Urban Affairs Review最新文献

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Immigrants Serving in Local Government: A Systematic Review and Meta-Analysis of Factors Affecting Candidacy and Election. 在地方政府任职的移民:影响候选人资格和选举因素的系统回顾和元分析。

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-11-01 Epub Date: 2021-08-18 DOI: 10.1177/10780874211038500

Shervin Ghaem-Maghami, Vincent Z Kuuire

Descriptive representation, the extent to which politicians reflect the descriptive characteristics (e.g., ethnicity or gender) of their constituents, has been studied at various scales since it was first introduced in Hanna Pitkin's seminal work several decades ago. In recent years, scholars have also begun to investigate immigrant representation in politics, including at the local, state, and national levels of government. This study evaluates the current research on the factors affecting the election of immigrant candidates to municipal government. In addressing the lack of data-driven reviews in this type of research, the paper employs a scoping review methodological framework. Fifty-six distinct factors are identified as important for immigrants' electoral fortunes. The factors are classified under: Macro-level electoral structures and situational elements, meso-level immigrant group dynamics, and micro-level individual candidate characteristics. The most salient factors are elaborated on, together with a discussion on policy implications and future potential areas of inquiry.

描述性表征，即政治家反映其选民的描述性特征(如种族或性别)的程度，自几十年前汉娜·皮特金(Hanna Pitkin)的开创性工作首次提出以来，一直在各种尺度上进行研究。近年来，学者们也开始调查移民在政治中的代表性，包括在地方、州和国家各级政府中的代表性。本研究对影响移民候选人当选市政府的因素的研究现状进行评估。为了解决这种类型的研究中缺乏数据驱动的评论，本文采用了范围审查方法框架。56个不同的因素被认为对移民的选举命运很重要。影响因素可分为宏观层面的选举结构与情境因素、中观层面的移民群体动态和微观层面的候选人个体特征。对最突出的因素进行了阐述，并讨论了政策影响和未来潜在的调查领域。

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引用次数: 0

Producing and Contesting Meanings of Participation in Planning: The Case of Singapore (1985–2020) 参与规划意义的产生与质疑——以新加坡为例（1985-2020）

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-09 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221130530

January Lim, Angeliki Paidakaki, H. Verschure, P. van den Broeck

This paper examines how the concept of participation in planning has been constructed by state and nonstate actors in the politico-institutional context of Singapore. Our objective is to gain a deeper understanding of the political dynamics shaping ideas about participation, and the impact of these contested constructions on the perpetuation of the ruling party's political control. Drawing on strategic-relational institutionalist planning and cultural political economy theories, we analyze 312 documents including government and civil society periodicals, parliamentary debates, and academic publications, focusing on the planning and participatory practices of Singapore's national planning agency from the mid-1980s to 2020. The findings reveal that state-led coalitions continuously reframed participation as an instrument of economic growth, nation-building, and activism-management, while nonstate-led coalitions emerged to transform state-civil society relations through promoting and materializing alternative meanings of participation. These dynamics demonstrate the potentialities and limitations of democratizing urban planning and governance in Singapore's hybrid regime.

本文考察了在新加坡的政治制度背景下，国家和非国家行为者是如何构建参与规划的概念的。我们的目标是更深入地了解塑造参与理念的政治动态，以及这些有争议的结构对执政党政治控制权永久化的影响。借鉴战略关系制度主义规划和文化政治经济学理论，我们分析了312份文件，包括政府和民间社会期刊、议会辩论和学术出版物，重点关注新加坡国家规划机构从20世纪80年代中期到2020年的规划和参与实践。研究结果表明，国家领导的联盟不断将参与重新定义为经济增长、国家建设和行动主义管理的工具，而非国家领导的联合则通过促进和具体化参与的替代意义来改变国家与民间社会的关系。这些动态表明，在新加坡的混合制度中，城市规划和治理民主化的潜力和局限性。

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引用次数: 0

Specialized Local Government and Water Conservation Policy in the United States 美国专门的地方政府与水资源保护政策

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-10-05 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221080122

D. Switzer, Jun Deng

Special districts are an increasingly important part of the local government equation in the United States, representing over forty percent of local governments. The spread of these governments is controversial, however, as some argue that they will have a negative impact on service delivery, due to a perceived lack of political accountability. Others argue that their focus on single policy issues allow them to more efficiently respond to the citizens they serve. Despite the controversy, only a few studies have quantitatively investigated the differences in service delivery between special district and general purpose governments. Building on Mullin's earlier work, in this research note we investigate the relationship between specialized local government and water utility rates. We find little direct difference between special districts and general-purpose governments, with some minimal support for a conditional relationship between special districts and scarcity.

