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An Expression of Appreciation to our Reviewers 感谢我们的审稿人
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221091861
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引用次数: 0
The Fiscal Impact of County-to-Urban District Conversion in China 中国县域转换对财政的影响
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221098152
Huiping Li, H. Guo, Pengju Zhang
Municipal annexation has been one of the most widely adopted instruments for urban growth in the United States. Scholars of public choice and regional studies have long debated the fiscal effect of local government annexation. Few studies, however, examine the fiscal effect of municipal administrative annexations in China, where prefectural cities have extensively annexed county-level governments through forcefully converting rural counties into urban districts in a top-down manner. Employing a difference-in-differences (DID) method coupled with an event study approach, we analyzed a panel data set of 282 prefectural cities from 2007 to 2015 to examine the fiscal impact of annexation in China. The findings show that prefectural cities have significantly increased their land conveyance fees through administrative annexation. Given that land conveyance fees serve as one of the most important own-source revenues at the local level, our findings shed light on the crucial link among the urbanization process, government reorganization, and local land finance in China and, potentially, in other transition countries.
城市兼并是美国城市发展最广泛采用的手段之一。长期以来,公共选择和区域研究学者一直在争论地方政府兼并的财政效应。然而,很少有研究考察中国城市行政合并的财政效应,在中国,地级市通过自上而下的方式强行将农村县转变为市区,广泛兼并县级政府。本文采用差分法结合事件研究方法,对2007 - 2015年中国282个地级市的面板数据集进行了分析,以考察兼并对中国财政的影响。研究发现,地级市通过行政兼并大幅提高了土地出让金。鉴于土地出让金是地方层面最重要的自有收入来源之一,我们的研究结果揭示了中国乃至其他转型国家城市化进程、政府重组和地方土地财政之间的关键联系。
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引用次数: 3
Innovations to Photovoice: Using Smartphones & Social Media Photovoice的创新:使用智能手机和社交媒体
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221100263
Kirk A. Foster, Brittany Davis, A. Foell
Photovoice, a participatory action research method, has evolved little over the past two decades. The ubiquity of smartphones and their utility as digital cameras make them a natural fit for photovoice projects. The use of social media to post photographs and comment also has the potential to be a platform for photovoice activities. Using these technologies for photovoice promotes capturing daily life in vivo without the need of additional equipment. These technologies also allow the research team to see photos posted daily and track comments without waiting for scheduled interviews or group meetings and elevates the discussion into the public sphere to facilitate wider engagement. These strategies may also produce more photos and narratives than traditional methods by leveraging technology people use daily. Study participants noted these technologies facilitated wider understanding, awareness, and discussions of neighborhood issues.
Photovoice是一种参与式行动研究方法,在过去二十年中几乎没有发展。智能手机的普遍性及其作为数码相机的实用性使其自然适合摄影语音项目。使用社交媒体发布照片和评论也有可能成为摄影语音活动的平台。将这些技术用于摄影语音可以在不需要额外设备的情况下在体内捕捉日常生活。这些技术还允许研究团队在不等待预定采访或小组会议的情况下查看每天发布的照片和跟踪评论,并将讨论提升到公共领域,以促进更广泛的参与。通过利用人们日常使用的技术,这些策略也可能比传统方法产生更多的照片和叙事。研究参与者指出,这些技术促进了对社区问题的更广泛理解、认识和讨论。
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引用次数: 3
Walking the Talk: Why Cities Adopt Ambitious Climate Action Plans 《言出必行:城市为何采取雄心勃勃的气候行动计划》
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-16 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221098951
Sanya Bery, M. Haddad
Why do some municipalities adopt ambitious climate action plans and others do not? This study examines United States cities that have signed the Global Covenant of Mayors for Climate & Energy, to identify the factors that have led some of them (37 percent, 63 cities) to adopt ambitious (Net Zero) climate action plans. It finds that two factors make the most difference: (a) whether the city has a paid city employee (or department) dedicated to environmental/energy management and (b) whether the city has a university. Other factors, such as per capita income, city revenue, state funding, size, partisan orientation, and membership in international climate networks, did not significantly influence how ambitious a city's climate action plan was. This study combines a statistical analysis of the signatory cities with a qualitative study Middletown Connecticut to explain why city energy managers and universities can have such a positive effect on city climate action.
