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Thank You to Reviewers List July 2024–July 2025 感谢审稿人名单2024年7月- 2025年7月
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-11-02 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70059
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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-10-28 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70055
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引用次数: 0
The European Union in Turbulent Times: Geopolitical Context, Internal Fragilities and Different Visions of Europe 动荡时期的欧盟:地缘政治背景、内部脆弱性和欧洲的不同愿景
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-10-07 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70042
Gianfranco Baldini, Elena Baracani, Sorina Cristina Soare

Following the 2024 European elections, the European Union (EU) has pursued a strategy of institutional continuity to address growing geopolitical instability and intensifying domestic contestation, especially from populist and radical-right forces. By doing this, the EU prioritised leadership stability, preserved its pro-European parliamentary majority and reaffirmed its core policy agenda (Baldini et al., 2024). However, beneath this surface of continuity, cracks in the political and normative foundations of European integration have widened. Across the continent, mainstream parties continue to lose ground to an increasingly diverse array of challengers who question the EU's trajectory and, more specifically, its compatibility with national interests. Although no major political force currently advocates EU withdrawal, the commitment to further integration has become notably more fragile. In keeping with the tradition of the Annual Review (AR) of the EU of the Journal of Common Market Studies, this editorial reflects on the geopolitical, institutional and electoral developments shaping the Union in 2024 and the first half of 2025. The increasingly complex and overlapping nature of contemporary crises complicates the distinction between retrospective analysis and forward-looking reflection. Much of what has unfolded cannot be understood as a series of isolated events. Instead, these developments represent the intensification of structural transformations that have been reshaping the EU for over a decade (Fabbrini, 2019; Schimmelfennig, 2024). Whilst presenting the main developments and dynamics that have characterised the EU during 2024, this editorial introduces additional topics and issues to be explored in detail in the next AR.

The 2024-focused AR maintains almost unchanged the structure inaugurated in the previous issue. It opens with the keynote lecture by Malešević (2025), held by the author on 5 June 2025 at the London School of Economics and Political Science, which challenges the dominant view that Europe is unlikely to face renewed interstate war or resurgent nationalism. The author contends that such presentist interpretations overlook the longue durée dynamics of nationalism and organised violence. Drawing on comparative historical sociology, Malešević shows that nationalism and warfare remain deeply embedded in Europe's structural and societal conditions. His contribution convincingly situates the recent return of interstate conflict and the renewed salience of nationalism within broader historical continuities. This general overview provides the toile de fond for the more specific analyses of EU institutions (Part 1), EU policies (Part 2) and electoral developments in the member states and beyond (Part 3). The new ‘Quo Vadis Europa?’ section intermediates the transition to these parts, presenting some reflections on the New Intergovernmentalism (NI) u

