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Examination of the Critical Infrastructure Resilience Directive From the Maritime Point of View
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-12-18 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13681
Marcos Julien Alexopoulos, Arto Niemi, Bartosz Skobiej, Frank Sill Torres

This article evaluates the implementation challenges of the Critical Entities Resilience (CER) Directive in comparison with the Network and Information Security (NIS) Directive and the Floods Directive (FD) within the European Union (EU). CER, which aims to enhance the resilience of critical entities, including critical maritime infrastructure, allows for considerable interpretative flexibility by Member States in defining critical entities and security measures. This flexibility could lead to heterogeneous impacts, introducing inconsistencies that hinder the functioning of the single market, and thereby resilience uniformity across the EU. In contrast, the FD's structured approach with clear objectives and detailed reporting requirements has led to a more consistent and effective implementation. This paper argues that the lack of specificity in the CER Directive may undermine its effectiveness. It suggests that adopting a more structured approach similar to the FD could improve the implementation consistency and resilience of critical entities across the EU.

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引用次数: 0
Index 指数
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-12-11 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13712
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引用次数: 0
Thank you to Reviewers list July 2023 – July 2024 感谢评审名单2023年7月- 2024年7月
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-18 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13715
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引用次数: 0
Fighting for Europe: The EU's Democratic Pull Phenomenon in Ukraine, Poland and Belarus 为欧洲而战:欧盟在乌克兰、波兰和白俄罗斯的民主拉扯现象
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-11-10 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13699
Olga Onuch

What drives ordinary citizens to want their country to join or stay in the European Union (EU)? Whilst scholarship addressed value-based dispositions as drivers of pro-EU positions, material benefits dominate explanations of support for EU accession and membership. New research suggests that it is precisely the growing import of being an adherent of liberal democratic values that drove citizens in countries as disparate as Ukraine, Poland and Belarus to support EU accession and remained the key driver for those already in the Union wanting to stay in. Employing national surveys and regression analyses, this article shows that (a) not only is a shift to supporting EU accession accompanied by citizens also moving towards supporting democracy in Ukraine; (b) this EU democratic pull phenomenon can also be identified amongst citizens of other EU neighbourhood countries, as well as in EU member states.

是什么促使普通公民希望自己的国家加入或留在欧洲联盟(欧盟)?虽然学术界将基于价值的倾向作为亲欧盟立场的驱动力,但物质利益在解释支持加入欧盟和成为欧盟成员国的原因时占主导地位。新的研究表明,正是由于自由民主价值观的影响越来越大,才促使乌克兰、波兰和白俄罗斯等不同国家的公民支持加入欧盟,并且仍然是那些已经加入欧盟的国家希望留在欧盟的主要驱动力。本文利用国家调查和回归分析表明:(a) 不仅乌克兰公民转向支持加入欧盟,而且乌克兰公民也转向支持民主;(b) 这种欧盟民主拉动现象也可以在其他欧盟邻国以及欧盟成员国的公民中发现。
