linguist Jonas Kazlauskas. The leads of the existence of these letters circulated among the people of Prienai for many years, until a few years ago they accidentally came into poet’s family hands (Marcinkevičius himself did not know about the existence of these letters). There are 44 letters of Marcinkevičius to teacher Andrašiūnienė, which were written while he was studying at Vilnius University. 43 letters are perfectly preserved, but one is no longer legible, because a third of the text is damaged. The research of the letters reveals a close relationship between young poet Marcinkevičius and his teacher: a son-mother relationship. Marcinkevičius’ choice to call the teacher mother, mommy, confirms the fact that he is missing for mother’s care and attention (he lost his real mother in his early adolescence). Andrašiūnienė was not only a financial supporter, guardian, but also the first critic of the young poet’s writing. This critique significantly formed poets’ personality. The young poet’s letters reveal his talent for writing: the texts are fluent and literary. Also, there are a lot of stories about his achievements and creative downfalls. Marcinkevičius is carefully writing about his negative position towards the ideology of the time. It is interesting to read letters where Marcinkevičius is arguing and getting angry with his teacher. These letters reveal the rebellious side of the poet, which is completely unexpected. The opportunity to look at Marcinkevičius’ youth by reading his letters deepens the knowledge of the change of the poet’s work and the formation of his personality.
{"title":"Laiškai iš praeities: Justino Marcinkevičiaus laiškai mokytojai Genovaitei Andrašiūnienei","authors":"Salomėja Bandoriūtė-Leikienė","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.1","url":null,"abstract":"Nowadays, the long-standing communication by letters has changed a lot. A couple of decades ago, writing letters to another city, country or simply to someone who lives further away was a completely normal activity. Today, paper letters are usually only documents or postcards. Thus, it is interesting and meaningful to study letters as a disappearing form of communication. Researching letters is interesting for representatives of various branches of science. Investigating ego documents, especially letters, gives us an opportunity to find out more about the past communication, sender and receiver of the letter and the general discourse of the researched period. Reading letters, especially letters written by famous public figures, is interesting not only for the scientists, but also for the regular readers. Furthermore, it justifies the taboo set by social norms – prohibited reading of stranger’s letters. The subject of this article are the letters of the Lithuanian poet Justinas Marcinkevičius to his teacher Andrašiūnienė, written in 1949–1961, after leaving Prienai to study at Vilnius University. Andrašiūnienė was a famous intelligent of Prienai district, a teacher of the Lithuanian language, who financially and morally supported her talented students, including famous poet Marcinkevičius and linguist Jonas Kazlauskas. The leads of the existence of these letters circulated among the people of Prienai for many years, until a few years ago they accidentally came into poet’s family hands (Marcinkevičius himself did not know about the existence of these letters). There are 44 letters of Marcinkevičius to teacher Andrašiūnienė, which were written while he was studying at Vilnius University. 43 letters are perfectly preserved, but one is no longer legible, because a third of the text is damaged. The research of the letters reveals a close relationship between young poet Marcinkevičius and his teacher: a son-mother relationship. Marcinkevičius’ choice to call the teacher mother, mommy, confirms the fact that he is missing for mother’s care and attention (he lost his real mother in his early adolescence). Andrašiūnienė was not only a financial supporter, guardian, but also the first critic of the young poet’s writing. This critique significantly formed poets’ personality. The young poet’s letters reveal his talent for writing: the texts are fluent and literary. Also, there are a lot of stories about his achievements and creative downfalls. Marcinkevičius is carefully writing about his negative position towards the ideology of the time. It is interesting to read letters where Marcinkevičius is arguing and getting angry with his teacher. These letters reveal the rebellious side of the poet, which is completely unexpected. The opportunity to look at Marcinkevičius’ youth by reading his letters deepens the knowledge of the change of the poet’s work and the formation of his personality.","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"23 7","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139172774","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The object of the article is the border territory on the side of the Republic of Lithuania, called Palatvijys, and its concept. The aim is to find out what criteria can be used to distinguish this Lithuanian-Latvian border region and reveal the most significant features. Information found in dictionaries, the press, legal documents, various scientific literature, as well as empirical material collected by the author in several stages (in 2008-2019) were used to reveal the topic. The methods applied in this research were qualitative content analysis, case analysis, interpretive methods, and quantitative analysis. The theoretical approaches of geographers, anthropologists, and sociologists talking about the construction of regions and identity were relevant for the analysis of the topic. The Lithuanian-Latvian border is undoubtedly a unique territory, where the cultural environment of the border and the “sense of place” of the inhabitants have been formed for many centuries. We can accurately define only the length of the Lithuanian-Latvian border region, which coincides with the state land border – 588.09 km, and its width differs both in the concepts of residents and in the studies of scientists. However, social and humanities sciences allow us to talk about a region that is not defined by physical boundaries and is changing, constructed according to various socio-cultural criteria. For this reason, the boundaries of the Lithuanian-Latvian region are relative, in their concept it is important to take into account the emic approach, i.e. how the local people understand and value the boundaries. This article is the first attempt to present the Lithuanian-Latvian border area or Palatviiys as a region. In further research, it would be appropriate to delve more deeply into the cultural features of this region, which were formed by the interaction of Lithuanians, Latvians, and Germans, as well as to analyse social relations – communication between Lithuanians and Latvians, movement on both sides of the border, and the expression of regional identity, especially semi-Latvian (skerslatviai) identity.