特区在美国地方政府中扮演着越来越重要的角色，代表了超过40%的地方政府。然而，这些政府的普及是有争议的，因为一些人认为，由于缺乏政治问责制，它们将对服务提供产生负面影响。其他人则认为，他们对单一政策问题的关注使他们能够更有效地回应他们所服务的公民。尽管存在争议，但只有少数研究定量调查了特区政府和一般目的政府在服务提供方面的差异。在穆林早期工作的基础上，本研究报告探讨了专业化地方政府与水电费之间的关系。我们发现特区与一般目的政府之间的直接差异不大，对特区与稀缺性之间的条件关系提供了最低限度的支持。

引用次数: 1

Creative Placemaking and Empowered Participatory Governance 创造性的场所创造和参与式治理

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-29 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221123207

Amber Wichowsky, Jennifer Gaul-Stout, Jill McNew-Birren

Creative placemaking has become a popular strategy to revitalize distressed neighborhoods. Who is empowered to participate in these projects and in what capacity? Do such efforts reduce or reinforce existing race-class inequities in community development? Drawing on three years of participant observations, interviews with stakeholders, and analyses of project reports, we use Archon Fung's “Democracy Cube” framework to evaluate a creative placemaking initiative in one of the most segregated cities in the United States. We find that over the course of the project, participation patterns shifted from highly diffuse across many individuals with varied roles to highly concentrated, such that only a few individuals maintained knowledge of ongoing developments in the project. We argue that this shift was not inevitable and discuss strategies that funders and organizations can use to increase equity in placemaking and community development endeavors.

创造性的场所营造已经成为振兴贫困社区的流行策略。谁被授权以何种身份参与这些项目?这些努力是否会减少或加剧社区发展中现有的种族阶级不平等?通过三年的参与者观察、对利益相关者的访谈和对项目报告的分析，我们使用冯执政官的“民主立方体”框架来评估美国种族隔离最严重的城市之一的创造性场所建设倡议。我们发现，在项目的过程中，参与模式从高度分散的许多具有不同角色的个体转变为高度集中的个体，这样只有少数个体保持项目中正在进行的开发的知识。我们认为这种转变不是不可避免的，并讨论了资助者和组织可以使用的策略，以增加场所建设和社区发展努力的公平性。

引用次数: 1

Why Political Scientists Should Study Smaller Cities 为什么政治学家应该研究小城市

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-13 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221124610

T. Kumar, M. Stenberg

In the past 20 years, Political Science research has increasingly focused on urban and local politics. We systematically review this literature and find that smaller cities are disproportionally underrepresented, particularly outside the United States. Smaller cities exhibit economic, social, and political patterns that differ from those in large metropolitan areas. Using administrative data and existing research, we show how cities of different sizes vary in their demographic characteristics; citizens’ preferences; resources and capacity; intergovernmental relationships; and electoral politics. These patterns indicate the potential to update existing theories in Political Science, including those about gender and political participation, second-order elections, and intergovernmental relationships. We suggest that scholars consider how smaller cities might differ from larger cities and include smaller municipalities in their case study research. We also highlight political issues unique to small cities as new areas of inquiry.

在过去的20年里，政治学研究越来越关注城市和地方政治。我们系统地回顾了这些文献，发现小城市的代表性不成比例，尤其是在美国以外。小城市的经济、社会和政治模式与大城市不同。利用行政数据和现有研究，我们展示了不同规模的城市在人口特征方面的差异；公民偏好；资源和能力；政府间关系；以及选举政治。这些模式表明了更新政治学现有理论的潜力，包括关于性别和政治参与、二阶选举和政府间关系的理论。我们建议学者们考虑小城市与大城市的区别，并将小城市纳入案例研究。我们还强调，小城市特有的政治问题是新的调查领域。

引用次数: 6

Conceptualizing Municipal Elections: The Case of Toronto 2018. 概念化市政选举:以2018年多伦多为例。

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-09-01 Epub Date: 2021-08-04 DOI: 10.1177/10780874211031155

J Scott Matthews, R Michael McGregor, Laura B Stephenson

Since Angus Campbell and colleagues first introduced the "levels of conceptualization" (LoC) framework as a measure of political sophistication, a number of scholars have applied the approach to subsequent American national elections. In this study, we present the first application of the LoC framework to a municipal election, and focus upon the 2018 Toronto mayoral race. After describing the method and data we use to adapt the framework to this new context, we replicate previous analyses, and find that LoC is related to local voter turnout and several measures of political sophistication. We then consider the question of whether major candidates were discussed at different LoC, and if their supporters view local politics at different LoC. We conclude by making the case that the LoC framework is helpful for resolving the debate over whether local politics are ideological or managerial in nature.