为什么一些市政当局通过了雄心勃勃的气候行动计划,而另一些则没有?这项研究考察了签署了《气候与能源市长全球公约》的美国城市,以确定导致其中一些城市(37%,63个城市)采取雄心勃勃的(净零)气候行动计划的因素。研究发现,两个因素的差异最大:(a)该市是否有专门从事环境/能源管理的带薪城市员工(或部门);(b)该市有没有大学。其他因素,如人均收入、城市收入、国家资金、规模、党派取向和国际气候网络成员资格,并没有显著影响城市气候行动计划的雄心。这项研究将对签约城市的统计分析与康涅狄格州米德尔敦的定性研究相结合,以解释为什么城市能源管理者和大学能够对城市气候行动产生如此积极的影响。
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引用次数: 5
How Policy Entrepreneurs Encourage or Hinder Urban Growth Within a Political Market 政策企业家如何在政治市场中鼓励或阻碍城市发展
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-12 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221097078
Edgar E. Ramírez, Manlio F. Castillo, Eliana I. Sánchez
This paper updates and extends the Political Market Framework (PMF) by integrating elements of interest groups and political market theory with policy entrepreneurs’ (PEs) roles in explaining the patterns of urban infrastructure construction. The prominent role of PEs is observed through a grounded analysis of two large infrastructure projects in Mexico City. A comparative study of the cases suggests that: (1) The agency of PEs in political markets is central to explaining the construction of urban infrastructure; (2) PEs contribute to the definition of pro-growth or anti-growth coalitions and the definition of public problems; (3) the legitimacy of PEs is grounded in their political or technical reputation, or both; (4) the appropriate use of political institutions requires that PEs know how to use electoral timing strategically; and (5) the role of PEs seems to be better understood within a bounded analysis framework, such as the political markets approach.
本文通过将利益集团和政治市场理论的要素与政策企业家在解释城市基础设施建设模式中的作用相结合,对政治市场框架进行了更新和扩展。通过对墨西哥城两个大型基础设施项目的深入分析,可以观察到PE的突出作用。案例比较研究表明:(1)政治市场中PE的代理是解释城市基础设施建设的核心;(2) PE有助于定义支持增长或反对增长的联盟以及定义公共问题;(3) PE的合法性基于其政治或技术声誉,或两者兼而有之;(4) 政治机构的适当使用要求PE知道如何战略性地利用选举时间;(5)在有限的分析框架内,如政治市场法,似乎可以更好地理解PE的作用。
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引用次数: 2
What Does it Mean to be Homeless? How Definitions Affect Homelessness Policy 无家可归意味着什么?定义如何影响无家可归政策
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-03 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221095185
A. Sullivan
Government agencies use varying criteria in defining homelessness. While scholars debate over and use different definitions of homelessness, little research has explored the impacts the definition has on perceived problem severity and the types of communities receiving aid. I first explore four definitions of child and youth homelessness used by United States’ federal agencies. I then use panel data for school districts, which report homelessness by subgroup, to analyze how the definition of homelessness changes its prevalence and leads to disparate impacts. I find the definition of homelessness including students living doubled-up leads to a higher growth rate. Definitions also change which districts have high rates of homelessness and characteristics of these districts, suggesting resources following students experiencing homelessness go to different types of communities. Scholars should consider how a problem is defined, differences in the measurement used between studies, and how the definition affects where resources go.
政府机构在定义无家可归者时使用了不同的标准。虽然学者们对无家可归的不同定义进行了辩论并使用了不同的定义,但很少有研究探讨该定义对问题严重程度和接受援助的社区类型的影响。我首先探讨了美国联邦机构对儿童和青年无家可归的四种定义。然后,我使用学区的小组数据,按小组报告无家可归情况,分析无家可归的定义如何改变其普遍性并导致不同的影响。我发现无家可归的定义,包括生活翻倍的学生,会导致更高的增长率。定义也改变了哪些地区无家可归率高以及这些地区的特点,这表明关注无家可归学生的资源流向了不同类型的社区。学者们应该考虑如何定义一个问题,研究之间使用的衡量标准的差异,以及定义如何影响资源的去向。
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引用次数: 12
“Listen to the People of Starkville”: Dynamics of (Extra-)Local Political Opposition to Short-Term Rental Regulation in a Small Southern City “倾听斯塔克维尔人民的声音”:一个南方小城市(非)地方政治反对短期租赁法规的动态
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-20 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221095190
Taylor Shelton
Though housing inequality is manifest in a variety of ways around the world, one of the most noteworthy has been the rise of short-term rentals. And while a growing body of literature has demonstrated the negative impacts of this new housing typology on cities and neighborhoods, as well as the need for such cities to regulate this phenomenon, scholars have had less to say about how the fights for and against these regulations have actually played out. Through a case study of proposed short-term rental regulations in the small southern college town of Starkville, Mississippi, this paper documents some of the key ways that fights over short-term rental regulation actually play out on the ground, and how these dynamics can lead to more effective approaches to regulating short-term rentals in the future.