{"title":"Lietuvos ir Latvijos pasienio (Palatvijo) regiono samprata","authors":"Auksė Noreikaitė","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.6","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.6","url":null,"abstract":"The object of the article is the border territory on the side of the Republic of Lithuania, called Palatvijys, and its concept. The aim is to find out what criteria can be used to distinguish this Lithuanian-Latvian border region and reveal the most significant features. Information found in dictionaries, the press, legal documents, various scientific literature, as well as empirical material collected by the author in several stages (in 2008-2019) were used to reveal the topic. The methods applied in this research were qualitative content analysis, case analysis, interpretive methods, and quantitative analysis. The theoretical approaches of geographers, anthropologists, and sociologists talking about the construction of regions and identity were relevant for the analysis of the topic. The Lithuanian-Latvian border is undoubtedly a unique territory, where the cultural environment of the border and the “sense of place” of the inhabitants have been formed for many centuries. We can accurately define only the length of the Lithuanian-Latvian border region, which coincides with the state land border – 588.09 km, and its width differs both in the concepts of residents and in the studies of scientists. However, social and humanities sciences allow us to talk about a region that is not defined by physical boundaries and is changing, constructed according to various socio-cultural criteria. For this reason, the boundaries of the Lithuanian-Latvian region are relative, in their concept it is important to take into account the emic approach, i.e. how the local people understand and value the boundaries. This article is the first attempt to present the Lithuanian-Latvian border area or Palatviiys as a region. In further research, it would be appropriate to delve more deeply into the cultural features of this region, which were formed by the interaction of Lithuanians, Latvians, and Germans, as well as to analyse social relations – communication between Lithuanians and Latvians, movement on both sides of the border, and the expression of regional identity, especially semi-Latvian (skerslatviai) identity.","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"62 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139173796","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The aim of this study is to analyze the verbal and non-verbal signs of the Rēzekne Jewish cemetery with the cultural semiotic approach and to find out the hybridization features of the Jewish semiosphere in Latgale. The article describes the Rēzekne Jewish cemetery as a representative substructure of the “other” in the culture of Latgale with special traditions of language and ritual graphics, valuable genealogical material and historical evidence about the fate of local Jews and with a special tomb cult, determined by the ethnically diverse environment. Jews in Latgale have always nurtured and preserved their cultural otherness; this is also characteristic of their traditions of arranging cemeteries. Depending on the cultural and social trends of the relevant era, it is possible to trace changes in the formation of grave inscriptions, graphics and forms. Interrelations with the traditions of the local majority, the Latgalians, show the hybridization of the culture of Jewish cemeteries. In the 20th century, Yiddish is gradually disappearing from grave inscriptions, that is caused by decreasing of the number of its speakers. During the Soviet occupation, the role of the sacred language – Hebrew in grave inscriptions decreased, while the proportion of Russian in the narrative of the inscriptions increased. During the last decade of the 20th century, grave inscriptions are predominant in Russian, which confirms the decline in the number of Hebrew speakers. The symbolic meaning of tomb cult graphics in the second half of the 20th century levels off, and local Jews take over Latgalian traditions of the design of tombstones. The graphic shows the transmission of information to the receivers of the “other” culture, for example, the yellow Star of David is represented instead of the menorah, since the yellow six-pointed star is more recognizable to the local population as a testimony of the Holocaust. A menorah may not cause an association with a Jew, because candles and candlesticks are usual graphic elements of Latgalian tombs. Such a trend in the choice of symbols indicates a unique cultural dialogue and its implementation tools, which are oriented towards the self-presentation of a separate ethnic group, using recognizable stereotypical signs instead of specific cult symbols, the language of local residents instead of their sacred language. They want to be understood and understandable for themselves because the number of people who know the authentic meaning of Hebrew and sacred cult signs in Latgale and Rēzekne is quite small. In any case, communication or cultural dialogue still exists, at least the tomb culture is still capable of transmitting its basic values in the form of stereotypical, well-known signs. In this way, the “other” tends to be noticed and understood.
