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The majority of fact-checking labels in the United States are intense and this decreases engagement intention 美国的大多数事实核查标签都很密集,这降低了参与意愿
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-14 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqae007
Haoning Xue, Jingwen Zhang, Cuihua Shen, Magdalena Wojcieszak
Fact-checking labels have been widely accepted as an effective misinformation correction method. However, there is limited theoretical understanding of fact-checking labels’ impact. This study theorizes that language intensity influences fact-checking label processing and tests this idea through a multi-method design. We first rely on a large-scale observational dataset of fact-checking labels from 7 U.S. fact-checking organizations (N = 33,755) to examine the labels’ language intensity and then use a controlled online experiment in the United States (N = 656) to systematically test the causal effects of fact-checking label intensity (low, moderate, or high) and fact-checking source (professional journalists or artificial intelligence) on perceived message credibility of and the intention to engage with fact-checking messages. We found that two-thirds of existing labels were intense. Such high-intensity labels had null effects on messages’ perceived credibility, yet decreased engagement intention, especially when labels were attributed to AI. Using more intense labels may not be an effective fact-checking approach.
事实核查标签作为一种有效的错误信息纠正方法已被广泛接受。然而,人们对事实核查标签影响的理论认识却很有限。本研究提出了语言强度影响事实核查标签处理的理论,并通过多种方法设计对这一观点进行了检验。我们首先利用来自美国 7 家事实核查机构的大规模事实核查标签观察数据集(N = 33755)来研究标签的语言强度,然后利用在美国进行的受控在线实验(N = 656)来系统地检验事实核查标签强度(低、中或高)和事实核查来源(专业记者或人工智能)对事实核查信息可信度感知和参与意愿的因果影响。我们发现,三分之二的现有标签强度较高。这种高强度标签对信息的感知可信度没有影响,但却降低了参与意愿,尤其是当标签归因于人工智能时。使用强度更大的标签可能不是一种有效的事实核查方法。
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引用次数: 0
Fictional friends and enemies as first aid after ostracism? Experimentally investigating the potential of para-/orthosocial relationships in belongingness need restoration and emotion regulation 虚构的朋友和敌人是被排斥后的急救?通过实验研究副社会关系/正社会关系在归属感需求恢复和情绪调节方面的潜力
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-11 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqae009
Sarah Lutz, Frank M Schneider, Sabine Reich, Michelle Schimmel, Hannah Oechler, Laura Beinlich
Being socially excluded seriously threatens individuals’ need to belong and emotional well-being. This article investigates to what extent different coping strategies help overcome these detrimental effects: thinking about real-life friends/enemies (i.e., orthosocial relationships, OSRs) and thinking about (dis)liked media characters (i.e., parasocial relationships, PSRs). Across three experiments (NPilot = 129, NStudy1 = 132, NStudy2 = 855), we first induced social exclusion using a virtual ball-tossing game. Afterward, we manipulated different relationship types and valences and compared them to non- or less-relational control conditions. As hypothesized, belongingness and emotional well-being increased from pre- to post-coping. This effect was fully mediated by perceived relationship closeness to the respective person(a). Highlighting that PSRs represent more than surrogates (i.e., secondary replacements of OSR), both relationship types did not differ in coping effectiveness. Moreover, positive relationships were more effective in fulfilling both coping goals than negative ones.