在2024年欧洲大选之后,欧盟(EU)采取了一项制度连续性战略,以应对日益增长的地缘政治不稳定和日益加剧的国内竞争,特别是来自民粹主义和极右翼势力的竞争。通过这样做,欧盟优先考虑了领导层的稳定性,保留了其亲欧洲的议会多数席位,并重申了其核心政策议程(Baldini et al., 2024)。然而,在这种连续性的表象之下,欧洲一体化的政治和规范基础的裂缝已经扩大。在整个欧洲大陆,主流政党继续败给越来越多样化的挑战者,这些挑战者质疑欧盟的发展轨迹,更具体地说,质疑欧盟与国家利益的兼容性。尽管目前没有主要政治力量主张退出欧盟,但进一步一体化的承诺已明显变得更加脆弱。根据《共同市场研究杂志》欧盟年度评论(AR)的传统,这篇社论反映了2024年和2025年上半年塑造欧盟的地缘政治、制度和选举发展。当代危机日益复杂和重叠的性质使回顾性分析和前瞻性反思之间的区别复杂化。许多已经发生的事情不能被理解为一系列孤立的事件。相反,这些发展代表了十多年来重塑欧盟的结构转型的加剧(Fabbrini, 2019; Schimmelfennig, 2024)。在介绍欧盟在2024年期间的主要发展和动态的同时,这篇社论介绍了下一期AR中要详细探讨的其他主题和问题。以2024年为重点的AR几乎保持了上一期中开创的结构不变。本书以作者于2025年6月5日在伦敦政治经济学院(London School of Economics and Political Science)举办的Malešević(2025)主题演讲开场,该演讲挑战了欧洲不太可能面临新的国家间战争或民族主义复兴的主流观点。作者认为,这种现代主义的解释忽视了民族主义和有组织暴力的长期持续动态。利用比较历史社会学,Malešević表明民族主义和战争仍然深深植根于欧洲的结构和社会条件。他的贡献令人信服地将最近国家间冲突的回归和民族主义的重新突出置于更广泛的历史连续性中。这一总体概述为更具体地分析欧盟机构(第1部分)、欧盟政策(第2部分)和成员国及其以外的选举发展(第3部分)提供了基础。新的《欧洲现状》(Quo Vadis Europa?)部分是过渡到这些部分的中间部分,提出了对欧洲一体化进程的新政府间主义(NI)理解的一些反思。Hodson和Puetter(2025)认为,10年过去了,NI关于没有超国家主义的后马斯特里赫特一体化的概念——一体化悖论——仍然引起了共鸣。他们认为,面对危机,欧盟机构已经变得更像一个政府,但在没有超国家化和全面议会化的情况下,它们继续拥抱一体化,而坐在欧洲理事会(EUCO)的国家元首或政府首脑仍然主导着欧盟的决策。通过这样做,欧盟克服了政策挑战。尽管如此,它还积累了更大的政治问题,如对欧盟和执政精英的信任进一步受到侵蚀,以及公开蔑视欧盟政策和价值观的挑战者政府的崛起(Hodson和Puetter, 2025)。基于对2009年后时期的危机——主权债务危机、流行病危机、能源和安全危机——的实证分析,Fabbrini(2025)的贡献证实了一体化悖论,因为这些危机要求找到共同的解决方案,导致了欧盟一体化的增加,但没有导致欧盟的超国家化。它们由各国政府决定,并导致加强政府间治理的政策解决方案,对欧盟的有效性和合法性产生负面影响(Fabbrini, 2025)。Genschel和Jachtenfuchs(2025)为NI提供了进一步的理论完善,他们关注一体化的模式——规则制定或能力建设——他们声称,虽然通过规则制定的一体化往往带有超国家主义,但通过能力建设的一体化往往没有超国家主义,因为它给成员国的职能;没有超国家主义的一体化的构成属性(政府间协调、共识和审议以及新生机构)有助于解决分配和政治控制问题(Genschel和Jachtenfuchs, 2025)。 鉴于专家们最近的呼吁(德拉吉,2024;莱塔,2024;Niinistö, 2024),欧盟在国防、研究、工业政策和基础设施方面的能力建设,以应对当前具有挑战性的地缘政治和地缘经济环境,这一点非常有说服力(见本报告的“关键辩论”部分)。作为另一个小创新,今年,关于欧盟机构的第一部分包括了一个更名为“关键辩论”的部分,在这个部分中,不同的作者将德拉吉和莱塔报告作为文本和借口,在不确定时期对欧盟战略进行更细致的反思,这些不确定时期受到国内政治发展和国际重组的影响。之前的AR以与一本重要著作的作者的动态对话为特色,而今年的辩论围绕四个不同的分析视角展开,对欧盟议程的挑战、机遇和主要障碍进行了细致入微的理解。最后,和去年一样,Pareschi编撰的年表(2025b)为读者提供了一个准确、微妙和简洁的概述,根据事件发生的层次——国际、欧盟和成员国——对年度最重要的事件进行了分类。这个版本的AR实现了几乎完美的性别平衡。高级和初级学者都参与了在联合研究课题上加强国际学术合作。我们还努力通过吸引来自世界各地的作者和增强AR的多学科元素来扩大AR的全球范围,这是我们将在未来的版本中进一步追求的任务。欧盟在2024年至2025年上半年运作的地缘政治背景主要表现为与美国新政府的分歧、俄罗斯在乌克兰的战争继续以及以色列在加沙的战争。所有这些发展都使欧盟更难在成员国之间就欧盟的外部角色维持或达成共识,从而限制了欧盟作为一个可信和自主的全球行动者的能力。我们认为,唐纳德·特朗普总统于2025年1月重返白宫(见Ahmed, 2025)对欧盟产生了至关重要的相互关联的影响。首先,它不仅挑战了跨大西洋关系的主要支柱,对欧盟政策、国防、与北约的关系和贸易产生了重大影响,而且还引入了对欧盟历史上所基于的共同价值观的不同理解,这有可能导致欧盟成员国之间日益分裂(Samson, 2025)。在2025年的慕尼黑安全会议(Munich Security Conference)上,美国官员以司法独立和媒体多元化面临威胁为由,对欧盟部分地区民主倒退的担忧,揭示了政策分歧以及有关共同政治价值观的更深刻问题。其次,随着特朗普总统放弃了美国为确保欧洲和平而投资的长期历史,并与以美国利益为先的外交政策范式(Schmitt, 2025)保持一致(Schmitt, 2025),欧盟首次有了一个关键机会,可以朝着实现其长期以来(尽管经常是口头上的)战略自治的目标迈进。在这种新的背景下,美国的支持不再是理所当然的,这给欧盟防务带来了额外的紧迫感,有利于欧盟和北约层面的关键发展(见Howorth, 2025)。首先,在欧盟层面,尽管自2022年3月的《凡尔赛宣言》(Versailles Declaration)以来,防务一直是欧盟议程的重中之重,但事件和决策的速度明显加快。欧共体主席安东尼奥·科斯塔于2025年2月3日召集国家元首和政府首脑举行欧盟领导人非正式会议,首次专门讨论防务问题1(《欧洲评论》,2025a/1-post,第1页,另见科斯塔,2025年)。一个月后,在2025年3月6日的特别EUCO框架中,hogs强调“欧洲必须……对自己的防御更加负责,并更好地采取行动,自主应对当前和未来的挑战”(EUCO, 2025a)。他们还支持所谓的“重整欧洲”计划,该计划由欧盟委员会主席乌苏拉·冯德莱恩在两天前提出,到2030年通过不同的工具动员8
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引用次数: 0
Democratic Contention and the 2024 US Presidential Election 民主党之争与2024年美国总统大选
