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The Ideational Power of Strategic Autonomy in EU Security and External Economic Policies 欧盟安全和对外经济政策中战略自主的意识形态力量
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-02-22 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13597
Ana E. Juncos, Sophie Vanhoonacker

This article undertakes a comparative analysis of European Union security and external economic policies to explore the different trajectories of strategic autonomy (SA) in these two domains. In so doing, it contributes to a better understanding of endogenous drivers of policy change in response to geopoliticising pressures. Drawing on discursive institutionalism, it analyses three dimensions of ideational power: power in, power through and power over. The evidence, based on documentary analysis and interviews, demonstrates that though SA presented a more significant challenge to pre-established paradigms in external economic relations, the role of the Commission as an ideational entrepreneur, supported by its coercive power, facilitated the adoption of the idea of (open) SA. Conversely, French President Emmanuel Macron was unable to persuade others of the adoption of a sovereigntist conception of SA in security, with the exception of defence industrial policy, where the Commission enjoys budgetary power and competences.

本文对欧盟的安全政策和对外经济政策进行了比较分析,以探讨这两个领域中战略自主权(SA)的不同发展轨迹。这样做有助于更好地理解地缘政治化压力下政策变化的内生驱动力。本研究借鉴话语制度主义,分析了意识形态权力的三个方面:权力介入(power in)、权力通过(power through)和权力超越(power over)。基于文献分析和访谈的证据表明,虽然南亚地区对对外经济关系中的既有范式提出了更大的挑战,但欧盟委员会作为意识形态企业家的角色,在其强制力的支持下,促进了(开放)南亚地区理念的采纳。相反,法国总统埃马纽埃尔-马克龙却无法说服其他人在安全领域采用主权主义的安全保障理念,但国防工业政策除外,因为欧盟委员会在这方面享有预算权和权限。
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引用次数: 0
Correction to ‘Quid Pro Quo. The Effect of Issue Linkage on Member States' Bargaining Success in European Union Lawmaking’ 对 "Quid Pro Quo.欧盟立法中议题联系对成员国谈判成功的影响
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-02-22 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13603

Kirpsza, A. (2023) Quid Pro Quo. The Effect of Issue Linkage on Member States' Bargaining Success in European Union Lawmaking. JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies, 61: 323343. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13369

The following details should be added in the Acknowledgements section of this article:

The open access fee has been financed by a grant from the Faculty of International and Political Studies under the Strategic Programme Excellence Initiative at Jagiellonian University.

We apologize for this error.

Kirpsza, A. (2023) Quid Pro Quo.欧盟立法中议题联系对成员国谈判成功的影响。JCMS:https://doi.org/10.1111/jcms.13369The 在本文的致谢部分应添加以下详细信息:开放获取的费用由雅盖隆大学国际与政治研究学院根据战略计划卓越倡议提供的赠款资助。对此错误,我们深表歉意。
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引用次数: 0
Making Markets Through Coalitions: The European Union and the Debate Over Ukraine's National Resources 通过联盟创造市场:欧盟与乌克兰国家资源之争
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-02-20 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13587
Aron Buzogány, Mihai Varga

This article studies how the European Union (EU) influences the dynamics between supporters and opponents of market liberalization in partner countries. We focus on Ukraine's attempts to safeguard timber trade and agricultural land sales from international markets through moratoria before 2022. We find that the EU intervenes in domestic debates both directly and through domestic pro-market coalitions to frame these moratoria as expressions of ‘vested interests’ and instances of state weakness. The EU effectively linked the free trade argument with protecting the environment (as the moratorium tolerated illegal logging) and human rights (as the land moratorium denied landowners their property rights). The EU thus fostered discourses and coalitions prioritizing liberalization over protectionist interests and environmental concerns. This article implies that the EU should encourage debates around market liberalization rather than de-legitimize opponents, as reconstruction in Ukraine following Russian aggression will require both EU assistance and broader internal coalitions.