{"title":"Rēzekne Jewish Cemetery as a Representative Substructure of the “Other” in the Culture of Latgale","authors":"Olga Senkāne","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.9","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.9","url":null,"abstract":"The aim of this study is to analyze the verbal and non-verbal signs of the Rēzekne Jewish cemetery with the cultural semiotic approach and to find out the hybridization features of the Jewish semiosphere in Latgale. The article describes the Rēzekne Jewish cemetery as a representative substructure of the “other” in the culture of Latgale with special traditions of language and ritual graphics, valuable genealogical material and historical evidence about the fate of local Jews and with a special tomb cult, determined by the ethnically diverse environment. Jews in Latgale have always nurtured and preserved their cultural otherness; this is also characteristic of their traditions of arranging cemeteries. Depending on the cultural and social trends of the relevant era, it is possible to trace changes in the formation of grave inscriptions, graphics and forms. Interrelations with the traditions of the local majority, the Latgalians, show the hybridization of the culture of Jewish cemeteries. In the 20th century, Yiddish is gradually disappearing from grave inscriptions, that is caused by decreasing of the number of its speakers. During the Soviet occupation, the role of the sacred language – Hebrew in grave inscriptions decreased, while the proportion of Russian in the narrative of the inscriptions increased. During the last decade of the 20th century, grave inscriptions are predominant in Russian, which confirms the decline in the number of Hebrew speakers. The symbolic meaning of tomb cult graphics in the second half of the 20th century levels off, and local Jews take over Latgalian traditions of the design of tombstones. The graphic shows the transmission of information to the receivers of the “other” culture, for example, the yellow Star of David is represented instead of the menorah, since the yellow six-pointed star is more recognizable to the local population as a testimony of the Holocaust. A menorah may not cause an association with a Jew, because candles and candlesticks are usual graphic elements of Latgalian tombs. Such a trend in the choice of symbols indicates a unique cultural dialogue and its implementation tools, which are oriented towards the self-presentation of a separate ethnic group, using recognizable stereotypical signs instead of specific cult symbols, the language of local residents instead of their sacred language. They want to be understood and understandable for themselves because the number of people who know the authentic meaning of Hebrew and sacred cult signs in Latgale and Rēzekne is quite small. In any case, communication or cultural dialogue still exists, at least the tomb culture is still capable of transmitting its basic values in the form of stereotypical, well-known signs. In this way, the “other” tends to be noticed and understood.","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"116 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139174745","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In the 15th and 18th centuries, part of the Curonian population moved to the Curonian Spit. The settlers brought their own dialect, which became a separate ethnic minority language when they mixed with Lithuanians, Germans, and descendants of Prussians. It was mainly used in fishing and in fishermen’s homes. It did not have its own script, but various linguists and ethnographers have tried to record it using the scripts of other languages (German, Lithuanian, Latvian). Monuments of the Kursenieki language are sparse. In order to investigate the influence of the Lithuanian language on the adjectival lexis of Kursenieki adjectives from the point of view of etymology, and to examine how the impact of the Lithuanian language on Kursenieki adjectival lexis has changed over the last 150 years, the adjectival inventories of the Kursenieki language at the end of the 19th century, the beginning of the 20th century, and the end of the 20th century are compared in the article. The descriptions of adjectives done by linguists who have studied the Kursenieki language are not exhaustive, as the descriptions of the loanwords of the Kursenieki language from the Lithuanian language tend to focus on