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Financial Absorption of Cohesion Policy Funds: How Do Programmes and Territorial Characteristics Influence the Pace of Spending? 凝聚政策基金的财政吸收:计划和地区特点如何影响支出速度?
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-07-01 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13640
Anabela M. Santos, Andrea Conte, Francesco Molica
Using data from the execution of 2014–2020 cohesion policy, this article presents a novel indicator to measure how fast European territories were able to spend their allocated budget and then explores the drivers of such financial performance. This analysis aims to fill a gap in scientific literature as most existing studies tend to focus solely on the total absorption at the end of the period without looking at the average financial performance over time. The article also explores the influence on financial absorption of the governance model (nationally or regionally managed programmes) and the thematic structure of the funds, which has never been done before. The determinants of the speed of financial absorption are investigated through a Tobit model. Results show that both programme‐specific and territorial characteristics are relevant factors in explaining the varying levels of fund absorption. This suggests that increased flexibility in spending rules and the adoption of more tailored strategies could be instrumental in improving fund absorption.
本文利用 2014-2020 年凝聚力政策的执行数据,提出了一个新颖的指标来衡量欧洲各地区能够以多快的速度花完分配给他们的预算,然后探讨了这种财务绩效的驱动因素。这一分析旨在填补科学文献中的空白,因为现有的大多数研究往往只关注期末的吸收总额,而不关注一段时间内的平均财务表现。文章还探讨了管理模式(国家或地区管理计划)和基金主题结构对资金吸收的影响,这是以前从未做过的。文章通过 Tobit 模型研究了资金吸收速度的决定因素。结果表明,计划的具体特点和地区特点都是解释不同资金吸收水平的相关因素。这表明,提高支出规则的灵活性和采取更有针对性的战略有助于改善资金吸收情况。
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引用次数: 0
Sending Signals or Building Bridges? Digital Sovereignty in EU Communicative and Co‐Ordinative Discourse 发送信号还是架设桥梁?欧盟交流与合作话语中的数字主权
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-27 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13638
Georg Wenzelburger, Pascal D. König
This article studies the role that ‘digital sovereignty’ performs in the EU's digital policy discourse comparing speeches by high‐level European Commission officials and Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). It indicates that the concept of digital sovereignty is not mentioned very frequently, neither in the European Parliament (EP) nor in the public statements of top EU officials. It is furthermore not closely linked to specific policy ideas, not even to the idea of promoting European values in the world as a way of openly projecting digital sovereignty outward. EP actors mainly refer to policy‐related aspects of digital sovereignty, and these show systematic affinities to parties' ideologies – primarily along an axis of economic development versus protecting personal rights – and to EP committees. Hence, digital sovereignty does not seem to mainly serve as normative idea directed at the public sphere but emerges as a common denominator to which different relevant actors within the EU decision‐making system can equally relate.
本文通过比较欧盟委员会高级官员和欧洲议会议员(MEPs)的发言,研究了 "数字主权 "在欧盟数字政策话语中所扮演的角色。研究表明,无论是在欧洲议会(EP)还是在欧盟高级官员的公开讲话中,数字主权的概念都没有被频繁提及。此外,它与具体的政策理念也没有密切联系,甚至与在全球推广欧洲价值观作为向外公开展示数字主权的方式的理念也没有联系。欧洲议会的行动者主要提及数字主权的政策相关方面,这些方面显示出与政党意识形态(主要是沿着经济发展与保护个人权利的轴心)和欧洲议会委员会的系统性联系。因此,数字主权似乎并不主要作为针对公共领域的规范性理念,而是作为欧盟决策系统内不同相关参与者可以平等联系的共同标准出现。
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引用次数: 0
The Geoeconomics of the Single Market for Financial Services 金融服务单一市场的地缘经济学
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-23 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13595
Lucia Quaglia, Amy Verdun

We discuss the geoeconomics of the Single Market in financial services in the European Union (EU). We examine three case studies that concern the EU and other major jurisdictions and that range from incipient geoeconomic use to outward weaponisation of the Single Market in finance. These cases are (1) the post-2008 crisis transatlantic tug of war, whereby the EU leveraged its Single Market vis-à-vis the United States, seeking to set the rules for global finance; (2) the Brexit negotiations, when the EU acted as a bloc against the United Kingdom and successfully safeguarded the integrity of the Single Market; and (3) the fulsome war in Ukraine, during which the EU ‘weaponised’ its Single Market through the adoption of financial sanctions against Russia. We argue that a combination of external and internal factors accounts for this pattern: the evolution of the international economic and political system, in particular, the increasing challenges to the liberal international order, and intra-EU developments, namely, the EU's ability to deploy its Single Market geoeconomically.