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-10-06 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70045
Amel Ahmed
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引用次数: 0
Environmental Supply Chain Regulations in a Changing Market Environment: Exploring the EU's Regulatory Power in the Cocoa Sector in Ghana 不断变化的市场环境中的环境供应链法规:探索欧盟在加纳可可行业的监管权力
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-22 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70031
Katharina Weber

The article explores the European Union's (EU) regulatory power through supply chain initiatives, in the context of shifting market dynamics towards China and Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). Focusing on the EU Regulation on Deforestation-free products (EUDR) and the cocoa sector in Ghana as a most likely case study, the article employs qualitative data from semi-structured interviews to analyse the presence and potential of a Brussels effect. The findings suggest that whilst the EUDR could serve as a catalyst for ongoing sustainability and transparency efforts, emerging compliance structures contribute to the fragmentation of supply chains, reinforcing market segmentation. Moreover, the article argues that unilateral market access requirements tend to prioritise formal compliance over addressing substantive issues. The article highlights the complexities of externalising EU regulations, critically discussing the lack of normativity in the theoretical framework of the Brussels effect and raising questions about North–South relations in global regulatory power dynamics.

本文探讨了在市场动态向中国和东南亚国家联盟(东盟)转移的背景下,欧盟(EU)通过供应链倡议的监管权力。本文以欧盟无森林砍伐产品法规(EUDR)和加纳可可行业为最可能的案例研究,采用半结构化访谈的定性数据来分析布鲁塞尔效应的存在和潜力。研究结果表明,虽然EUDR可以作为持续可持续性和透明度努力的催化剂,但新兴的合规结构有助于供应链的碎片化,加强了市场细分。此外,文章认为,单方面的市场准入要求往往优先于形式上的遵守,而不是解决实质性问题。本文强调了欧盟法规外部化的复杂性,批判性地讨论了布鲁塞尔效应理论框架中缺乏规范性的问题,并提出了全球监管权力动态中的南北关系问题。
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引用次数: 0
The Long-Term Effects of Populism on Foreign Policy: Berlusconi's Legacy and Its Impact on Italy's Approach to the EU and International Politics 民粹主义对外交政策的长期影响:贝卢斯科尼的遗产及其对意大利对待欧盟和国际政治的影响
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-21 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70033
Sandra Destradi, Emidio Diodato

What are the long-term effects of populism on foreign policy? This aspect has not been addressed yet by the burgeoning literature on the international consequences of populism. In this contribution, we hypothesise that the two distinctive features of populist foreign policy-making, mobilisation/politicisation and personalisation/centralisation, leave a long-term imprint on foreign policy. We carry out a first plausibility probe of our hypotheses by addressing the legacy of Silvio Berlusconi on Italy's foreign policy. To that end, we trace elements of continuity and change in subsequent populist and non-populist governments. We find that the politicisation of foreign policy that was distinctively promoted by Berlusconi has remained a feature of Italian foreign policy across all successive governments. This concerns especially Italy's approach to the European Union and migration policies. Moreover, the personalisation of politics initiated by Berlusconi and the trend towards a strengthening of the Presidency of the Council of Ministers were taken over by successive Italian governments, including by technocratic ones.