尽管住房不平等在世界各地以各种方式表现出来,但最值得注意的是短期租金的上涨。尽管越来越多的文献证明了这种新的住房类型对城市和社区的负面影响,以及这些城市对这种现象进行监管的必要性,但学者们对支持和反对这些监管的斗争实际上是如何进行的却没有太多的发言权。通过对密西西比州南部大学小镇斯塔克维尔拟议的短期租赁法规的案例研究,本文记录了短期租赁法规斗争的一些关键方式,以及这些动态如何在未来为监管短期租赁带来更有效的方法。
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引用次数: 0
‘Whiny, Fake, and I Don't Like Her Hair’: Gendered Assessments of Mayoral Candidates “爱发牢骚,假的,我不喜欢她的头发”:对市长候选人的性别评估
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-13 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221090874
Erin Tolley, A. Lawlor, Alexandre Fortier-Chouinard
Municipal mayoral elections present a compelling puzzle: what happens when gendered stereotypes about level of government conflict with those about type of office? Although local politics is viewed as communal and more feminine, the mayoral office is a prominent, prestigious position of political leadership that voters may perceive as more masculine. We intervene by analyzing open-ended comments about 32 mayoral candidates from a survey of 14,438 municipal electors in eight Canadian cities. We argue gendered trait and issue stereotypes are embedded in voters’ assessments of mayoral candidates. We find no evidence that female candidates benefit from their perceived competence in local policy issues, and they experience backlash when they display the traits typically associated with strong leaders. We conclude that, even at the level of government frequently thought of as more open to women, female mayoral candidates are disadvantaged by an enduring association between masculinity and political leadership.
市政市长选举提出了一个引人注目的难题:当关于政府级别的性别刻板印象与关于办公室类型的刻板印象发生冲突时,会发生什么?虽然地方政治被认为是公共的,更女性化,但市长职位是一个重要的、有声望的政治领导职位,选民可能会认为它更男性化。我们通过分析来自加拿大8个城市的14,438名市政选民的对32名市长候选人的开放式评论进行干预。我们认为,选民对市长候选人的评价中嵌入了性别特征和问题刻板印象。我们没有发现证据表明女性候选人从她们在地方政策问题上的能力中受益,而且当她们表现出通常与强势领导者相关的特征时,她们会遭到强烈反对。我们的结论是,即使在通常被认为对女性更开放的政府级别,女性市长候选人也因为男性气质和政治领导力之间的长期联系而处于不利地位。
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引用次数: 2
Can Economic Growth Reduce Public Dissatisfaction? Evidence from a Panel Threshold Model in Chinese Cities 经济增长能减少公众不满吗?来自中国城市面板阈值模型的证据
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-11 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221091591
Yao Liu, Jiannan Wu, Jiayin Qi, Yuling Deng, Alimire Tuerhong
Much is known about the relationship between economic growth and satisfaction, while little is known about the relationship between economic growth and dissatisfaction. This study measures the levels of public dissatisfaction in 36 Chinese cities from 2011 to 2018 using data from an official online petition platform. We construct panel data to analyze the impact of per capita GDP and per capita income on public dissatisfaction. The results show that per capita income has a significant negative effect on public dissatisfaction, but only once the per capita income exceeds a threshold amount. In the extended discussion, the nonlinear relationship between income and public dissatisfaction is described as a stair-shaped curve. The results imply the need for developing countries to adhere to economic policies based on income maximization.
人们对经济增长和满意度之间的关系知之甚少,而对经济增长与不满之间的关系却知之甚少。这项研究使用官方在线请愿平台的数据测量了2011年至2018年中国36个城市的公众不满程度。我们构建面板数据来分析人均GDP和人均收入对公众不满的影响。结果表明,人均收入对公众不满有显著的负向影响,但只有当人均收入超过阈值时才会产生负向影响。在扩展讨论中,收入和公众不满之间的非线性关系被描述为阶梯形曲线。结果表明,发展中国家需要坚持以收入最大化为基础的经济政策。
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引用次数: 1
Mapping Racial Capital: Gentrification, Race and Value in Three Chicago Neighborhoods 绘制种族资本地图:芝加哥三个街区的绅士化、种族和价值
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-04-07 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221082614
Jesse Mumm, Carolina Sternberg
We interrogate the interrelations of race and gentrification in three Chicago neighborhoods of historical significance to Black, Mexican, and Puerto Rican residents. Our previous work indicates that historical legacies of structural racism mean that gentrification works differently in each area, although the extant literature has not directly addressed how race fuels local valuation regimes. For each neighborhood we provide GIS mapping of 30 years of property parcel data and Census block data on race, compared with a parcel level visual scan of material conditions in the built environment. Changes in value at the block level reveal value assigned to whiteness irrespective of material improvement and run counter to standard explanations of gentrification but closely align with a model of racial capitalism. We bridge the gap between qualitative and quantitative research by mapping the everyday life of racial change that is felt and known by residents of color in Chicago.
我们调查了芝加哥三个对黑人、墨西哥人和波多黎各居民具有历史意义的社区的种族和中产阶级化的相互关系。我们之前的研究表明,结构性种族主义的历史遗产意味着士绅化在每个地区的作用不同,尽管现有文献没有直接解决种族如何推动当地的评估制度。对于每个社区,我们都提供了30年的财产包裹数据和种族普查数据的GIS地图,与建筑环境中物质条件的包裹级视觉扫描进行比较。在街区层面上,价值的变化揭示了白人的价值,而不考虑物质上的改善,这与对中产阶级化的标准解释背道而驰,但与种族资本主义的模式密切相关。我们通过描绘芝加哥有色人种居民所感受到和了解的种族变化的日常生活,弥合了定性和定量研究之间的差距。
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引用次数: 4
期刊
Urban Affairs Review
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