nouns and verbs. The first dictionary in the study material is Maximilian Voelkel’s dictionary Die lettischen Sprachreste auf der Kurischen Nehrung, published in Tilsit in 1879. Its adjectival inventory is the smallest of the three dictionaries taken as the study material. The second source is a glossary compiled by Juris Plāķis and included as an appendix to his study Kursenieku valoda, published in 1927. The inventory of adjectives in this glossary is the largest. The third glossary was published in 1993 in Christliebe el Mogharbel’s dissertation, Nehrungskurisch. All three dictionaries contain a combined total of 272 adjectival lexemes. The distinction between the borrowings and inheritances was based on the Latvian dictionary (Mīlenbahs ir Endzelīns, 1923–1932), the Lithuanian dictionary (Naktinienė, 2017), and the following criteria: phonomorphological, lexical, formation, semantic, and geographical. A total of 50 lexemes were identified, which can be considered Lithuanianisms. Among them, there are some problematic cases that could be assumed to be Curonisms. In total, nine Slavisms have been identified from the identified Lithuanianisms (since Kursenieki language did not have direct borrowings from Slavic languages, they are classified as Lithuanianisms). Slavisms have been divided into adapted and non-adapted Slavisms. It has been observed that the semantic group of the Christianity discourse is particularly prominent in the adjectival inventory under study. In order to better observe the interaction between Lithuanian and Kursenieki languages, additional material from a period older and later than the period under study was taken for comparison – Peter Pallas’ dictionary Linguarum totius orbis Vocabularia comparativa of the late 18th century; and the decoded
15 世纪和 18 世纪,部分库罗尼亚人迁至库罗尼亚海湾。这些定居者带来了他们自己的方言,当他们与立陶宛人、德国人和普鲁士人的后裔混杂在一起时,这种方言成为了一种独立的少数民族语言。这种语言主要用于捕鱼和渔民家中。它没有自己的文字,但不同的语言学家和民族学家曾尝试使用其他语言(德语、立陶宛语、拉脱维亚语)的文字来记录它。库尔森尼基语的古迹很少。为了从词源学的角度研究立陶宛语对库尔森涅基语形容词词性的影响,并考察立陶宛语对库尔森涅基语形容词词性的影响在过去 150 年中发生了怎样的变化,文章对 19 世纪末、20 世纪初和 20 世纪末的库尔森涅基语形容词词性进行了比较。研究库尔森尼基语的语言学家对形容词的描述并不详尽,因为对库尔森尼基语从立陶宛语借词的描述往往侧重于名词和动词。 研究材料中的第一部词典是马克西米利安-沃克尔(Maximilian Voelkel)的词典《Die lettischen Sprachreste auf der Kurischen Nehrung》,1879 年在蒂尔西特出版。该词典的形容词目录是作为研究材料的三部词典中最小的一部。第二个资料来源是尤里斯-普拉基斯(Juris Plāķis)编纂的词汇表,该词汇表作为附录收录在他于 1927 年出版的研究著作《Kursenieku valoda》中。该词汇表中的形容词是最多的。第三部词汇表于 1993 年出版,收录在克里斯特里贝-埃尔-莫哈贝尔(Christliebe el Mogharbel)的论文《Nehrungskurisch》中。这三部词典总共收录了 272 个形容词词目。借用和继承的区分依据的是《拉脱维亚语词典》(Mīlenbahs ir Endzelīns,1923-1932 年)、《立陶宛语词典》(Naktinienė,2017 年)以及以下标准:词形、词性、构成、语义和地理。共确定了 50 个词目,可视为立陶宛语。在这些词目中,有一些有问题的词目可以被认为是库伦语。从已识别的立陶宛语中总共识别出 9 个斯拉夫语(由于库尔森尼基语没有直接借用斯拉夫语,因此它们被归类为立陶宛语)。斯拉夫语分为适应斯拉夫语和非适应斯拉夫语。据观察,基督教话语语义组在所研究的形容词清单中尤为突出。 为了更好地观察立陶宛语和库尔森涅基语之间的互动,我们还采用了比研究时期更早和更晚的其他材料进行对比--彼得-帕拉斯(Peter Pallas)18 世纪末的词典《Linguarum totius orbis Vocabularia comparativa》;以及达莉亚-基塞柳奈(Dalia Kiseliūnaitė)于 21 世纪初在瑞典考察时录制的一段录音的解码材料。
{"title":"Adjective Lithuanianisms of the Kursenieki Language in Written Sources","authors":"Laurynas Candravičius","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.2","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.2","url":null,"abstract":"In the 15th and 18th centuries, part of the Curonian population moved to the Curonian Spit. The settlers brought their own dialect, which became a separate ethnic minority language when they mixed with Lithuanians, Germans, and descendants of Prussians. It was mainly used in fishing and in fishermen’s homes. It did not have its own script, but various linguists and ethnographers have tried to record it using the scripts of other languages (German, Lithuanian, Latvian). Monuments of the Kursenieki language are sparse. In order to investigate the influence of the Lithuanian language on the adjectival lexis of Kursenieki adjectives from the point of view of etymology, and to examine how the impact of the Lithuanian language on Kursenieki adjectival lexis has changed over the last 150 years, the adjectival inventories of the Kursenieki language at the end of the 19th century, the beginning of the 20th century, and the end of the 20th century are compared in the article. The descriptions of adjectives done by linguists who have studied the Kursenieki language are not exhaustive, as the descriptions of the loanwords of the Kursenieki language from the Lithuanian language tend to focus on nouns and verbs. The first dictionary in the study material is Maximilian