被社会排斥严重威胁着个人的归属需求和情感幸福。本文研究了不同的应对策略在多大程度上有助于克服这些不利影响:思考现实生活中的朋友/敌人(即正社会关系,OSRs)和思考(不)喜欢的媒体角色(即寄生社会关系,PSRs)。在三个实验中(NPilot = 129,NStudy1 = 132,NStudy2 = 855),我们首先使用虚拟抛球游戏诱导社交排斥。之后,我们操纵了不同的关系类型和价值,并将其与无关系或关系较少的对照条件进行了比较。正如假设的那样,从应对前到应对后,归属感和情绪幸福感都有所增加。这种影响完全是由与相关人(a)的感知关系亲密程度所中介的。两种关系类型在应对效果上并无差异,这说明 PSR 不仅仅是替代关系(即 OSR 的次级替代)。此外,积极的人际关系比消极的人际关系更能有效地实现两个应对目标。
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引用次数: 0
The polarizing content warning: how the media can reduce affective polarization 极化内容警告:媒体如何减少情感极化
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-08 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqae006
Emily Kubin, Christian von Sikorski
Past research suggests that journalists can (unintentionally) exacerbate affective polarization when reporting on growing levels of polarization in society. However, is there a way for journalists to report on the realities of growing political polarization without dividing people further? In our research with five pre-registered experimental studies (N = 3,414), we develop the polarizing content warning which, based on inoculation theory, warns readers that scientific research suggests reading news content about political polarization may drive further affective polarization. Results indicate that the polarizing content warning can be used both with online news articles and on social media sites, and is able to indirectly reduce affective polarization of readers. Additionally, the polarizing content warning is beneficial both when presented alongside news content and beforehand, and reduces readers’ perceptions of societal polarization, in turn reducing affective polarization. This warning allows journalists to report on societal polarization without further dividing people.
过去的研究表明,记者在报道社会中日益严重的两极分化时,会(无意中)加剧情感上的两极分化。然而,记者是否有办法在报道日益严重的政治两极分化现实的同时,又不使人们进一步分裂呢?在对五项预先登记的实验研究(N = 3,414)进行的研究中,我们根据接种理论提出了极化内容警告,警告读者科学研究表明,阅读有关政治极化的新闻内容可能会进一步推动情感极化。结果表明,极化内容警告既可用于网络新闻文章,也可用于社交媒体网站,能够间接减少读者的情感极化。此外,极化内容警告在与新闻内容同时出现或事先出现时都是有益的,可以减少读者对社会极化的看法,进而减少情感极化。这种警告使记者在报道社会两极分化的同时,不会进一步分化人们。
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引用次数: 0
Who cares? How personal political characteristics are related to online counteractions against hate speech 谁在乎?个人政治特征与网络反仇恨言论的关系
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-29 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqae004
Ursula Kristin Schmid, Magdalena Obermaier, Diana Rieger
Although many Internet users have encountered hate speech online, interventions against those incidents are unlikely. To learn more about online counteractions against hate speech, which we conceptualize as a form of online civic participation, we conducted an online survey representing adult German Internet users (N = 2,691). We investigated what distinguishes users who intervene against hate speech, focusing on associations between citizens’ prior counteractions and their personal political characteristics, their attributed responsibility for intervening against hate speech to social and political actors, and their institutional trust. Results indicate that especially Internet users’ personal political characteristics (e.g., internal political efficacy, political opinion leadership) as well as trust in regulative political institutions are positively associated with counteracting against online hate speech. While social media use and previous experience with counteractions increased the likelihood of users counteracting against hate speech, authoritarian attitudes and attributing responsibility for intervening to platform operators decreased it.