民粹主义对外交政策的长期影响是什么?关于民粹主义的国际后果的新兴文献尚未解决这方面的问题。在这篇文章中,我们假设民粹主义外交政策制定的两个显著特征,动员/政治化和个性化/集中化,在外交政策上留下了长期的印记。我们通过讨论西尔维奥·贝卢斯科尼对意大利外交政策的影响,对我们的假设进行了第一次可行性调查。为此,我们在随后的民粹主义和非民粹主义政府中追踪了连续性和变化的因素。我们发现,贝卢斯科尼明显推动的外交政策政治化,一直是意大利历届政府外交政策的一个特点。这尤其涉及意大利对欧盟和移民政策的态度。此外,贝卢斯科尼发起的政治个人化和加强部长会议主席职位的趋势被历届意大利政府(包括技术官僚政府)所继承。
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引用次数: 0
From Pitch Perfect to Epic Fail: The Green Parties and the Green Deal in the European Elections 从完美的音调到史诗般的失败:欧洲选举中的绿党和绿色协议
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-07 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70030
Sergiu Gherghina
<p>After achieving their most successful result at the 2019 European Parliament elections, Green parties sustained relevant losses in 2024 that took them back to their electoral performance in 2014. Some may argue that 2019 was the exception from the usual support that Green parties enjoy in the European elections. Such an exception could be due, amongst others, to increasing levels of awareness and concern about the threats of climate change and environmental degradation, to their absence from national governments (Pearson and Rüdig, <span>2020</span>) or to national electoral contexts (Han and Finke, <span>2023</span>). Others may claim that the overall loss of support in 2024 was mainly driven to the poor electoral performance of the French and German Greens that lost eight and nine seats compared to 5 years before.</p><p>In spite of these valid arguments, there are at least two elements that raise question marks about the general loss of votes by the European Greens in 2024. First, the European agenda was favourable to the Green parties because the EU Commission presented in December 2019 the European Green Deal. This was a series of measures and policies aiming to transform the EU into a resource-efficient economy and climate-neutral by 2050. This provided the ideal platform on which Green parties could mobilise the electorate. Second, several newly formed Green parties gained more seats in 2024 compared to 2019. The emergence of these parties followed two distinct patterns: on the one hand, they consolidated their presence in established strongholds, notably Volt in Germany and the Netherlands, where green issues were already salient amongst voters. On the other hand, they managed to gain traction in countries where their political footprint has traditionally been marginal, as evidenced by the growing support for We Can! in Croatia, Green Europe in Italy and the Progressives in Latvia. Equally important, apart from the French and the German Greens, other parties from the traditional Northern and Western European Green strongholds succeeded to mobilise their supporters to similar extent. Some of the these, such as the Swedish Greens, augmented their electoral support whilst others such as the Dutch Green Left maintained their previous performance.