Voelkel’s dictionary Die lettischen Sprachreste auf der Kurischen Nehrung, published in Tilsit in 1879. Its adjectival inventory is the smallest of the three dictionaries taken as the study material. The second source is a glossary compiled by Juris Plāķis and included as an appendix to his study Kursenieku valoda, published in 1927. The inventory of adjectives in this glossary is the largest. The third glossary was published in 1993 in Christliebe el Mogharbel’s dissertation, Nehrungskurisch. All three dictionaries contain a combined total of 272 adjectival lexemes. The distinction between the borrowings and inheritances was based on the Latvian dictionary (Mīlenbahs ir Endzelīns, 1923–1932), the Lithuanian dictionary (Naktinienė, 2017), and the following criteria: phonomorphological, lexical, formation, semantic, and geographical. A total of 50 lexemes were identified, which can be considered Lithuanianisms. Among them, there are some problematic cases that could be assumed to be Curonisms. In total, nine Slavisms have been identified from the identified Lithuanianisms (since Kursenieki language did not have direct borrowings from Slavic languages, they are classified as Lithuanianisms). Slavisms have been divided into adapted and non-adapted Slavisms. It has been observed that the semantic group of the Christianity discourse is particularly prominent in the adjectival inventory under study. In order to better observe the interaction between Lithuanian and Kursenieki languages, additional material from a period older and later than the period under study was taken for comparison – Peter Pallas’ dictionary Linguarum totius orbis Vocabularia comparativa of the late 18th century; and the decoded","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"12 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139175771","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The article aims to reveal the possibilities of the data contained in the parish visitations in determining the average household size of the residents of Šiauliai parish. Firstly, the data on visitations allows us to learn about the number of residents who came to catholic confession and those who did not come to catholic confession. Secondly, the source allows us to learn about the number of households in all parish settlements. The data is important for calculating the number of residents in the settlements and in the whole parish. The data on the number of residents allows us to calculate the size of the households in separate settlements and in the whole parish. Moreover, this data can be used for the reconstruction of parish geographical territory. On the other hand, the data on parish visitations can be incorrect as usually statistical information was rewritten from the earlier sources. Considering Šiauliai catholic parish visitations, it should be noted that later visitations were rewritten from the visitations of the year 1820, thus this research only deals with the situation of the year 1820. The analysis revealed that the geographical territory of Šiauliai parish has not significantly changed since the middle of the 17th century. Also, those settlements that were the largest in terms of population in the middle of the 17th century, remained the largest in the first half of the 19th century. After calculating the ratio of those who went to confession and those who did not go, it was found that in the visitations of Šiauliai parish, only the number of Catholics was given, and in some settlements far from the center of the parish, there was a high number of those who did not go to confessions, most likely it indicates pastoral problems, and not the population of other denominations. On average, 9.7 people lived in one household in Šiauliai parish, 7.98 lived in Šiauliai city, 14.5 lived in Kužiai town, and 11.35 lived in Meškuičiai town. After comparing the results of the research with the data of other cities and towns, it can be said that larger cities were characterized by smaller households, while small towns were characterized by larger households. Meanwhile, it is not easy to compare the obtained research results with the household data of the Central and Eastern European population, because the research results are highly dependent on the concept of the household. Nevertheless, it can be said that the average household size of Šiauliai parish was close to the household size of the residents of Nereta (Latvia).