尽管许多网民都曾在网上遭遇过仇恨言论,但针对这些事件的干预却不太可能。为了了解更多有关网上反仇恨言论(我们将其视为一种网上公民参与形式)的信息,我们对德国成年网民(N = 2,691)进行了一次网上调查。我们调查了干预仇恨言论的用户的不同之处,重点关注公民先前的反制行为与其个人政治特征之间的关联、他们将干预仇恨言论的责任归咎于社会和政治行为者,以及他们对机构的信任。结果表明,尤其是网民的个人政治特征(如内部政治效能、政治舆论领导力)以及对政治监管机构的信任与反制网络仇恨言论正相关。社交媒体的使用和以往的反制经验增加了网民反制仇恨言论的可能性,而独裁态度和将干预责任归咎于平台运营商则降低了网民反制仇恨言论的可能性。
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引用次数: 0
Is more patient empowerment always better? Examining the moderating role of perceived physician’s argument quality 患者授权越多越好吗?研究医生论证质量的调节作用
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-27 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqae002
Jiajing Zhai, Jinghong Nie
Patient empowerment is an important concept in the study of physician–patient communication and is becoming increasingly popular in medical practices. However, previous studies have yielded inconsistent results regarding its effects. To reconcile these findings and establish a robust connection between empowerment and patient adherence, our study blends dyadic power theory with patient empowerment research. Using mixed methods, including both empirical modeling and controlled experiments, we found that patients who are equally empowered, as compared to those who are under- or over-empowered, exhibit a stronger dominance intention, which subsequently positively affects their adherence and satisfaction. Underlying this nonlinear influence of empowerment on adherence are two independent pathways: one channeling the effect through dominance intention and the other through perceived physician incompetence. Perceived physician’s argument quality represents a boundary condition. This research offers meaningful theoretical and practical implications to the literatures on patient empowerment and adherence by revealing the curvilinear relationship.
患者授权是医患沟通研究中的一个重要概念,在医疗实践中也越来越受欢迎。然而,以往的研究对其影响的结果并不一致。为了调和这些研究结果,并在赋权与患者依从性之间建立稳固的联系,我们的研究将二元权力理论与患者赋权研究相结合。我们采用包括实证建模和对照实验在内的混合方法发现,与授权不足或授权过度的患者相比,获得同等授权的患者会表现出更强的支配意图,从而对其依从性和满意度产生积极影响。授权对坚持治疗的非线性影响有两个独立的途径:一个是通过支配意图产生影响,另一个是通过感知到的医生无能产生影响。感知到的医生论证质量是一个边界条件。这项研究通过揭示曲线关系,为有关患者授权和依从性的文献提供了有意义的理论和实践启示。
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引用次数: 0
Challenges to correcting pluralistic ignorance: false consensus effects, competing information environments, and anticipated social conflict 纠正多元化无知所面临的挑战:虚假共识效应、竞争信息环境和预期的社会冲突
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-02-01 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqae001
Graham N Dixon, Blue Lerner, Samuel Bashian
For many policy issues, people holding the majority opinion often do not act in accordance with their beliefs. While underestimating public opinion appears as a likely cause, correcting this misperception often fails to motivate those in the majority to act. Investigating further, we surveyed a nationally representative sample (N = 1,000) of Republican voters about vaccination. Despite a majority supporting vaccines, Republicans on average underestimated other Republicans’ support. However, this misperception occurred primarily among anti-vaccine Republicans—a group that reported a greater willingness to share their vaccine views. We show how an information environment overrepresented with minority views may discourage majority view holders from speaking out even when they are aware of their majority status. That is, instead of experiencing pluralistic ignorance, those in the majority may be discouraged from expressing their views due to anticipated social conflict from engaging in an information environment disproportionately made up of minority views.
在许多政策问题上,持多数意见的人往往不会按照自己的信念行事。虽然低估民意似乎是一个可能的原因,但纠正这种错误认识往往无法促使多数人采取行动。为了进一步调查,我们对具有全国代表性的共和党选民(N = 1,000)进行了有关疫苗接种的抽样调查。尽管大多数人支持疫苗接种,但共和党人平均低估了其他共和党人的支持率。然而,这种误解主要发生在反疫苗的共和党人中--他们更愿意分享自己对疫苗的看法。我们展示了一个少数派观点过多的信息环境是如何阻碍多数派观点持有者发表意见的,即使他们知道自己是多数派。也就是说,多数人可能不会经历多元化的无知,反而会因为预期的社会冲突而不愿表达自己的观点,因为他们所处的信息环境过多地包含了少数人的观点。
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引用次数: 0
Quantitative criticalism for social justice and equity-oriented communication research 定量批判主义促进社会公正和以公平为导向的传播研究
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-23 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad048
Youllee Kim
An increasing number of communication researchers have noted the potential of quantitative criticalism (QuantCrit) or the use of quantitative approaches to pursue social justice and equity agenda. Nonetheless, how to achieve the goals and ideals of QuantCrit in communication studies still largely remains uncharted terrain. This article offers five concrete suggestions for how researchers can bring critical consciousness to quantitative communication research: (a) broadening and diversifying the scope of communication research, (b) (re)framing research questions with a social justice orientation, (c) critiquing dominant narratives and centering the counternarratives, (d) incorporating intersectionality to address marginalization, and (e) employing statistical methods that illuminate interdependence, systems, and power dynamics. This article seeks to enrich the discussion on ways to embrace QuantCrit in communication research to revitalize perspectives and means for identifying and addressing inequalities, and eventually to advance transformative scholarship.