我们讨论欧盟金融服务单一市场的地缘经济学。我们研究了与欧盟和其他主要司法管辖区有关的三个案例研究,其范围从地缘经济的初步利用到金融单一市场的外向武器化。这些案例分别是:(1)2008 年危机后的跨大西洋拉锯战,欧盟利用其单一市场与美国对抗,寻求制定全球金融规则;(2)英国脱欧谈判,欧盟作为一个集团对抗英国,成功维护了单一市场的完整性;以及(3)乌克兰的全面战争,在此期间,欧盟通过对俄罗斯实施金融制裁,将其单一市场 "武器化"。我们认为,外部和内部因素的结合解释了这一模式:国际经济和政治体系的演变,尤其是自由国际秩序面临的日益严峻的挑战,以及欧盟内部的发展,即欧盟在地缘经济上部署其单一市场的能力。
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引用次数: 0
What Do Politicians Think of Technocratic Institutions? Attitudes in the European Parliament Towards the European Central Bank 政治家如何看待技术官僚机构?欧洲议会对欧洲中央银行的态度
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-06-21 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13626
Federico M. Ferrara, Donato Masciandaro, Manuela Moschella, Davide Romelli
Technocracy has come to be increasingly regarded as a threat to representative democracy. Significant attention has thus been recently devoted to exploring public preferences towards technocratic institutions. Elected policy‐makers' attitudes have instead not been investigated as systematically. This article fills this gap by examining politicians' views on central banks. Based on an original elite survey of the Members of the European Parliament (MEPs), we gauged elected policy‐makers' attitudes towards the mandate and policy conduct of the European Central Bank (ECB). Our findings show that the political orientation of politicians largely drives attitudes towards the ECB's institutional mandate. Interestingly, the findings from two experiments embedded in the survey also show that the attitudes of MEPs are not as static as ideological orientations would lead us to expect. The information set to which politicians are exposed significantly shapes their views on both the ECB's mandate and its policy conduct, but less on ECB independence.
技术民主越来越被视为对代议制民主的威胁。因此,近来人们把大量注意力放在了探索公众对技术官僚体制的偏好上。而民选政策制定者的态度却没有得到如此系统的研究。本文通过研究政治家对中央银行的看法填补了这一空白。基于对欧洲议会议员(MEPs)进行的原创精英调查,我们衡量了民选政策制定者对欧洲中央银行(ECB)的授权和政策行为的态度。我们的研究结果表明,政治家的政治取向在很大程度上决定了他们对欧洲央行机构使命的态度。有趣的是,调查中嵌入的两个实验结果也表明,欧洲议会议员的态度并不像意识形态取向所预期的那样一成不变。政治家们所接触到的信息极大地影响了他们对欧洲央行的职责及其政策行为的看法,但对欧洲央行独立性的看法则影响较小。
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引用次数: 0
Inside the European Union's Trade Machinery: Institutional Changes in an Age of Geoeconomics 欧盟贸易机制内幕:地缘经济时代的体制变革
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-05-28 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13625
Sjorre Couvreur
In the context of increasingly assertive behaviour in international trade policy, various scholars seem to agree on the presence of a ‘geoeconomic turn’ in European Union (EU) trade policy. Whilst various aspects of this turn have been studied, the way in which the EU's trade institution might have adapted to this new context remains unclear. Therefore, this article addresses the following research question: how has the Directorate‐General for Trade (DG Trade) adapted to the geoeconomic turn in international trade policy? Using an innovative historical institutionalist framework and directed content analysis, the article analyses EU official documents and 14 interviews with EU officials. We find that, despite apparent continuity, under President von der Leyen, a gradual process of institutional adaptation through different forms of layering and conversion has taken place within DG Trade, increasing the EU's geoeconomic capacities and geoeconomic thinking inside the EU's trade machinery.
