Intercountry adoption is a young institution that, after experiencing a boom at the beginning of the 21st century is currently immersed in a period of decline. The years 2020 to 2023 have been especially notable in this matter in Spain, as a consequence of the jurisdiction conflict, resolved by STC 36/2021, as well as the COVID-19 crisis, causing China to restrict international adoption. This paper analyzes the features that have characterized intercountry adoption in its different stages and the factors that have led to its evolution, focusing on the study of the successive regulatory swings that have occurred in Spain. As a result of this study, it is observed that, beyond the current circumstances brought about by the COVID-19 crisis, this institution currently has a residual weight that is increasingly in line with the principle of subsidiarity, recognized by the Convention of 29 May 1993 on Protection of Children and Cooperation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption.
{"title":"The current situation of intercountry adoption in Spain","authors":"Juan Pedro Díaz Senés","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1947","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1947","url":null,"abstract":"Intercountry adoption is a young institution that, after experiencing a boom at the beginning of the 21st century is currently immersed in a period of decline. The years 2020 to 2023 have been especially notable in this matter in Spain, as a consequence of the jurisdiction conflict, resolved by STC 36/2021, as well as the COVID-19 crisis, causing China to restrict international adoption. This paper analyzes the features that have characterized intercountry adoption in its different stages and the factors that have led to its evolution, focusing on the study of the successive regulatory swings that have occurred in Spain. As a result of this study, it is observed that, beyond the current circumstances brought about by the COVID-19 crisis, this institution currently has a residual weight that is increasingly in line with the principle of subsidiarity, recognized by the Convention of 29 May 1993 on Protection of Children and Cooperation in Respect of Intercountry Adoption.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"77 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141268567","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Silvia Eugenia Fernandez, Mariela González de Vicel
By means of the epistemology of intersectionality, three categories are brought together and questioned in the implementation of public policies for family strengthening in the child protection system: childhood, gender and disability. Women with disabilities, considered strangers to traditional hegemonic and patriarchal mandates, challenge the exercise of motherhood under criteria that are overvalued and demanded compared to women with psychosocial or intellectual disabilities. They challenge the prevailing mandate of hegemonic motherhood, which does not conceive of other designs for the exercise of the constitutional and conventional right to family life. States have the obligation to design support systems (arts. 12 and 19 CRPD) so that women with disabilities are not separated from their children because of their disability. Children and adolescents have the right not to be discriminated against because of the condition/situation of their parents (art. 2 CRC) and to be raised by them (art. 9). Support systems should be effective public policies for strengthening families so that children can remain in the care of their mothers in accordance with their best interests and so that mothers can exercise their maternity on an equal footing with other persons, as mandated by the Constitution.
{"title":"Family strengthening, for all?","authors":"Silvia Eugenia Fernandez, Mariela González de Vicel","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1948","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1948","url":null,"abstract":"By means of the epistemology of intersectionality, three categories are brought together and questioned in the implementation of public policies for family strengthening in the child protection system: childhood, gender and disability. Women with disabilities, considered strangers to traditional hegemonic and patriarchal mandates, challenge the exercise of motherhood under criteria that are overvalued and demanded compared to women with psychosocial or intellectual disabilities. They challenge the prevailing mandate of hegemonic motherhood, which does not conceive of other designs for the exercise of the constitutional and conventional right to family life. States have the obligation to design support systems (arts. 12 and 19 CRPD) so that women with disabilities are not separated from their children because of their disability. Children and adolescents have the right not to be discriminated against because of the condition/situation of their parents (art. 2 CRC) and to be raised by them (art. 9). Support systems should be effective public policies for strengthening families so that children can remain in the care of their mothers in accordance with their best interests and so that mothers can exercise their maternity on an equal footing with other persons, as mandated by the Constitution.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"5 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141267239","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
El presente trabajo busca estudiar comparativamente las formulaciones de Luhmann y Schelsky sobre el concepto de institución. La atención se centra en el rol fundamental que juegan los terceros en la posibilidad de emergencia de las instituciones. En la caracterización de los terceros relevantes difieren ambos autores, en cuanto Luhmann considera que la institución asume la presunta opinión de terceros desconocidos y anónimos, basándose en la suposición de que casi todos suponen, que casi todos están de acuerdo. Por el contrario, en las teorizaciones de Schelsky son los “terceros superiores” aquellos que funcionan como fundamento de la relación jurídica, asumiendo la sanción que garantiza las relaciones sociales personales. En este punto, se genera un desacuerdo respecto de si la sanción es una función interna de la institución o de otro campo de sistema jurídico.