{"title":"The Size of the Household of Šiauliai Parish Residents in the First Half of the 19th Century (According to the Data of the Visitations)","authors":"Laurynas Giedrimas","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.3","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.3","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to reveal the possibilities of the data contained in the parish visitations in determining the average household size of the residents of Šiauliai parish. Firstly, the data on visitations allows us to learn about the number of residents who came to catholic confession and those who did not come to catholic confession. Secondly, the source allows us to learn about the number of households in all parish settlements. The data is important for calculating the number of residents in the settlements and in the whole parish. The data on the number of residents allows us to calculate the size of the households in separate settlements and in the whole parish. Moreover, this data can be used for the reconstruction of parish geographical territory. On the other hand, the data on parish visitations can be incorrect as usually statistical information was rewritten from the earlier sources. Considering Šiauliai catholic parish visitations, it should be noted that later visitations were rewritten from the visitations of the year 1820, thus this research only deals with the situation of the year 1820. The analysis revealed that the geographical territory of Šiauliai parish has not significantly changed since the middle of the 17th century. Also, those settlements that were the largest in terms of population in the middle of the 17th century, remained the largest in the first half of the 19th century. After calculating the ratio of those who went to confession and those who did not go, it was found that in the visitations of Šiauliai parish, only the number of Catholics was given, and in some settlements far from the center of the parish, there was a high number of those who did not go to confessions, most likely it indicates pastoral problems, and not the population of other denominations. On average, 9.7 people lived in one household in Šiauliai parish, 7.98 lived in Šiauliai city, 14.5 lived in Kužiai town, and 11.35 lived in Meškuičiai town. After comparing the results of the research with the data of other cities and towns, it can be said that larger cities were characterized by smaller households, while small towns were characterized by larger households. Meanwhile, it is not easy to compare the obtained research results with the household data of the Central and Eastern European population, because the research results are highly dependent on the concept of the household. Nevertheless, it can be said that the average household size of Šiauliai parish was close to the household size of the residents of Nereta (Latvia).","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"169 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139175496","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In this article the education of farmers and craftsmen about the construction of modern farmsteads during interwar period is assessed. Information on the subject was collected from interwar press and archival documents. The main features of modern interwar farmsteads are rational structuring, compliance with hygiene requirements, comfortability and aestheticism. These ideas were propagated by state institutions, although up to the 3rd decade it was not fully established. When the administration of rural construction matters was commissioned to the Žemės ūkio rūmai, the most important works in this direction were carried out. The Construction Department was established in 1929, and the construction technicians who worked there were the key players in the promotion of the conceptual framework. Therefore, their proper training and the provision of the necessary number of specialists was an essential prerequisite for the purposeful education of farmers and building tradesmen. Organising education for farmers one of the main goals was to achieve the largest possible number of persons and thus promote the importance of the implementation of the ideas of modernization of rural construction. Therefore, for this, the periodical press, educational publications, short-term courses and lectures on the issues of improving rural construction and the management of homesteads, as well as exhibitions where construction technologies were demonstrated and specialist advice was provided, were actively used for this. Given the gradual increase in farmers’ interest in the ideas promoted, as well as their active participation in the educational programmes, there is no doubt that the measures chosen were quite successful. Rural craftsmen also played an equally important role in the modernisation campaign. Therefore, since the end of the 1930s, short courses have been organised annually to raise their qualifications. The scope of these works was rising, although it affected only part of craftsmen and did not solve the lack of qualified specialists. In the 4th decade, the new laws and rules of rural building regulation were implemented. Also, the necessity for higher number of qualified construction craftsmen that would be able to implement modern building principles was realized. This resulted in first specialized craft schools for carpenters, masons and furnace workers. It was thought that these schools together with earlier courses had to form construction craftsmen education system. Although work in this direction was halted shortly afterwards, the establishment of the specialised schools was an indication of the prioritisation of construction issues and thus of the implementation of modernisation principles.