本文研究欧洲联盟(欧盟)如何影响伙伴国市场自由化支持者和反对者之间的动态关系。我们重点研究了乌克兰在 2022 年前通过暂停国际市场木材贸易和农业用地销售的尝试。我们发现,欧盟直接干预了国内辩论,并通过国内支持市场的联盟将这些暂停措施诬陷为 "既得利益 "的表现和国家软弱的实例。欧盟有效地将自由贸易论点与保护环境(因为暂停令容忍了非法伐木)和人权(因为土地暂停令剥夺了土地所有者的财产权)联系起来。因此,欧盟促进了自由化优先于保护主义利益和环境问题的论述和联盟。本文认为,欧盟应鼓励围绕市场自由化的辩论,而不是将反对者去合法化,因为乌克兰在遭受俄罗斯侵略后的重建既需要欧盟的援助,也需要更广泛的内部联盟。
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引用次数: 0
A Litmus Test for Democratic Politics in Europe: Parliaments, Brexit and the Future of the European Union, Julien Navarro (London: Routledge, 2022)
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13583
Icoz Gulay
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引用次数: 0
EU Geoeconomic Power in the Clean Energy Transition 欧盟在清洁能源转型中的地缘经济力量
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-02-15 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13590
Tomasz Jerzyniak, Anna Herranz-Surrallés

The energy transition is affected by a ‘double geopoliticisation’: global competition for hydrocarbons has increased, due to the sudden turmoil in the energy markets, whilst the urgency to clean energy transition has exacerbated competition for green technological leadership. This article investigates whether the EU has adapted its goals and instruments to these intertwined geopoliticisation pressures and, if so, under what conditions has it been able to wield geoeconomic power. Using Barnett and Duvall's taxonomy of power, this article argues that geoeconomic power presupposes a shift from diffuse to direct forms of power and theorises the factors that facilitate or constrain the EU's ability to exercise this type of power. This article finds that the EU has significantly transformed the goals and instruments of its external energy policy. Yet the extent of its geoeconomic power depends on a combination of often-overlooked domestic enabling factors and the external geopolitical environment.

能源转型受到 "双重地缘政治化 "的影响:由于能源市场的突然动荡,全球对碳氢化合物的竞争加剧,而清洁能源转型的紧迫性又加剧了对绿色技术领导地位的竞争。本文探讨了欧盟是否调整了其目标和手段以适应这些相互交织的地缘政治化压力,如果是,欧盟在何种条件下能够行使地缘经济权力。本文采用巴尼特和杜瓦尔的权力分类法,认为地缘经济权力的前提是从分散权力形式向直接权力形式转变,并从理论上分析了促进或制约欧盟行使此类权力能力的因素。本文发现,欧盟已大大改变了其对外能源政策的目标和手段。然而,其地缘经济权力的程度取决于经常被忽视的国内有利因素和外部地缘政治环境的综合作用。
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引用次数: 0
The Tools of External Migration Policy in the EU Member States: The Case of Italy 欧盟成员国对外移民政策的工具:意大利案例
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-02-11 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13581
Iole Fontana, Matilde Rosina

This article focuses on the external dimension of migration policy (EXMIPO) in the EU member states (MSs), through a policy tool approach. It offers an analytical framework for conceptualizing MS EXMIPO, by (1) unpacking its tools and (2) understanding their relationship with EU-level migration governance, as based on competition, convergence and complementarity. Empirically, it examines the case of Italy, building on an original dataset spanning over 30 years and 125 instruments. Through the Italian case, this article demonstrates that MSs have developed an intense external action at the bilateral level in the field of migration, which has expanded quantitatively and qualitatively, alongside (and despite) EU initiatives.