在国际贸易政策日益强硬的背景下,不同学者似乎都认为欧盟贸易政策出现了 "地缘经济转向"。虽然已对这一转向的各个方面进行了研究,但欧盟的贸易体制如何适应这一新的背景仍不清楚。因此,本文探讨了以下研究问题:贸易总司(DG Trade)是如何适应国际贸易政策中的地缘经济转向的?文章采用创新的历史制度主义框架和定向内容分析,分析了欧盟官方文件和对欧盟官员的 14 次访谈。我们发现,在冯德莱恩主席的领导下,尽管表面上具有连续性,但在贸易总司内部,通过不同形式的分层和转换,已经形成了一个渐进的制度适应过程,提高了欧盟的地缘经济能力,增强了欧盟贸易机制内部的地缘经济思维。
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引用次数: 0
Fiscal Rules in the European Union: Less Is More 欧盟的财政规则:少即是多
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-05-19 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13628
Bogdan Căpraru, Anastasios Pappas, Nicu Sprincean
In this article, we examine the non‐linear relationship between the number of fiscal rules in place and compliance with the European Union's (EU) numerical fiscal targets included in the Stability and Growth Pact (SGP). Using a sample composed of 27 EU Member States for a period spanning 2000 to 2021, we document that countries' compliance with fiscal rules is positively associated with the number of numerical fiscal targets. However, this association only holds up to a specific threshold. Once this threshold is achieved, the relationship becomes negative, implying that the multiplication of numerical fiscal rules may undermine compliance, thereby reducing their effectiveness. In addition, we find that general elections and frequent changes in government reduce compliance, whereas economic adjustment programmes contribute positively to countries' compliance with fiscal targets. The findings bear critical policy implications against the backdrop of the current review of the European fiscal framework.
在本文中,我们研究了现行财政规则的数量与遵守《稳定与增长公约》(SGP)中包含的欧盟(EU)数字财政目标之间的非线性关系。通过对 2000 年至 2021 年期间 27 个欧盟成员国的抽样调查,我们发现各国对财政规则的遵守情况与数字财政目标的数量呈正相关。然而,这种关联只在达到特定阈值时才会成立。一旦达到这一临界值,两者之间的关系就会变为负相关,这意味着数字财政规则的倍增可能会影响遵守情况,从而降低其有效性。此外,我们还发现,大选和频繁的政府更迭会降低合规性,而经济调整计划则会对各国遵守财政目标起到积极作用。在当前对欧洲财政框架进行审查的背景下,这些研究结果具有重要的政策意义。
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引用次数: 0
Brexit Rhapsody: Exploring Patterns of Issue Salience in the Negotiations 英国脱欧狂想曲:探索谈判中问题的突出模式
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-05-06 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13624
David Moloney, Mads Dagnis Jensen
This study revisits the salience of the Brexit negotiations using an advanced Decision‐Making in the European Union (EU) methodology to assess the relative importance of 20 key issues amongst the EU27 member states, the European Commission and the UK. Unlike earlier studies that suggest more uniform salience levels, except for the UK, our analysis identifies eight clusters of actors influenced by their political, economic and geographical contexts. These differences in salience levels have been conducive to logrolling, which likely supported a unified EU stance and a successful agreement with the UK. Additionally, our research quantitatively confirms the UK's distinct salience position, highlighting its isolation and reducing its ability to use divisive negotiation tactics. These findings offer insights into both the dynamics of past Brexit negotiations and ongoing EU–UK policy developments. They contribute to the analysis of Brexit and international negotiations in general by systematically exploring salience in high‐level diplomatic negotiations.
本研究采用先进的欧盟决策(Decision-Making in the European Union,EU)方法重新审视了英国脱欧谈判的显著性,以评估欧盟 27 个成员国、欧盟委员会和英国之间 20 个关键问题的相对重要性。除英国外,早先的研究表明脱欧谈判的突出程度较为一致,与此不同的是,我们的分析确定了受政治、经济和地理环境影响的八个行动者集群。这些显著性水平的差异有利于 "逻辑滚动",这很可能支持了欧盟的统一立场和与英国的成功协议。此外,我们的研究从数量上证实了英国独特的突出地位,突出了其孤立性,削弱了其使用分裂性谈判策略的能力。这些发现为过去的英国脱欧谈判动态和当前的欧盟-英国政策发展提供了见解。它们通过系统地探索高层外交谈判中的显著性,为英国脱欧和国际谈判的总体分析做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
The Discursive Struggle for Digital Sovereignty: Security, Economy, Rights and the Cloud Project Gaia-X 数字主权的话语斗争:安全、经济权利与云项目 Gaia-X
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-05-03 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13594
Rebecca Adler-Nissen, Kristin Anabel Eggeling

This article explores the struggle for ‘digital sovereignty’ in the European Union (EU). A seeming contradiction – the internet, after all, spans the globe – digital sovereignty is portrayed as the winning geoeconomic formula to keep the EU secure, competitive and democratic in the digital future. Approaching digital sovereignty as a discursive claim and analysing it through a case study of the European cloud project Gaia-X, we show that there is no singular understanding of digital sovereignty in the EU. Instead, we identify six different conceptions across the domains of security, economy and rights. This article outlines three scenarios for how the digital sovereignty agenda may develop and thus shape the EU's digital policy and its relations with the rest of the world: constitutional tolerance (where the conceptions co-exist), hegemony (where one conception dominates) or collapse (where the agenda falls apart due to inbuilt conceptual contradictions).