{"title":"Education on Rural Construction Issues in Lithuania, 1918–1940","authors":"Vigilija Pilkauskienė","doi":"10.15388/ahas.2023.30.7","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/ahas.2023.30.7","url":null,"abstract":"In this article the education of farmers and craftsmen about the construction of modern farmsteads during interwar period is assessed. Information on the subject was collected from interwar press and archival documents. The main features of modern interwar farmsteads are rational structuring, compliance with hygiene requirements, comfortability and aestheticism. These ideas were propagated by state institutions, although up to the 3rd decade it was not fully established. When the administration of rural construction matters was commissioned to the Žemės ūkio rūmai, the most important works in this direction were carried out. The Construction Department was established in 1929, and the construction technicians who worked there were the key players in the promotion of the conceptual framework. Therefore, their proper training and the provision of the necessary number of specialists was an essential prerequisite for the purposeful education of farmers and building tradesmen. Organising education for farmers one of the main goals was to achieve the largest possible number of persons and thus promote the importance of the implementation of the ideas of modernization of rural construction. Therefore, for this, the periodical press, educational publications, short-term courses and lectures on the issues of improving rural construction and the management of homesteads, as well as exhibitions where construction technologies were demonstrated and specialist advice was provided, were actively used for this. Given the gradual increase in farmers’ interest in the ideas promoted, as well as their active participation in the educational programmes, there is no doubt that the measures chosen were quite successful. Rural craftsmen also played an equally important role in the modernisation campaign. Therefore, since the end of the 1930s, short courses have been organised annually to raise their qualifications. The scope of these works was rising, although it affected only part of craftsmen and did not solve the lack of qualified specialists. In the 4th decade, the new laws and rules of rural building regulation were implemented. Also, the necessity for higher number of qualified construction craftsmen that would be able to implement modern building principles was realized. This resulted in first specialized craft schools for carpenters, masons and furnace workers. It was thought that these schools together with earlier courses had to form construction craftsmen education system. Although work in this direction was halted shortly afterwards, the establishment of the specialised schools was an indication of the prioritisation of construction issues and thus of the implementation of modernisation principles.","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"146 ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-12-18","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139176083","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-29DOI: 10.15388/10.15388/ahas.2022.29.1
Dalia Kiseliūnaitė
The article aims to reveal the attitude characteristic of the residents of the Curonian Spit towards interwar-time (1923–1939) holidaymakers whom they provided with hospitality services. Regarding the ethnocultural space of the Curonian Spit, it is usual to refer to the published impressions from the 19th and the first half of the 20th century. Despite the political accents and different interpretations, the impressions are conveyed through the eyes of holidaymakers or short-term guests. So far, little attention has been paid to the social self-awareness of the local population amid significant political and social changes in the region. This interdisciplinary research is based on linguistic and ethnographic material. In the narratives based on the subjective experience of the residents, the regional concepts of “recreation”, “holidaymaker”, “one’s own/stranger”, “hospitality”, content and linguistic expression come to light. Texts and their fragments reflecting the topic were selected from the linguistic and ethnographic material collected in the field research between 1980 and 2004 and analyzed using the methods of text and, partially, concept analysis.
{"title":"From a Fishermen’s Village to a Resort: Relationship between Holidaymakers and Hosts in the Texts of the Residents of the Curonian Spit","authors":"Dalia Kiseliūnaitė","doi":"10.15388/10.15388/ahas.2022.29.1","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.15388/10.15388/ahas.2022.29.1","url":null,"abstract":"The article aims to reveal the attitude characteristic of the residents of the Curonian Spit towards interwar-time (1923–1939) holidaymakers whom they provided with hospitality services. Regarding the ethnocultural space of the Curonian Spit, it is usual to refer to the published impressions from the 19th and the first half of the 20th century. Despite the political accents and different interpretations, the impressions are conveyed through the eyes of holidaymakers or short-term guests. So far, little attention has been paid to the social self-awareness of the local population amid significant political and social changes in the region. This interdisciplinary research is based on linguistic and ethnographic material. In the narratives based on the subjective experience of the residents, the regional concepts of “recreation”, “holidaymaker”, “one’s own/stranger”, “hospitality”, content and linguistic expression come to light. Texts and their fragments reflecting the topic were selected from the linguistic and ethnographic material collected in the field research between 1980 and 2004 and analyzed using the methods of text and, partially, concept analysis.","PeriodicalId":502376,"journal":{"name":"Acta humanitarica academiae Saulensis","volume":"78 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139213651","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}