{"title":"El concepto de institución en las teorías de Luhmann y Schelsky","authors":"Santiago Calise","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1981","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1981","url":null,"abstract":"El presente trabajo busca estudiar comparativamente las formulaciones de Luhmann y Schelsky sobre el concepto de institución. La atención se centra en el rol fundamental que juegan los terceros en la posibilidad de emergencia de las instituciones. En la caracterización de los terceros relevantes difieren ambos autores, en cuanto Luhmann considera que la institución asume la presunta opinión de terceros desconocidos y anónimos, basándose en la suposición de que casi todos suponen, que casi todos están de acuerdo. Por el contrario, en las teorizaciones de Schelsky son los “terceros superiores” aquellos que funcionan como fundamento de la relación jurídica, asumiendo la sanción que garantiza las relaciones sociales personales. En este punto, se genera un desacuerdo respecto de si la sanción es una función interna de la institución o de otro campo de sistema jurídico.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"9 8","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141271852","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent decades, Spain has enacted two national laws on historical and democratic memory (in 2007 and 2022), alongside numerous laws at the sub-national level. The significance of these laws goes beyond their symbolic value; they not only contribute to collective memory but also acknowledge the plight of victims. This paper aims to analyze the factors influencing regional regulations on historical and democratic memory in Spain. Our focus will be on the drafting processes, exploring the political factors that shape their approval in different regions. Additionally, we will investigate regions that have yet to enact memory laws to understand the reasons behind the absence of such legislation.
{"title":"Challenging the past in Spain","authors":"Elena Martínez Barahona, Mario García Arranz","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1989","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1989","url":null,"abstract":"In recent decades, Spain has enacted two national laws on historical and democratic memory (in 2007 and 2022), alongside numerous laws at the sub-national level. The significance of these laws goes beyond their symbolic value; they not only contribute to collective memory but also acknowledge the plight of victims. This paper aims to analyze the factors influencing regional regulations on historical and democratic memory in Spain. Our focus will be on the drafting processes, exploring the political factors that shape their approval in different regions. Additionally, we will investigate regions that have yet to enact memory laws to understand the reasons behind the absence of such legislation.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"16 13","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-06-03","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141271125","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Judicial corruption represents a critical issue for proper functioning of the rule of law and democracy. I explore the topic of judicial corruption and the role judges and lawyers may play in it in Slovakia. We are accustomed to think of judges under stress from political actors or for ideological reasons, although the Slovak case highlights that pressure may also come from rather banal greed-motivated corruption. The paper compares assumptions about judicial corruption, based on in-depth interviews with judges and lawyers (i. e. “how the judges and lawyers believe the judicial corruption works”), and revelations from the leaks of private communications of a prominent Slovak criminal with multiple judges and lawyers (so-called “Threema” scandal, 2019-2021), which caused an upheaval among the politicians and judiciary in Slovakia (i. e. “how the judicial corruption actually works” as based on investigative