越来越多的传播研究人员注意到定量批判主义(QuantCrit)或使用定量方法追求社会正义和公平议程的潜力。然而,如何在传播学研究中实现定量批判的目标和理想在很大程度上仍是未知领域。本文就研究人员如何在定量传播研究中引入批判意识提出了五点具体建议:(a)扩大传播研究的范围并使之多样化;(b)以社会公正为导向(重新)设定研究问题;(c)批判主流叙事并以反叙事为中心;(d)纳入交叉性以解决边缘化问题;以及(e)采用能够揭示相互依存关系、系统和权力动态的统计方法。本文旨在丰富关于如何在传播研究中采用 QuantCrit 的讨论,以重振识别和解决不平等问题的视角和手段,并最终推动变革性学术研究。
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引用次数: 0
Individuals’ perceptions of reciprocal relationship maintenance in their marriage and its impact on communal orientation, relational load, and ability to flourish 个人对婚姻中互惠关系维护的看法及其对社区取向、关系负荷和发展能力的影响
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-01-09 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad056
T. Afifi, Andy J. Merolla, Walid A. Afifi, Chloe Gonzales, Abdullah S Salehuddin, Jade Salmon, Veronica Wilson
This study investigates individuals’ perceptions of reciprocal relationship maintenance in their marriage over time during the Coronavirus Pandemic (COVID-19). Using a Qualtrics Panel, married individuals (N = 3,601) completed online surveys at four time points during the initial 3 months of the pandemic. Both the between- and within-person effects were consistent with the theory of resilience and relational load. On average, married individuals who reported giving greater relationship maintenance to their partners also reported receiving greater relationship maintenance from them, as well as reported greater communal orientation and flourishing and lower relational load. Giving relationship maintenance to one’s partner was a stronger predictor of receiving maintenance than the reverse, even though both influenced each other. Giving relationship maintenance to one’s partner was also a stronger and more consistent predictor of communal orientation, relational load, and flourishing than maintenance received. Finally, relational load in one’s marriage was the strongest predictor of flourishing.
本研究调查了在冠状病毒大流行(COVID-19)期间,随着时间的推移,个人对婚姻中互惠关系维护的看法。通过 Qualtrics 小组,已婚人士(N = 3,601)在大流行最初 3 个月的 4 个时间点完成了在线调查。人与人之间和人与人之间的影响都与复原力和关系负荷理论相一致。平均而言,那些表示给予伴侣更多关系维护的已婚人士也表示从伴侣那里得到了更多的关系维护,同时还表示有更多的共同取向和蓬勃发展,以及更低的关系负荷。与反向预测相比,向伴侣提供关系维护更能预测从伴侣那里获得关系维护的情况,尽管两者相互影响。与接受关系维护相比,为伴侣提供关系维护对社区取向、关系负荷和蓬勃发展也有更强和更一致的预测作用。最后,婚姻中的关系负荷是对婚姻兴旺的最强预测因素。
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引用次数: 0
Partisanship supersedes race: effects of discussant race and partisanship on Whites’ willingness to engage in race-specific conversations 党派高于种族:讨论者的种族和党派对白人参与种族对话意愿的影响
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-19 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad055
Osei Appiah, William P Eveland, Christina M Henry
White participants in the United States were asked to imagine having a hypothetical conversation about race-specific issues with either a White or Black discussant who was described as either a Republican or Democrat. Participants’ expectations of encountering negative outcomes during the conversation, and their intentions to avoid the conversation, were measured. The black sheep effect posits that harmful ingroup members are evaluated more negatively than comparable outgroup members because they threaten the ingroup’s social identity. Findings indicate discussants’ partisanship is more important than their race in guiding respondents’ expectations of and desire to engage in cross-group conversations. Whites expected more negative outcomes and intended to avoid conversations more when they imagined talking about race with White discussants from a different political party than they did Black discussants from a different party, Black discussants from the same party, or White discussants from the same party. Intergroup threat and social identity theories are discussed.