</p><p>This change in electoral support has been partially explained by a relative decline in the salience of climate issues against the backdrop of a cost-of-living crisis across the EU, Russia's invasion of Ukraine and the corresponding impacts on energy prices (Goldthau and Youngs, <span>2023</span>). There are other explanations for national-level backlash against green policies, often driven by right-wing populist parties that mobilised against the climate and energy transitions and that made major gains during the 2024 European election (Mudde, <span>2024</span>). At EU level, possible explanations include the slow implementation of the Green Deal, the comprehensive plan aimed at making Europe
在2019年欧洲议会选举中取得最成功的结果后,绿党在2024年的选举中遭受了相应的损失,这使他们回到了2014年的选举表现。有些人可能会说,2019年是绿党在欧洲选举中通常获得支持的例外。这种例外可能是由于,除其他外,对气候变化和环境退化威胁的认识和关注水平不断提高,国家政府(Pearson and r<e:1>, 2020)或国家选举背景(Han and Finke, 2023)。有人可能会说,2024年的总体支持率下降主要是由于法国和德国绿党的选举表现不佳,与5年前相比,他们分别失去了8个和9个席位。尽管有这些站得住脚的论点,但至少有两个因素让人对欧洲绿党在2024年大选中的普遍失利打上了问号。首先,欧洲议程对绿党有利,因为欧盟委员会于2019年12月提出了《欧洲绿色协议》。这是一系列旨在到2050年将欧盟转变为资源节约型经济体和气候中和型经济体的措施和政策。这为绿党动员选民提供了理想的平台。其次,与2019年相比,几个新成立的绿党在2024年获得了更多席位。这些政党的出现遵循两种截然不同的模式:一方面,他们巩固了自己在既定据点的存在,特别是德国和荷兰的Volt,在那里,绿色问题已经在选民中很突出。另一方面,他们设法在那些政治足迹传统上被边缘化的国家获得牵引力,正如对We Can!克罗地亚、意大利的绿色欧洲和拉脱维亚的进步党。同样重要的是,除了法国和德国的绿党,其他来自传统的北欧和西欧绿党大本营的政党也成功地动员了他们的支持者。其中一些,如瑞典绿党,增加了他们的选举支持,而其他的,如荷兰绿色左翼,保持了他们以前的表现。在整个欧盟的生活成本危机、俄罗斯入侵乌克兰及其对能源价格的相应影响的背景下,气候问题的显著性相对下降,部分解释了选举支持的这种变化(Goldthau and young, 2023)。对于国家层面上对绿色政策的强烈反对,还有其他的解释,通常是由右翼民粹主义政党推动的,这些政党动员起来反对气候和能源转型,并在2024年欧洲选举中取得了重大进展(Mudde, 2024)。在欧盟层面,可能的解释包括《绿色协议》(Green Deal)的缓慢实施,这是一项旨在使欧洲成为第一个零气候影响大陆的综合计划,以及几位政治参与者对此的争论。绿色协议立法于2021年7月通过(欧盟气候法),但在2024年选举之前才采取了第一次行动(Bocquillon, 2024)。绿色协议立法的实施需要大量投资,欧洲机构、成员国和公民有望做出巨大贡献。这决定了几个政治行动者,如欧洲人民党,对绿色协议立法中的一系列条款提出质疑(Tosun, 2023)。所有这些发展导致一些评论员质疑,自2019年以来在欧洲绿色协议框架下推出的雄心勃勃的环境政策能否在2024年选举产生的议会中持续下去(Bocquillon, 2024; Sandmann等人,2024)。到目前为止,绿党在2024年任期内的政策议程仍主要致力于该协议,但与上一任期相比,其热情、实质和具体的行动方式有所减少。本文论证并提供证据说明,欧洲绿党在2019年和2024年选举前制定“绿色协议”政策的方式可以解释这种选举变化。对欧洲选举宣言的框架分析表明,在2019年,许多绿党很好地适应了不断变化的政治和经济环境,并提出了不同的战略来影响环境和气候议程。2024年,尽管制定了这样的议程,并采取了一些行动,但许多绿党没有利用这些成就,也没有围绕政策的实施展开讨论,尽管他们对气候政策的讨论要多得多。这些信息是重复的(就像2019年一样),并专注于有时难以掌握的不太突出的问题。他们批评绿色协议,或者试图转移到另一个话题,而没有完成绿色协议。 这些趋势还与绿党政策议程的多样化有关,该议程必须考虑到卫生、冲突、人权和外交政策问题。下一节将讨论《欧洲绿色协议》的发展及其政治化。第二部分简要介绍了分析中使用的数据和方法。接下来,文章提出了主要发现,并确定了绿党选举动员有限的三个潜在原因。文章总结了这一分析的几个主要结论,以及对绿党在选举中的表现的一般影响。欧盟环境政策的起源可以追溯到20世纪70年代初(Jordan and Gravey, 2021),欧盟环境政策的最初发展可以追溯到20世纪90年代(Dupont et al., 2024)。绿色协议的概念超越了欧盟,并在2008年美国总统大选前一年进入主流话语,当时一篇专栏文章认为,拥有明确环境和能源议程的候选人将在竞选中占据上风(Friedman, 2007)。2013年,英国政府通过了一项旨在提高住房能源效率的“绿色协议”政策。由于政策设计、有限的财务吸引力和与消费者的狭隘接触等原因,该计划失败了(Rosenow and Eyre, 2016)。它在启动两年半后就被终止了。