journalism and published criminal investigations). The leaks led to dozens of criminal investigations of public servants, politicians, businessmen, judges, or lawyers with over 40 of these investigations concluded with a lawful verdict, which provide credence to the leaks. Both from interviews and leaks, judicial corruption in Slovakia appears to have been available to parties willing to access judges through trust brokers, or “fixers”, typically either lawyers, or “entrepreneurs”. The nature of judicial corruption was thus be twofold; (i) low-stake, relying on social capital of judges, lawyers, and “fixers”, established through common socialization and interests; (ii) relying on cash payments facilitated by specific trust brokers – “fixers”, including payments through virtual trusts or secondary trusted service providers. Fixers were not only supposed to influence procedural and meritorious decisions on behalf of their “clients” but also in their own interest in self-initiated legal cases on certain familiar courts and thereby enriching themselves. The paper provides details of suspected corrupt practices, including mechanisms of paying bribes, through comparing interviewees’ perception of judicial corruption and the nature of judicial corruption as based on the leaks covering instances of corrupt practices. En el artículo, exploro el tema de la corrupción judicial como fuente de estrés judicial y el papel que jueces y abogados pueden desempeñar en ella en Eslovaquia. El documento compara las suposiciones sobre la corrupción judicial, basadas en entrevistas en profundidad con jueces y abogados (es decir, “cómo creen los jueces y abogados que funciona la corrupción judicial”), y las filtraciones de las comunicaciones de un destacado delincuente eslovaco con múltiples jueces y abogados (es decir, “cómo funciona realmente la corrupción judicial” según el periodismo de investigación y las investigaciones penales publicadas). Las filtraciones condujeron a múltiples investigaciones penales y condenas, lo que dio credibilidad a las filtraciones. Descu
司法腐败是法治和民主正常运作的一个关键问题。我将探讨斯洛伐克的司法腐败问题以及法官和律师在其中可能扮演的角色。我们习惯于认为法官面临着来自政治人物或意识形态原因的压力，尽管斯洛伐克的案例凸显了压力也可能来自于相当平庸的贪婪腐败。本文比较了基于对法官和律师的深入访谈对司法腐败的假设（即 "法官和律师认为司法腐败是如何运作的"），以及斯洛伐克一名著名罪犯与多名法官和律师的私人通信泄露事件（即所谓的 "特雷马 "丑闻，2019-2021 年），该事件在斯洛伐克政界和司法界引起了轩然大波（即 "司法腐败实际上是如何运作的"，基于新闻调查和已公布的刑事调查）。泄密事件引发了数十起针对公务员、政客、商人、法官或律师的刑事调查，其中 40 多起调查以合法判决结案，为泄密事件提供了佐证。从访谈和泄露的信息来看，斯洛伐克的司法腐败似乎是通过信任经纪人或 "掮客"（通常是律师或 "企业家"）来实现的。因此，司法腐败具有双重性质：(i) 低风险，依靠法官、律师和 "掮客 "的社会资本，通过共同的社会化和利益建立起来；(ii) 依靠特定的信任掮客--"掮客 "促成的现金支付，包括通过虚拟信托或二级可信服务提供商支付。贿赂者不仅要代表其 "客户 "影响程序性和有价值的决定，还要在某些熟悉的法院自诉的法律案件中为自己谋利，从而中饱私囊。本文通过比较受访者对司法腐败的看法和司法腐败的性质，提供了涉嫌腐败行为的细节，包括行贿机制。El documento compara las suposiciones sobre la corrupción judicial, basadas en entrevistas en profundidad con jueces y abogados (es decir, "cómo creen los jueces y abogados que funciona la corrupción judicial")、y las filtraciones de las comunicaciones de un destacado delincuente eslovaco con múltiples jueces y abogados (es decir, "cómo funciona realmente la corrupción judicial" según el periodismo de investigación y las investigaciones penales publicadas).Las filtraciones condujeron a múltiples investigaciones penales y condenas, lo que dio credibilidad a las filtraciones.Descubrí que la naturaleza de la corrupción judicial era, por tanto, doble：(i) de bajo riesgo, basada en el capital social de jueces, abogados y "amañadores", y establecida a través de la socialización y los intereses comunes; (ii) basada en pagos en efectivo facilitados por intermediarios de confianza específicos, los "amañadores", incluidos los pagos a través de fideicomisos virtuales o proveedores de servicios secundarios de confianza.Al parecer, los amañadores no sólo influían en las decisiones procesales y meritorias en nombre de sus "clientes", sino que también actuaban en su propio interés en casos judiciales iniciados por ellos mismos en determinados tribunales conocidos, enriqueciéndose así.El documento ofrece detalles de las presuntas prácticas corruptas, incluidos los mecanismos de pago de sobornos.