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引用次数: 0
Where Should Europe End? Constructing the Eastern Frontier 欧洲应该在哪里结束?建设东部边疆
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-10-22 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13697
Alina Mungiu-Pippidi
<p>The world's first thinker to dedicate an entire work to borders, Lord Curzon, remarked that by the 20th century, most wars came about due to rivalry over the state borders, with the more personalistic reasons of the past – vengeance, honour, faith – becoming historical vestiges (Lord Curzon, <span>1907</span>). Ten years after the collapse of the Berlin Wall, Václav Havel warned that another arrangement needs to be put in place, because ‘blurred borders’ – ‘the uncertainty as to where entities began and where they ended’ – had been the most frequent causes of wars in the 20th century (Havel, <span>2001</span>). Despite efforts to diminish or eliminate them, the importance of borders (hard or soft) has not gone away from contemporary Europe, the home to the world's most ambitious project in supranational government, the European Union (EU). On one hand, new challenges affecting their nature make borders return with a vengeance (Christiansen and Jørgensen, <span>2000</span>; Zielonka, <span>2017</span>). On the other, the old understanding of borders as demarcation between two sovereign states in the European post-Westphalian system (Starr, <span>2006</span>, p. 3) resurfaced to prominence due to Brexit, the crisis of refugees and the Russian invasion of Ukraine (Bakardjieva Engelbrekt et al., <span>2024</span>). With an ongoing war in Eastern Europe, and European states officially supporting Ukraine against Russia, the question of where lies the EU's ultimate Eastern frontier becomes crucial. But is there an objective answer to this question – one that geography, international law or political science can provide a full answer to?</p><p>And yet 25 years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the EU had so much to rejoice in. A simple look at the map of the European continent (see Figure 1) showed a remarkable reversal of fortunes between the West and the East of the continent. The Soviet colours, which had engulfed Berlin and edged the outskirts of Vienna and Trieste, had by then given way to the EU colours in the centre, the South and the North. The consequence of European and NATO enlargement towards the East, however, was the gradual elimination of the territory between the former Soviet Union (FSU) and the EU. The EU integration thus pushed the Russian border far to the East and enlarged or planned to enlarge to all the area in between. In doing so, it finally met an exogenous process of great magnitude – the unfinished nation and state-building of post-communist Europe (Roeder, <span>1999</span>). This encounter is the topic of this article.</p><p>The question of the future border between Europe and Russia, once all the intermediate area in between is eliminated, has been scarce in the public debate or disguised as a question about EU enlargement. It may be that the border will simply fall where the contingencies of the war determine a cease-fire. But would such a border create a sustainable peace and vicinity, or just plant, like many provisi