我们要求美国的白人参与者想象与一名白人或黑人讨论者就种族问题进行假设对话的情景,该讨论者被描述为共和党人或民主党人。参与者对在谈话过程中遇到负面结果的预期以及他们回避谈话的意图进行了测量。害群之马效应认为,有害的内群体成员会比可比的外群体成员受到更负面的评价,因为他们威胁到了内群体的社会认同。研究结果表明,在引导受访者对跨群体对话的预期和参与意愿方面,讨论者的党派倾向比其种族更为重要。与来自不同党派的黑人讨论者、来自同一党派的黑人讨论者或来自同一党派的白人讨论者相比,白人在想象与来自不同政党的白人讨论者谈论种族问题时,预期会有更多的负面结果,并打算避免谈话。本文讨论了群体间威胁和社会认同理论。
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引用次数: 0
The CODE^SHIFT model: a data justice framework for collective impact and social transformation CODE^SHIFT 模式:促进集体影响和社会变革的数据正义框架
IF 5 1区 文学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-12-12 DOI: 10.1093/hcr/hqad050
Srividya Ramasubramanian, Mohan J Dutta
In this article, we present an alternative framework that resists hegemonic social sciences within data-driven communication theorizing through a culture-centered approach (CCA). Building on the CCA in co-creating voice infrastructures at the margins, we argue that data justice requires transforming interpretive data framings, disrupting the hegemonic registers of knowledge production constituted around data, and working with/through data to challenge the structures of capitalism and colonialism that circulate the practices of exploitation and extraction. We build upon community-engaged projects emergent from the CCA in/with/from the Global South to propose the CODE^SHIFT Model, grounded in principles of equity-mindedness, collective impact, purposiveness, and systemic change. It highlights what data justice looks like in various stages of community-led transformation: identifying pressing social problems; bridging cross-sector coalitions and partnerships; organizing for collective impact activities; and sustaining capacity building. We reframe data as pluriversal, embodied, sacred, sovereign, disruptive, solidarity, and impossibility.
在本文中,我们提出了一个替代框架,通过以文化为中心的方法(CCA),在数据驱动的传播理论中抵制霸权社会科学。在以文化为中心的方法(CCA)在边缘地区共同创建声音基础设施的基础上,我们认为,数据正义需要改变解释性数据的框架,破坏围绕数据构成的知识生产的霸权记录,并利用/通过数据挑战资本主义和殖民主义的结构,这些结构循环着剥削和榨取的做法。我们以全球南部地区/与全球南部地区/从共同国家评估中产生的社区参与项目为基础,提出了 CODE^SHIFT 模式,该模式以公平意识、集体影响、目的性和系统性变革等原则为基础。它强调了数据正义在社区主导变革的各个阶段的表现形式:确定紧迫的社会问题;建立跨部门联盟和伙伴关系;组织集体影响活动;以及持续的能力建设。我们将数据重新定义为多元性、体现性、神圣性、主权性、破坏性、团结性和不可能性。
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引用次数: 0
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Human Communication Research
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