{"title":"Judges under corruption stress: Lessons from leaked files about corruption in Slovakia","authors":"Jan Mazur","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1902","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1902","url":null,"abstract":"Judicial corruption represents a critical issue for proper functioning of the rule of law and democracy. I explore the topic of judicial corruption and the role judges and lawyers may play in it in Slovakia. We are accustomed to think of judges under stress from political actors or for ideological reasons, although the Slovak case highlights that pressure may also come from rather banal greed-motivated corruption. The paper compares assumptions about judicial corruption, based on in-depth interviews with judges and lawyers (i. e. “how the judges and lawyers believe the judicial corruption works”), and revelations from the leaks of private communications of a prominent Slovak criminal with multiple judges and lawyers (so-called “Threema” scandal, 2019-2021), which caused an upheaval among the politicians and judiciary in Slovakia (i. e. “how the judicial corruption actually works” as based on investigative journalism and published criminal investigations). The leaks led to dozens of criminal investigations of public servants, politicians, businessmen, judges, or lawyers with over 40 of these investigations concluded with a lawful verdict, which provide credence to the leaks. Both from interviews and leaks, judicial corruption in Slovakia appears to have been available to parties willing to access judges through trust brokers, or “fixers”, typically either lawyers, or “entrepreneurs”. The nature of judicial corruption was thus be twofold; (i) low-stake, relying on social capital of judges, lawyers, and “fixers”, established through common socialization and interests; (ii) relying on cash payments facilitated by specific trust brokers – “fixers”, including payments through virtual trusts or secondary trusted service providers. Fixers were not only supposed to influence procedural and meritorious decisions on behalf of their “clients” but also in their own interest in self-initiated legal cases on certain familiar courts and thereby enriching themselves. The paper provides details of suspected corrupt practices, including mechanisms of paying bribes, through comparing interviewees’ perception of judicial corruption and the nature of judicial corruption as based on the leaks covering instances of corrupt practices.\u0000En el artículo, exploro el tema de la corrupción judicial como fuente de estrés judicial y el papel que jueces y abogados pueden desempeñar en ella en Eslovaquia. El documento compara las suposiciones sobre la corrupción judicial, basadas en entrevistas en profundidad con jueces y abogados (es decir, “cómo creen los jueces y abogados que funciona la corrupción judicial”), y las filtraciones de las comunicaciones de un destacado delincuente eslovaco con múltiples jueces y abogados (es decir, “cómo funciona realmente la corrupción judicial” según el periodismo de investigación y las investigaciones penales publicadas). Las filtraciones condujeron a múltiples investigaciones penales y condenas, lo que dio credibilidad a las filtraciones. Descu","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"11 4","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141005750","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Las diversas formas familiares presentes en nuestras sociedades imponen al Derecho el desafío de su visibilización en reconocimiento de las prerrogativas esenciales de sus miembros, particularmente, hijos e hijas en tanto niños, niñas y adolescentes. Entre estas, aquellas que encuentran su sustrato, más allá del nexo biológico, en el componente socioafectivo, se tornan relevantes a la hora de reconocer el derecho a las vidas familiares, a la identidad personal y la vía mediante la cual el ordenamiento les otorga debido encuadre jurídico. El presente trabajo, teniendo en consideración aportes provenientes desde diversos sistemas, tiene por objeto analizar la situación chilena observando críticamente el instituto de la adopción por integración; revisar disposiciones actualmente incorporadas en la normativa que expresan, en alguna medida, dimensiones de la socioafectividad en las relaciones filiales de facto; y, por último, examinar ciertas tendencias jurisprudenciales en el mismo sentido, empleando para este fin el método dogmático propio de la ciencia jurídica en una labor de descripción, exégesis y sistematización. The various family forms present in our societies impose on the Law the challenge of making them visible in recognition of the essential prerogatives of their members, particularly, sons and daughters as children and adolescents. Among these, those that find their substrate, beyond the biological nexus, in the socio-affective component, become relevant when it comes to recognizing the right to family lives, to personal identity and the way through which the system grants them due legal framework. This work, taking into consideration contributions from various systems, aims to analyze the Chilean situation by critically observing the institute of step parent adoption; review provisions currently incorporated in the regulations that express, to some extent, dimensions of socioaffectiveness in de facto filial relationships; and, finally, examine certain jurisprudential trends in the same sense, using for this purpose the dogmatic method typical of legal science in a task of description, exegesis and systematization.