无论是公民还是精英,包括东欧、巴尔干地区和前苏联的共产党精英,都利用改革带来的自由来促进其民族认同。在支持民族语言和反对俄语作为唯一官方语言的群众集会之后,接下来就是对边界的挑战。1988 年 2 月,苏联阿塞拜疆境内的纳戈尔诺-卡拉巴赫州投票决定脱离苏联,加入当时的苏联亚美尼亚。1988 年 6 月,苏维埃爱沙尼亚恢复了苏联解体前的国旗,将爱沙尼亚语定为官方语言,并宣布爱沙尼亚法规优先于苏维埃法规。与俄罗斯关系较近的国家也纷纷效仿。俄罗斯历史学家 200 多年来一直致力于证明,俄罗斯、乌克兰和白俄罗斯人民实际上是一个单一的民族,源自基万-鲁斯的共同分支,只是由于历史偶然性而被分割开来。许多乌克兰历史学家(白俄罗斯历史学家较少)则反其道而行之,声称乌克兰人优先于神话中的共同原始国家,并将乌克兰归属于欧洲,将俄罗斯归属于亚洲(Plokhy, 2023; Wilson, 2000)。爱沙尼亚第一位非共产党总理马尔特-拉尔(Mart Laar)是爱沙尼亚身份认同的学生。然而,它没有那么血腥,尽管两个超级大国的体制设计是相同的,都是边界模糊的民族联邦制。事实证明,这是一个陷阱,因为分离主义者可以不就边界问题进行谈判就离开,他们有现成的国家机器,但也有少数民族(Bunce,1999 年)。当俄语不再是通用语言时,在新的民族国家中作为少数民族的各民族不得不学习格鲁吉亚语、乌克兰语或爱沙尼亚语,他们感到了威胁(King,2001 年)。在前苏维埃共和国和俄罗斯联邦内部爆发了一些冲突--通常但并非总是由莫斯科引发。在前南斯拉夫,这些冲突都是经过厮杀的,需要西方干预才能平息(俄罗斯人认为这违反了国际法);而在前苏联,这些冲突在最初的冲突后大多被冻结。民族国家的重塑也意味着大量俄罗斯人口(2500 万至 3000 万)跨越这些新国家的边界留在国外。但是,除了一些地区性的分离主义地区(没有人,甚至俄罗斯也没有正式承认这些地区),俄语人口并没有对继承国构成严重威胁。根据联合国难民署的数据(2024 年),波罗的海国家在独立 30 年后,许多在苏联时期定居在那里的讲俄语的人仍未获得正式公民身份(因此他们既不能在国家选举中投票,也不能在欧盟选举中投票):由于这段历史,新的欧盟候选国--乌克兰、摩尔多瓦和格鲁吉亚--的领土和身份都存在争议。Plokhy (2023) 评论说,2014 年的领土损失造就了一个更强大、更民族主义的乌克兰,因为讲俄语、倾向俄罗斯的阵营(曾不止一次赢得全国大选)的核心仍留在克里米亚(俄罗斯人占多数)和顿巴斯。在摩尔多瓦和乌克兰,欧盟认同阵营在 2014 年 "尊严革命 "后赢得了全国大选,格鲁吉亚的主要政党一直亲欧盟,但其社会中仍有相当一部分人与俄罗斯关系密切。除了俄罗斯人之外,加告兹人、阿布哈兹人和奥塞梯人都觉得自己更亲近俄罗斯,而不是欧洲。许多观察家认为,目前以支持乌克兰为一方的西方与另一方的俄罗斯之间的冲突是民主(广义的自由主义,包括欧盟作为扩大条件的所有哥本哈根政治标准--法治、人权和尊重少数群体)与专制之间的冲突(Applebaum,2024 年)。俄罗斯的专制主义经历了许多政权的更迭。1835 年,亚历克西斯-托克维尔(Alexis de Tocqueville)仅以领土扩张和人口增长作为自变量,预测美国和俄罗斯将在 20 世纪各主宰半个世界(de Tocqueville, 1835)。为了达到同样的目的,他指出,美国的进步在于给予每个人追求个人利益的自由,而俄国则将社会的所有权力集中在一个人身上。但是,如果说与新生的美国民主政体(奴隶制除外)相比,俄国确实是专制的,那么与当时或后来的邻国,19 世纪的奥斯曼帝国或 1939 年与之缔结盟约的希特勒德国相比,俄国在当时并不显得那么不寻常。
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引用次数: 0
EU Snapshots: A Three-level Analysis of 2023 欧盟快照:2023年的三个层面分析
IF 3.1 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-09-26 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13689
Andrea Pareschi
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引用次数: 0
Decentring European Union Foreign Policy: Addressing Colonial Dynamics in EU‐Algeria Relations 欧盟外交政策去中心化:应对欧盟与阿尔及利亚关系中的殖民动态
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13688
Francois Barbieux, Dimitris Bouris
The presence of eurocentrism in the European Union's (EU) foreign policy towards the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) reproduces colonial dynamics that undermine the pragmatic and ethical relevance of the EU as an international actor. This article questions eurocentric assumptions underpinning the EU's foreign policy towards the MENA, specifically analysing the case of Algeria. It proposes an innovative conceptual framework drawing on the decentring literature as well as post‐structuralist insights from Cebeci's work. When analysed in politico‐cultural, socio‐economic and security terms, EU‐Algeria relations reflect spatial, normative, polity and disciplinary Eurocentricity, which becomes manifest in the hierarchical, asymmetrical and securitised nature of this relationship. These findings contribute to the decentring turn in the literature by attempting to put the ‘foreign’ back into the study and practice of foreign policy, recognising colonial linearity and addressing its enduring avatars.