2019年,美国众议院提交了一份由一名女众议员和一名参议员起草的决议,内容涉及通过10年动员实现温室气体净零排放来应对气候危机(Mastini et al., 2021)。欧盟委员会主席于2019年12月提出了《欧洲绿色协议》,作为一项变革性议程,其中包括一系列政策举措,旨在到2030年将温室气体净排放量减少至少55%,到2050年达到气候中和,使欧盟经济可持续发展,包括支持清洁产品和技术,确保公正和包容性转型,并鼓励转型运输系统。《绿色协议》的资金总额约为1万亿欧元,有关资金调动的细节将在1个月后以《欧洲绿色协议投资计划》的形式提出。尽管面临一些财政和法律挑战(Sikora, 2021),欧洲气候法于2021年通过,以确保欧盟政策有助于欧洲绿色协议目标,并确保成员国的经济和社会参与这一进程。在冯德莱恩委员会2019-2024年任期内,气候立法一直是《欧洲绿色协议》的主要成就。随着时间的推移,欧盟环境政策的坚定倡导者欧洲议会(Burns, 2019)宣布了气候紧急情况,并就《欧洲绿色协议》进行了辩论。它提供了一个独特的跨国公共领域,用于论证和辩护,确定气候变化问题和后果,讨论潜在的解决方案或代表公民利益提出要求的舞台(Kinski和Servent, 2022)。先前关于这些辩论的研究结果表明,议员们涵盖了广泛的主题,从欧盟内部分配或气候变化责任的全球分配到公正过渡、环境退化到欧盟的国际角色或对超国家政策的批评(Pollex, 2025)。虽然欧洲绿色协议通常可以与代表制和民主联系起来(Buzogány等人,2025),但气候问题的政治化与政策采纳和选举背景都特别相关。在政策采纳方面,气候变化的政治化导致成员国政府不愿实现欧洲绿色协议目标(Witajewska-Baltvilka et al., 2024)。在选举舞台上,三四十年前作为单一议题政治参与者出现的绿党,其特点是关注环境。他们逐渐发展了自己的政策立场,以涵盖其他领域,但在环境方面仍然突出(van Haute, 2016)。近十年来成立的绿党一开始是作为多议题政党存在的,主要关注气候变化,但也涉及其他问题,如平等、移民、教育或健康,例如,我们可以!在克罗地亚。然而,绿党确实(不再)垄断了与环境相关的话题。在全国大选中,许多社会民主党或自由党都在处理气候问题,而在2019年大选之前,ALDE和PES党团的宣言比平时更“环保”(Biedenkopf et al., 2023)。总
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引用次数: 0
Europeanisation and Cultural Variation in Policy-Making: The Case of the EU Positive Energy Districts Initiative 决策中的欧洲化与文化差异:以欧盟正能量区倡议为例
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-02 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13769
Erkinai Derkenbaeva, Han Kyul Yoo, Gert Jan Hofstede, Kostas Galanakis, Robert Ackrill

EU-wide policy-making can potentially involve considerable variety in the styles of policy implementation response across member states. This is one manifestation of Europeanisation: how EU membership impacts member states. This variety across member states has been sustained, as EU policy-making expands into new policy areas, alongside developments in experimentalist modes of governance. In this study, we offer new insights into Europeanisation by exploring the issue of national culture as developed by Geert and Gert Jan Hofstede. We analyse how cultural variation can have a profound impact on preferred local policy-making styles, demonstrating how a culturally sensitive lens highlights different policy means being adopted to achieve common policy goals. To explore this empirically, we analyse interview data from experts in renewable energy system development, specifically around how they perceive the implementation approaches for the relatively new concept of positive energy districts (PEDs) in Amsterdam, Lisbon and Vienna. We develop an analytical framework drawing together key enabling elements of PEDs with different implicit cultural models. We find that expert insights into PED development align with the theoretical lens of cultural variation. We conclude that cultural variation can have a significant impact on how member states respond to and implement EU-level policy goals.