本文通过政策工具方法,重点探讨欧盟成员国(MSs)移民政策的外部层面(EXMIPO)。文章提供了一个分析框架,通过(1) 解读其工具,(2) 理解其与欧盟层面移民治理的关系,并将其建立在竞争、趋同和互补的基础上,从而对欧盟成员国的外部移民政策进行概念化。在实证方面,文章以意大利为例,利用 30 多年的原始数据集和 125 种工具进行了研究。通过意大利的案例,本文证明了会员国在移民领域开展了双边层面的密集对外行动,这些行动在数量和质量上都与欧盟的举措并驾齐驱。
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引用次数: 0
A Capacity-Based Approach for Assessing Changes in Responsibility Sharing in the EU: Comparing the Syrian and Ukrainian Refugee Crises 基于能力的方法评估欧盟责任分担的变化:比较叙利亚和乌克兰难民危机
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-02-07 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13586
Maria Hierro, Adolfo Maza

This study explores whether the European Union's (EU's) response to the large-scale refugee displacement from Ukraine in 2022 has led to a more equitable sharing of responsibilities amongst member states with regard to the Syrian refugee crisis. To do so, responsibility sharing is assessed by comparing actual and capacity-based refugee shares for each country, drawing the definition of the latter from an improved version of the European Commission's distribution key. Our analysis reveals that whilst disparities in actual refugee shares between countries are somewhat smaller in the current emergency humanitarian situation compared with the Syrian crisis, such disparities almost double when countries' reception capacities are incorporated as a benchmark. Thus, the study reveals a kind of paradox: greater disparities in responsibility sharing in a context of high solidarity amongst countries for the reception of refugees.

本研究探讨了欧盟(EU)对2022年来自乌克兰的大规模难民流离失所问题的应对措施是否使各成员国更公平地分担了对叙利亚难民危机的责任。为此,我们通过比较每个国家的实际难民份额和基于能力的难民份额来评估责任分担情况。我们的分析表明,与叙利亚危机相比,在当前的紧急人道主义局势中,各国实际难民份额的差距较小,但如果将各国的接收能力作为基准,这种差距几乎会翻倍。因此,本研究揭示了一种悖论:在各国高度团结接收难民的情况下,责任分担的差距却更大。
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引用次数: 0
Failing Forward in European Economic Governance: The Cyclicality of European Integration and Institutional Competition in the COVID-19 Crisis 欧洲经济治理的失败:欧洲一体化的周期性与 COVID-19 危机中的制度竞争
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-02-04 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13588
Joscha Abels

The European Union's (EU's) response to the pandemic has been accompanied by reconfigurations in its institutional hierarchy, affecting the sites where institutional reforms are prepared and implemented. Whereas the Eurogroup drove reform during the euro crisis, the Commission had a more pronounced role in the development and implementation of pandemic instruments. This article ties in with failing-forward arguments that view European integration as cyclical, arguing that this cyclicality also concerns the institutional dynamics in European economic governance. Based on expert interviews, official documents and reports, the analysis reconstructs and compares the institutional configurations during the euro crisis and the pandemic. Its findings suggest three modifications to ‘failing forward’: first, incomplete intergovernmental decisions are often the result of dominant particular interests rather than ‘lowest common denominator’ solutions; second, supranational bodies can exploit the delegitimization of intergovernmental solutions; and third, ad hoc measures can prolong the failing-forward cycle and displace lasting integration steps.

欧洲联盟(欧盟)在应对大流行病的同时,其机构等级也进行了重组,影响到机构改革的准备和实施地点。欧元集团在欧元危机期间推动了改革,而欧盟委员会则在制定和实施大流行病文书方面发挥了更明显的作用。本文与认为欧洲一体化具有周期性的 "失败-前进 "论点相联系,认为这种周期性也与欧洲经济治理中的制度动态有关。根据专家访谈、官方文件和报告,分析重构并比较了欧债危机和大流行病期间的制度配置。分析结果表明了 "失败向前 "的三种修正方式:第一,不完整的政府间决定往往是特定利益主导的结果,而不是 "最小公分母 "解决方案;第二,超国家机构可以利用政府间解决方案的非正当化;第三,临时措施可以延长失败向前的周期,取代持久的一体化步骤。
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引用次数: 0
Non-documents for Big Decisions: The Commission and the EEC–Japan Automotive Agreement (1991) 大决策的非文件:委员会与欧共体-日本汽车协定》(1991 年)
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-01-23 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13578
Alice Milor