{"title":"Derecho a las vidas familiares y adopción por integración en Chile: Una mirada desde la socioafectividad","authors":"R. Álvarez, Fabiola Lathrop","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1943","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1943","url":null,"abstract":"Las diversas formas familiares presentes en nuestras sociedades imponen al Derecho el desafío de su visibilización en reconocimiento de las prerrogativas esenciales de sus miembros, particularmente, hijos e hijas en tanto niños, niñas y adolescentes. Entre estas, aquellas que encuentran su sustrato, más allá del nexo biológico, en el componente socioafectivo, se tornan relevantes a la hora de reconocer el derecho a las vidas familiares, a la identidad personal y la vía mediante la cual el ordenamiento les otorga debido encuadre jurídico. El presente trabajo, teniendo en consideración aportes provenientes desde diversos sistemas, tiene por objeto analizar la situación chilena observando críticamente el instituto de la adopción por integración; revisar disposiciones actualmente incorporadas en la normativa que expresan, en alguna medida, dimensiones de la socioafectividad en las relaciones filiales de facto; y, por último, examinar ciertas tendencias jurisprudenciales en el mismo sentido, empleando para este fin el método dogmático propio de la ciencia jurídica en una labor de descripción, exégesis y sistematización.\u0000The various family forms present in our societies impose on the Law the challenge of making them visible in recognition of the essential prerogatives of their members, particularly, sons and daughters as children and adolescents. Among these, those that find their substrate, beyond the biological nexus, in the socio-affective component, become relevant when it comes to recognizing the right to family lives, to personal identity and the way through which the system grants them due legal framework. This work, taking into consideration contributions from various systems, aims to analyze the Chilean situation by critically observing the institute of step parent adoption; review provisions currently incorporated in the regulations that express, to some extent, dimensions of socioaffectiveness in de facto filial relationships; and, finally, examine certain jurisprudential trends in the same sense, using for this purpose the dogmatic method typical of legal science in a task of description, exegesis and systematization.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"45 2","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141010667","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Hans Kelsen was not only a legal theorist but also worked as a constitutional judge in the First Austrian Republic between 1919 and 1930. Faced with increasing political criticism due to its “activism”, Kelsen radicalized his theory of law-application. He emphasized that judicial work generates law (i.e., it is genuinely political) and that a judge can also create new law outside the framework of possible norm meanings. In this way, he was able to refute political calls for the “depoliticization” of constitutional jurisdiction. In the paper, I present why the Austrian Constitutional Court was accused of “activism” and how Kelsen responded to it. The sociological question of how the judiciary exercises political power and how this power is perceived by politics is addressed in the paper with a focus on legal history, specifically regarding the Austrian Constitutional Court during the interwar period. Hans Kelsen no fue sólo un teórico del derecho, sino que también trabajó como juez constitucional en la Primera República Austriaca entre 1919 y 1930. Ante las crecientes críticas políticas por su “activismo”, Kelsen radicalizó su teoría de la aplicación del Derecho. Subrayó que la labor judicial genera derecho (es decir, es genuinamente política) y que un juez también puede crear nuevo derecho fuera del marco de los posibles significados de las normas. De este modo, pudo refutar los llamamientos políticos a la “despolitización” de la jurisdicción constitucional. En el artículo, expongo por qué se acusó al Tribunal Constitucional austriaco de “activismo” y cómo respondió Kelsen a ello. La cuestión sociológica de cómo el poder judicial ejerce el poder político y cómo este poder es percibido por la política se aborda en el trabajo con atención a la historia jurídica, concretamente en relación con el Tribunal Constitucional austriaco durante el período de entreguerras.