欧盟范围内的政策制定可能涉及各成员国在政策实施响应方式上的相当大的差异。这是欧洲化的一个表现:欧盟成员国身份如何影响成员国。随着欧盟政策制定扩展到新的政策领域,以及实验性治理模式的发展,成员国之间的这种多样性一直在持续。在这项研究中,我们通过探索由Geert和Gert Jan Hofstede提出的民族文化问题,为欧洲化提供了新的见解。我们分析了文化差异如何对偏好的地方政策制定风格产生深远影响,展示了文化敏感的镜头如何突出采用不同的政策手段来实现共同的政策目标。为了从经验上探讨这一点,我们分析了可再生能源系统开发专家的访谈数据,特别是他们如何看待阿姆斯特丹、里斯本和维也纳相对较新的正能量区(ped)概念的实施方法。我们开发了一个分析框架,将不同隐含文化模型的ped的关键支持元素结合在一起。我们发现专家对PED发展的见解与文化差异的理论视角一致。我们得出结论,文化差异会对成员国如何响应和实施欧盟层面的政策目标产生重大影响。
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引用次数: 0
EU Social Policy in 2024: Parliamentary Politics for Social Europe 2024年的欧盟社会政策:社会欧洲的议会政治
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-09-02 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70032
Bastian Kenn
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引用次数: 0
Central Bankers as Migrating Birds: How Inflation Shapes the Rhetorical Strategies of Doves and Hawks 中央银行家是候鸟:通货膨胀如何塑造鸽派和鹰派的修辞策略
IF 3.3 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2025-08-31 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.70017
Jérôme Deyris, Bart Stellinga, Matthias Thiemann

The Eurosystem is built on a compelling promise: shielded from national politics, ECB Governing Council members would be better positioned to deploy their science-based expertise. Far from embodying this ideal, scholars have documented central bankers' opportunistic engagement with the ideas underpinning monetary policy. Whilst studies have often attributed this to reputation management strategies, we show how deeply entrenched national preferences – whether hawkish or dovish – shape how central bankers frame inflationary developments and prescribe policy solutions. Based on a quantitative and qualitative study of Eurozone central bank governors' speeches from 2014 to 2023, we reveal patterns of selective engagement with economic data, strategic scepticism regarding theories and indicators and weaponised uncertainty to support or cast doubt on monetary policy action. Crucially, these rhetorical strategies are leveraged conditionally on the inflation season, leading doves and hawks to act as migrating birds, embracing the other camp's position when economic circumstances change. Casting further doubt upon the proclaimed science-based neutrality of central bankers, our study shows that central bank speeches should not be merely studied as reflections of policy learning or as instruments of reputation management but also as rhetorical tools to achieve national policy preferences.

欧元体系建立在一个令人信服的承诺之上:不受国家政治的影响,欧洲央行管理委员会(ECB Governing Council)成员将更有能力运用他们基于科学的专业知识。学者们非但没有体现这一理想,反而记录了央行官员对支撑货币政策的理念的机会主义参与。虽然研究通常将其归因于声誉管理策略,但我们展示了根深蒂固的国家偏好——无论是鹰派还是鸽派——如何影响央行官员如何制定通胀发展和制定政策解决方案。基于对2014年至2023年欧元区央行行长演讲的定量和定性研究,我们揭示了选择性参与经济数据的模式,对理论和指标的战略怀疑以及将不确定性武器化以支持或怀疑货币政策行动。至关重要的是,这些修辞策略是有条件地依赖于通胀季节,导致鸽派和鹰派充当候鸟,在经济环境发生变化时接受另一方的立场。我们的研究进一步质疑央行行长宣称的基于科学的中立性,表明央行的讲话不应仅仅作为政策学习的反映或声誉管理的工具来研究,还应作为实现国家政策偏好的修辞工具。
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引用次数: 0
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Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies
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