This article highlights some material aspects of informal governance by analysing the unsigned confidential documents intended to drive the future of the European automotive sector in 1991. Whilst it was long thought that the EEC–Japan agreement had been unwritten, this study reveals that it was a combination of oral and written statements, bilateral decisions and unilateral interpretations. These ambiguities have been used by the Commission to achieve the impossible: providing for one thing and its opposite in order to satisfy extremely divided opinions. Using public and private archives of several stakeholders, the article underlines the Commission's power over institutional (Member States and the European Parliament) and private (industry and NGOs) players. Whilst recent studies have pointed to repeated unwritten rules to temper informality leading to a democratic deficit, the 1991 non-consensual consensus eluded any tacit rule because it lay in the grey area of diplomacy, economics and law.

本文通过分析 1991 年意在推动欧洲汽车行业未来发展的未签署机密文件,强调了非正式治理的一些重要方面。长期以来,人们一直认为欧共体与日本的协议是不成文的,但本研究揭示了它是口头和书面声明、双边决定和单边解释的结合。委员会利用这些模棱两可之处实现了不可能完成的任务:既规定了一件事,又规定了它的反面,以满足极度分歧的意见。文章利用几个利益相关者的公开和私人档案,强调了欧盟委员会对机构(成员国和欧洲议会)和私人(行业和非政府组织)参与者的权力。最近的研究指出,一些不成文的规定反复出现,使非正式性趋于缓和,从而导致民主赤字,而 1991 年的非协商一致共识则由于处于外交、经济和法律的灰色地带而没有任何默许的规定。
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引用次数: 0
Organizational Overlap and Bureaucratic Actors: How EU–NATO Relations Empower the European Commission 组织重叠与官僚行为者:欧盟与北约的关系如何赋予欧盟委员会权力
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-01-22 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13571
Catherine Hoeffler, Stephanie C. Hofmann

Organizational overlap is a ubiquitous feature in regional governance. Most studies have focused on member states, demonstrating that overlap enables states differently. We still know little about whether and how overlapping organizations impact international bureaucracies and how this shapes the relationship between bureaucratic actors within organizations. We argue that overlap can empower international bureaucrats, but not equally. Those with autonomous resources from member states are the most attractive interlocuters for bureaucrats from other organizations and, hence, likely to become most empowered. Substantive expertise and formal competence are less consequential in this context. We unpack this argument by looking at a policy domain understood to be heavily guarded by member states, security and defence policy. Based on primary documents and interviews, we show that the European Union (EU)–North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) overlap has enabled the European Commission to leverage its position within the EU to its advantage and further encroach on the EU's security and defence activities.

组织重叠是区域治理中无处不在的特点。大多数研究都集中于成员国,表明重叠对国家的影响是不同的。对于重叠组织是否以及如何影响国际官僚机构,以及如何塑造组织内官僚行为者之间的关系,我们仍然知之甚少。我们认为,重叠可以增强国际官僚的能力,但并非一视同仁。那些拥有成员国自主资源的官僚对其他组织的官僚来说是最有吸引力的对话者,因此也最有可能被赋予权力。在这种情况下,实务专业知识和正式能力的影响较小。我们通过研究一个被认为受到成员国严密保护的政策领域--安全与防务政策--来解读这一论点。根据原始文件和访谈,我们表明欧盟(EU)与北大西洋公约组织(NATO)的重叠使欧盟委员会能够利用其在欧盟内的地位为自己谋利,并进一步蚕食欧盟的安全与防务活动。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies
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