{"title":"The role of the judiciary: Interpreting vs creating law – or how Hans Kelsen justified “judicial activism”","authors":"Peter Techet","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1919","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1919","url":null,"abstract":"Hans Kelsen was not only a legal theorist but also worked as a constitutional judge in the First Austrian Republic between 1919 and 1930. Faced with increasing political criticism due to its “activism”, Kelsen radicalized his theory of law-application. He emphasized that judicial work generates law (i.e., it is genuinely political) and that a judge can also create new law outside the framework of possible norm meanings. In this way, he was able to refute political calls for the “depoliticization” of constitutional jurisdiction. In the paper, I present why the Austrian Constitutional Court was accused of “activism” and how Kelsen responded to it. The sociological question of how the judiciary exercises political power and how this power is perceived by politics is addressed in the paper with a focus on legal history, specifically regarding the Austrian Constitutional Court during the interwar period. \u0000Hans Kelsen no fue sólo un teórico del derecho, sino que también trabajó como juez constitucional en la Primera República Austriaca entre 1919 y 1930. Ante las crecientes críticas políticas por su “activismo”, Kelsen radicalizó su teoría de la aplicación del Derecho. Subrayó que la labor judicial genera derecho (es decir, es genuinamente política) y que un juez también puede crear nuevo derecho fuera del marco de los posibles significados de las normas. De este modo, pudo refutar los llamamientos políticos a la “despolitización” de la jurisdicción constitucional. En el artículo, expongo por qué se acusó al Tribunal Constitucional austriaco de “activismo” y cómo respondió Kelsen a ello. La cuestión sociológica de cómo el poder judicial ejerce el poder político y cómo este poder es percibido por la política se aborda en el trabajo con atención a la historia jurídica, concretamente en relación con el Tribunal Constitucional austriaco durante el período de entreguerras.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"10 13","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141005897","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
En ocasiones, la adopción de mayores de doce años en España no ha prosperado porque no prestaban su consentimiento al conocer que iban a dejar de tener relación con alguien de su familia de origen. El Código Civil español, desde 2015 permite, siempre que así interese a la persona que va a ser adoptada, que se pueda constituir una adopción fijando un régimen de visitas y comunicaciones a favor de miembros de la familia de origen. En este trabajo, mediante el método propio de la Ciencia del Derecho, se realiza un novedoso análisis de esta modalidad adoptiva, con sus pros y contras, destacando la flexibilización de la institución al primar legalmente la relación afectiva beneficiosa, algo que asegura el conocimiento de los orígenes. Asimismo, se posibilita la desinstitucionalización de quienes ya no pueden volver con su familia de origen y se encuentran bajo la tutela de la Administración Pública. At times, the adoption of children over the age of twelve in Spain hasn´t succeeded because they didn´t give their consent upon learning that they would no longer have a relationship with someone from their biological family. Since 2015, the Spanish Civil Code allows, whenever it´s in the interest of the person to be adopted, for an adoption to be established by setting up a visitation and communication regime in favor of members of the biological family. In this study, employing the methodology inherent to the Science of Law, a novel analysis of this form of adoption is conducted, outlining its pros and cons, with emphasis on the legal prioritization of beneficial emotional relationships, ensuring acknowledgment of origins. Furthermore, it enables the deinstitutionalization of those who can no longer return to their biological family and are under the guardianship of the Public Administration.
{"title":"Análisis crítico de la “adopción abierta”: un cambio de paradigma de la institución adoptiva","authors":"Mª Aránzazu Calzadilla Medina","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1969","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1969","url":null,"abstract":"En ocasiones, la adopción de mayores de doce años en España no ha prosperado porque no prestaban su consentimiento al conocer que iban a dejar de tener relación con alguien de su familia de origen. El Código Civil español, desde 2015 permite, siempre que así interese a la persona que va a ser adoptada, que se pueda constituir una adopción fijando un régimen de visitas y comunicaciones a favor de miembros de la familia de origen. En este trabajo, mediante el método propio de la Ciencia del Derecho, se realiza un novedoso análisis de esta modalidad adoptiva, con sus pros y contras, destacando la flexibilización de la institución al primar legalmente la relación afectiva beneficiosa, algo que asegura el conocimiento de los orígenes. Asimismo, se posibilita la desinstitucionalización de quienes ya no pueden volver con su familia de origen y se encuentran bajo la tutela de la Administración Pública. \u0000At times, the adoption of children over the age of twelve in Spain hasn´t succeeded because they didn´t give their consent upon learning that they would no longer have a relationship with someone from their biological family. Since 2015, the Spanish Civil Code allows, whenever it´s in the interest of the person to be adopted, for an adoption to be established by setting up a visitation and communication regime in favor of members of the biological family. In this study, employing the methodology inherent to the Science of Law, a novel analysis of this form of adoption is conducted, outlining its pros and cons, with emphasis on the legal prioritization of beneficial emotional relationships, ensuring acknowledgment of origins. Furthermore, it enables the deinstitutionalization of those who can no longer return to their biological family and are under the guardianship of the Public Administration.