欧盟(EU)对中东和北非(MENA)的外交政策中存在的欧洲中心主义再现了殖民动态,损害了欧盟作为国际行为体的实用性和道德相关性。本文质疑支撑欧盟对中东和北非地区外交政策的欧洲中心主义假设,特别分析了阿尔及利亚的案例。文章借鉴了去中心化文献以及塞贝奇著作中的后结构主义见解,提出了一个创新的概念框架。从政治文化、社会经济和安全角度分析,欧盟与阿尔及利亚的关系反映了空间、规范、政体和纪律方面的欧洲中心主义,这种中心主义体现在这种关系的等级、不对称和安全化性质上。这些发现试图将 "外国 "放回外交政策的研究和实践中,承认殖民主义的线性特征并解决其持久的化身问题,从而为文献中的去中心化转向做出了贡献。
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引用次数: 0
Contested but Resilient: Accounting for the Endurance of the European Union's Foreign Policy 有争议但有韧性:解释欧盟外交政策的持久性
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13686
Oriol Costa, Ana E. Juncos, Patrick Müller, Helene Sjursen
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引用次数: 0
Two Norms Collide: EU Policy on Fragile and Conflict‐Affected Countries 两种规范的碰撞:欧盟关于脆弱和受冲突影响国家的政策
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13636
Julian Bergmann, Mark Furness
The European Union's (EU's) policy towards fragile and conflict‐affected (FCA) countries has been framed by a normative solidarity narrative that promotes and legitimises collective action. Over the past two decades, the EU's commitment to protecting the security of its citizens has increasingly become a strong, competing normative driver of EU engagement in FCA countries. In tracing its evolution, this symposium article shows how the collision of the ‘solidarity’ and ‘protection’ norms has shaped the EU's approach towards state fragility. We illustrate this by discussing the policy frameworks for the EU's engagements in Mali and Libya. We argue that whilst the increasing relative strength of the protection norm has not united EU Member States around a common set of objectives, the solidarity norm has proven to be resilient at the discursive level. However, the increasing prevalence of the protection norm has weakened the solidarity norm's influence on policy practice. This has had systemic effects and contributed to incoherencies in the EU's foreign policy approach.
欧洲联盟(欧盟)针对脆弱和受冲突影响国家(FCA)的政策一直以促进集体行动并使之合法化的规范性团结叙事为框架。在过去二十年中,欧盟对保护其公民安全的承诺日益成为欧盟参与脆弱和受冲突影响国家事务的一个强有力的、相互竞争的规范驱动力。通过追溯其演变过程,这篇专题讨论文章展示了 "团结 "和 "保护 "准则的碰撞如何塑造了欧盟应对国家脆弱性的方法。我们通过讨论欧盟参与马里和利比亚事务的政策框架来说明这一点。我们认为,虽然保护准则的相对优势日益增强,但欧盟成员国并没有团结在一套共同的目标周围,而团结准则则在话语层面被证明是有弹性的。然而,保护准则的日益盛行削弱了团结准则对政策实践的影响。这产生了系统性影响,并导致欧盟外交政策方法的不一致。
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引用次数: 0
European Union Normative Positions, Resilience and Contestation: A Perceptual Approach 欧洲联盟的规范立场、复原力和争议:感知方法
IF 2.2 1区 社会学 Q1 ECONOMICS Pub Date : 2024-09-11 DOI: 10.1111/jcms.13665
Natalia Chaban, Ole Elgström
Positioned within a perceptual approach to European Union (EU) foreign policy, this article explores tensions relating to the resilience of the EU's normative identity, focusing on factors and explanations external to the EU. We engage with EU perceptions amongst external partners theorized as active agents/potential contributors to contestation processes. We focus on the perceived role of the EU as an international normative actor expected to mitigate the existential risks of climate change and pandemics for its own citizens and globally. We hypothesize two conditions for EU images to become less (or more) resilient in the face of contestation: (1) persistent contradictions leading to expectation–performance gaps as an initial condition and (2) situations of crisis, marked by perceptions of a watershed/historical event and strong emotions, that may amplify the expectation–performance gap. Empirically, we engage with the findings of the two major studies of EU external perceptions held by the EU's key global partners.
本文从欧盟外交政策的认知角度出发,探讨了与欧盟规范身份的复原力有关的紧张关系,重点关注欧盟外部的因素和解释。我们探讨了欧盟对外部伙伴的看法,这些外部伙伴被认为是争论过程的积极推动者/潜在贡献者。我们重点关注欧盟作为国际规范制定者所扮演的角色,即为本国公民和全球减轻气候变化和流行病带来的生存风险。我们假设了欧盟形象在面对争议时变得不那么有弹性(或更有弹性)的两个条件:(1) 作为初始条件,持续存在的矛盾导致期望-表现差距;(2) 危机情况下,以对分水岭/历史事件的认知和强烈的情感为标志,可能会放大期望-表现差距。在经验方面,我们参考了欧盟主要全球合作伙伴对欧盟外部看法的两项主要研究结果。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Jcms-Journal of Common Market Studies
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