本文探讨了欧洲联盟(欧盟)为争取 "数字主权 "而进行的斗争。数字主权看似矛盾--毕竟互联网横跨全球--却被描绘成欧盟在数字未来保持安全、竞争力和民主的制胜法宝。我们将数字主权视为一种话语主张,并通过对欧洲云项目 Gaia-X 的案例研究对其进行分析,结果表明欧盟对数字主权的理解并不单一。相反,我们在安全、经济和权利领域发现了六种不同的概念。本文概述了数字主权议程如何发展并进而塑造欧盟数字政策及其与世界其他地区关系的三种情况:宪法宽容(各种概念共存)、霸权(一种概念占主导地位)或崩溃(议程因内在概念矛盾而分崩离析)。
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引用次数: 0
The EU’s Transactional Approach to Rule of Law Spending Conditionality in the 2020s 欧盟对 2020 年代法治支出条件的交易方法
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-05-02 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13620
Pauline Thinus
Rule of law spending conditionality marks a turn in the EU’s strategy in the 2020s. The entry of this value into the budgetary sphere represents an economization process, creating room for the development of a transactional approach to rule of law compliance. This article defines this conceptual framework and examines the extent of its application through the case study of three budgetary instruments used during the 2021–2027 cycle: the Recovery and Resilience Facility, the Rule of Law Conditionality Regulation and the horizontal enabling condition of the Charter of Fundamental Rights. Contributing to the recent Europeanization literature, it also emphasizes the change in European governance and in the EU–Member State relationship triggered by the new conditionality culture following the succession of European crises, moving from a traditional politico‐legal enforcement model to a transactional one.
法治支出条件标志着欧盟 2020 年代战略的转折。这一价值进入预算领域代表了一个经济化过程,为发展交易型法治合规方法创造了空间。本文定义了这一概念框架,并通过对 2021-2027 年周期中使用的三个预算工具的案例研究,考察了其应用范围:恢复和复原融资机制、法治条件条例和《基本权利宪章》的横向授权条件。作为对近期欧洲化文献的贡献,本报告还强调了欧洲危机接踵而至后新的附加条件文化所引发的欧洲治理和欧盟与成员国关系的变化,即从传统的政治-法律执行模式转变为交易模式。
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引用次数: 0
Geoeconomic Power Europe: When Global Power Competition Drives EU Integration 欧洲地缘经济力量:当全球权力竞争推动欧盟一体化时
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-04-18 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13596
Pierre Haroche

The European Union's (EU's) ‘geoeconomic turn’ denotes the growing integration of international security considerations into EU economic policies. This article introduces the concept of ‘geoeconomic power Europe’ to show how this development has the potential to renew debates on the nature of EU power. Most existing conceptualisations of EU power – whether characterised as civilian, normative, market based, regulatory or liberal – tend to focus on the EU's endogenous characteristics. However, the added value of the concept of geoeconomic power is that it redirects attention to the ‘co-constitution’ loop between global power competition and the evolution of EU power. In this article, I present an analytical framework that highlights the drivers of EU geoeconomic power and distinguishes between systemic pressures, the intra-EU policy process and the impact on EU power. I conclude that the concept of geoeconomic power Europe can help to bridge theories of international security and economic interdependence, particularly neorealism and neofunctionalism.

欧洲联盟(欧盟)的 "地缘经济转向 "意味着国际安全因素日益融入欧盟的经济政策。本文介绍了 "欧洲地缘经济力量 "的概念,以说明这一发展如何有可能重新引发有关欧盟力量性质的辩论。大多数现有的欧盟权力概念--无论是民事权力、规范权力、市场权力、监管权力还是自由权力--都倾向于关注欧盟的内生特征。然而,地缘经济权力概念的附加价值在于,它将人们的注意力重新引向了全球权力竞争与欧盟权力演变之间的 "共构 "循环。在本文中,我提出了一个分析框架,强调了欧盟地缘经济力量的驱动因素,并区分了系统压力、欧盟内部政策进程和对欧盟力量的影响。我的结论是,欧洲地缘经济力量的概念有助于弥合国际安全理论和经济相互依存理论,特别是新现实主义和新功能主义。
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引用次数: 0
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Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies
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