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"19 1","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-05-06","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"141010975","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Cryptocurrency has sparked expressions of concern from regulators – though sometimes coupled with expressions of interest in state-backed alternatives. This paradoxical situation neatly encapsulates the conundrum confronting regulators as they seek to come to terms with the new world opened up by blockchain and leading ultimately perhaps to decentralised finance. How do we best understand this confusing situation? This paper looks for answers by attempting to conceptualise the phenomenon of decentralised finance in autopoietic systems terms. Insofar as a plausible argument can be made for the proposition that finance represents an example of the internal differentiation of the economy, does decentralised finance in some sense constitute an intensified internal differentiation? Alternatively, and paradoxically, insofar as what we are concerned with is decentralised finance, does it instead in some sense represent an example of dedifferentiation? Answers to these questions will have relevance for efforts to regulate this emerging phenomenon. They will also help to shed light on whether state and central bank experiments in this space will produce positive effects or bring their own challenges. La criptomoneda ha suscitado la preocupación de los reguladores, aunque a veces ha ido acompañada del interés expresado sobre algunas alternativas respaldadas por el Estado. Esta paradójica situación resume a la perfección el enigma al que se enfrentan los reguladores cuando tratan de aceptar el nuevo mundo abierto por la cadena de bloques y que, en última instancia, quizá conduzca a unas finanzas descentralizadas. ¿Cuál es la mejor manera de entender esta confusa situación? Este artículo busca respuestas intentando conceptualizar el fenómeno de las finanzas descentralizadas en términos de sistemas autopoiéticos. En la medida en que se puede argumentar de forma plausible que las finanzas representan un ejemplo de la diferenciación interna de la economía, ¿constituyen las finanzas descentralizadas, en cierto sentido, una diferenciación interna intensificada? Por otra parte, y paradójicamente, en la medida en que tratamos sobre finanzas descentralizadas, ¿representan en cierto sentido un ejemplo de desdiferenciación? Las respuestas a estas preguntas serán relevantes para los esfuerzos por regular este fenómeno emergente. También ayudarán a arrojar luz sobre si los experimentos del Estado y los bancos centrales en este espacio producirán efectos positivos o nuevos desafíos.
{"title":"Decentralised finance, regulation, and systems theory","authors":"John Paterson","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.1916","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.1916","url":null,"abstract":"Cryptocurrency has sparked expressions of concern from regulators – though sometimes coupled with expressions of interest in state-backed alternatives. This paradoxical situation neatly encapsulates the conundrum confronting regulators as they seek to come to terms with the new world opened up by blockchain and leading ultimately perhaps to decentralised finance. How do we best understand this confusing situation? This paper looks for answers by attempting to conceptualise the phenomenon of decentralised finance in autopoietic systems terms. Insofar as a plausible argument can be made for the proposition that finance represents an example of the internal differentiation of the economy, does decentralised finance in some sense constitute an intensified internal differentiation? Alternatively, and paradoxically, insofar as what we are concerned with is decentralised finance, does it instead in some sense represent an example of dedifferentiation? Answers to these questions will have relevance for efforts to regulate this emerging phenomenon. They will also help to shed light on whether state and central bank experiments in this space will produce positive effects or bring their own challenges.\u0000La criptomoneda ha suscitado la preocupación de los reguladores, aunque a veces ha ido acompañada del interés expresado sobre algunas alternativas respaldadas por el Estado. Esta paradójica situación resume a la perfección el enigma al que se enfrentan los reguladores cuando tratan de aceptar el nuevo mundo abierto por la cadena de bloques y que, en última instancia, quizá conduzca a unas finanzas descentralizadas. ¿Cuál es la mejor manera de entender esta confusa situación? Este artículo busca respuestas intentando conceptualizar el fenómeno de las finanzas descentralizadas en términos de sistemas autopoiéticos. En la medida en que se puede argumentar de forma plausible que las finanzas representan un ejemplo de la diferenciación interna de la economía, ¿constituyen las finanzas descentralizadas, en cierto sentido, una diferenciación interna intensificada? Por otra parte, y paradójicamente, en la medida en que tratamos sobre finanzas descentralizadas, ¿representan en cierto sentido un ejemplo de desdiferenciación? Las respuestas a estas preguntas serán relevantes para los esfuerzos por regular este fenómeno emergente. También ayudarán a arrojar luz sobre si los experimentos del Estado y los bancos centrales en este espacio producirán efectos positivos o nuevos desafíos.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"52 51","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140656633","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Aunque los tribunales no suelen ser percibidos como foros para la participación democrática, la existencia de mecanismos legales como los escritos de amicus curiae han permitido a organizaciones de la sociedad civil tomar parte activa en los debates judiciales. Este artículo examina la participación de amicus curiae en las demandas sobre derechos LGBT falladas por la Corte Constitucional de Colombia entre 1992 y 2022. Con base en entrevistas y la revisión de normas, sentencias e intervenciones, argumento que la accesibilidad de las reglas institucionales y la existencia de jueces interesados en promover la participación de otros actores en los debates constitucionales crearon oportunidades legales que incentivaron y moldearon la participación de amicus curiae en el litigio por los derechos LGBT. Este trabajo aporta a una mayor comprensión sobre el papel de los tribunales en la movilización legal y en la construcción de un poder judicial más democrático. Although courts are not usually perceived as forums for democratic participation, the existence of legal mechanisms such as amicus curiae briefs has allowed civil society organizations to actively participate in judicial debates. This article examines amicus curiae participation in LGBT rights cases decided by the Colombian Constitutional Court between 1992 and 2022. Based on interviews and a review of norms, rulings, and amicus curiae briefs, I argue that the accessibility of the Court's rules and the presence of justices interested in promoting the participation of non-judicial actors in constitutional debates created legal opportunities that encouraged and shaped amicus curiae participation in LGBT rights litigation. This article contributes to a better understanding of the role that courts can play in legal mobilization and in building a more democratic judicial system.
尽管法院通常不被视为民主参与的论坛，但法庭之友书状等法律机制的存在使公民社会组织能够积极参与司法辩论。本文研究了 1992 年至 2022 年间哥伦比亚宪法法院判决的 LGBT 权利诉讼中法庭之友的参与情况。基于访谈以及对规范、裁决和干预措施的回顾，我认为，制度规则的可及性以及法官对促进其他行为者参与宪法辩论的兴趣创造了法律机会，鼓励并塑造了法庭之友对 LGBT 权利诉讼的参与。尽管法院通常不被视为民主参与的论坛，但法庭之友书状等法律机制的存在使公民社会组织得以积极参与司法辩论。本文探讨了 "法庭之友 "参与 1992 年至 2022 年哥伦比亚宪法法院判决的 LGBT 权利案件的情况。基于访谈以及对规范、裁决和法庭之友书状的审查，我认为，法院规则的可及性以及有意促进非司法行为者参与宪法辩论的大法官的存在创造了法律机会，鼓励并塑造了法庭之友对LGBT权利诉讼的参与。这篇文章有助于更好地理解法院在法律动员和建立更加民主的司法体系方面所能发挥的作用。
{"title":"La movilización legal desde arriba. La Corte Constitucional de Colombia y la participación de amicus curiae en el litigio por los derechos LGBT","authors":"J. Jaramillo","doi":"10.35295/osls.iisl.2002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl.2002","url":null,"abstract":"Aunque los tribunales no suelen ser percibidos como foros para la participación democrática, la existencia de mecanismos legales como los escritos de amicus curiae han permitido a organizaciones de la sociedad civil tomar parte activa en los debates judiciales. Este artículo examina la participación de amicus curiae en las demandas sobre derechos LGBT falladas por la Corte Constitucional de Colombia entre 1992 y 2022. Con base en entrevistas y la revisión de normas, sentencias e intervenciones, argumento que la accesibilidad de las reglas institucionales y la existencia de jueces interesados en promover la participación de otros actores en los debates constitucionales crearon oportunidades legales que incentivaron y moldearon la participación de amicus curiae en el litigio por los derechos LGBT. Este trabajo aporta a una mayor comprensión sobre el papel de los tribunales en la movilización legal y en la construcción de un poder judicial más democrático.\u0000Although courts are not usually perceived as forums for democratic participation, the existence of legal mechanisms such as amicus curiae briefs has allowed civil society organizations to actively participate in judicial debates. This article examines amicus curiae participation in LGBT rights cases decided by the Colombian Constitutional Court between 1992 and 2022. Based on interviews and a review of norms, rulings, and amicus curiae briefs, I argue that the accessibility of the Court's rules and the presence of justices interested in promoting the participation of non-judicial actors in constitutional debates created legal opportunities that encouraged and shaped amicus curiae participation in LGBT rights litigation. This article contributes to a better understanding of the role that courts can play in legal mobilization and in building a more democratic judicial system.","PeriodicalId":508645,"journal":{"name":"Oñati Socio-Legal Series","volume":"53 30","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2024-04-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"140656802","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":0,"RegionCategory":"","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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