自从安格斯·坎贝尔(Angus Campbell)及其同事首次将“概念化水平”(LoC)框架作为政治成熟度的衡量标准以来，许多学者将该方法应用于随后的美国全国大选。在本研究中，我们首次将LoC框架应用于市政选举，并将重点放在2018年多伦多市长竞选上。在描述了我们用来使框架适应这种新背景的方法和数据之后，我们重复了之前的分析，发现LoC与当地选民投票率和政治复杂性的几个指标有关。然后，我们考虑主要候选人是否在不同的LoC上被讨论，以及他们的支持者是否在不同的LoC上看待当地政治。我们的结论是，LoC框架有助于解决关于地方政治本质上是意识形态还是管理的争论。

引用次数: 2

Corrigendum to The Moderating Effects of Social Norms on Premerger Overspending: Results from a Survey Experiment 社会规范对并购前过度支出的调节作用:一项调查实验的结果

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-08-20 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221120620

引用次数: 0

School Characteristics and Voting: What Matters in Turnout and Passage 学校特色与投票:投票率与通过率的关系

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221119987

Karin E. Kitchens

Do school characteristics predict the likelihood of turning out to vote on tax referendums for school funding or predict passage of tax referendums for school funding? I rely on publicly available Florida Voter Registration files and connect voters to their closest elementary school. I then aggregate individual data to the precinct level to test what characteristics predict the passage of tax referendums. Pairing the individual level turnout data with the precinct level data, I find that there are differences in the composition of voters across election types and these voters are responding to different characteristics of schools. While we might expect school characteristics to matter more for special elections, this is not the case. School characteristics matter less in special elections because who is turning out to vote is different in those elections. General elections are the only time in which school performance is statistically related to the percent of yes vote.

学校的特点是否能预测为学校拨款进行税收公投的可能性，或者预测为学校拨款进行税收公投的可能性?我依靠公开的佛罗里达州选民登记文件，并将选民与他们最近的小学联系起来。然后，我将个人数据汇总到选区级别，以测试哪些特征可以预测税收公投的通过。结合个人层面的投票率数据和选区层面的数据，我发现不同选举类型的选民构成存在差异，这些选民对学校的不同特征做出了回应。虽然我们可能认为学校特色对补选更重要，但事实并非如此。在特别选举中，学校特色的影响较小，因为在这些选举中，谁会投票是不同的。只有在议会选举中，学校成绩才会与赞成率有统计学上的联系。

引用次数: 0

Networked Urban Governance: A Socio-Structural Analysis of Transport Strategies in London and New York 网络化城市治理：伦敦和纽约交通战略的社会结构分析

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-08-08 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221117463

N. F. da Cruz, Philipp Rode, Michael McQuarrie, N. Badstuber, Enora Robin

This paper investigates urban governance empirically by applying social network analysis methods to data gathered through structured interviews in London and New York. We explore how decisions are made in complex institutional environments inhabited by various types of actors. Owing to the time-consuming data collection and treatment processes, the research zooms in on transport. The comparative approach enabled the detection of different structural features in the governance networks shaping transport strategies in both cities. The perceived relative power, influence, dependence and/or affinity between the actors involved is discussed based on network attributes. The evidence suggests that transport governance in London is more centralised (and, arguably, more technocratic and integrated), in the sense that a few prestigious entities are clearly more prominent. In New York the institutional environment is typified by many checks and balances (and, arguably, more democratic and fragmented), where central actors are less obvious.

本文运用社会网络分析方法对伦敦和纽约的结构化访谈收集的数据进行实证研究。我们探讨决策是如何在复杂的制度环境中由各种类型的参与者居住。由于耗时的数据收集和处理过程，研究聚焦于交通运输。这种比较方法能够发现两个城市形成交通策略的治理网络中的不同结构特征。基于网络属性，讨论了参与者之间感知到的相对权力、影响、依赖和/或亲和力。有证据表明，伦敦的交通管理更加集中化(而且，可以说，更加技术官僚化和一体化)，从某种意义上说，少数有声望的实体显然更加突出。在纽约，制度环境的典型特征是许多制衡(而且，可以说，更民主，更分散)，核心角色不那么明显。

引用次数: 3

Assessing the New Municipalism Reform of Advisory Councils: The Cases of Madrid and Barcelona (2015–2019) 评估咨询委员会的新市政改革:马德里和巴塞罗那的案例(2015-2019)

IF 2.1 3区社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES

Urban Affairs Review

Pub Date : 2022-08-05 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221109444

José Luis Fernández-Martínez, Patricia García-Espín, Pau Alarcón

New Municipalism governments in Madrid and Barcelona (2015 − 2019) promoted a new agenda which included participatory budgeting, e-initiatives, and randomly selected forums. Both cities implemented deep modifications in their Advisory Councils’ (AC) systems while the ‘New Municipalism movement’ (radical-left candidacies) was in government for first time. In this article we reflect on how these municipal administrations faced the different strategies for reform across their ecosystem of ACs. For this purpose, our analysis relies on six dimensions (drivers, inclusiveness, deliberation, communication, policy-making capacity and connectedness) which are identified in the literature and are empirically applied through a comparative case study (thirty-one interviews). Despite the common agenda, the cases show dissimilarities which are connected to alternative reform strategies: one case was characterized by experimentation (Madrid), the other by slight improvement (Barcelona). Path dependency contributes to understanding these alternative logics, even when a common agenda was at play.

马德里和巴塞罗那的新市政政府(2015 - 2019)推行了一项新议程，其中包括参与式预算、电子倡议和随机选择的论坛。当“新市政主义运动”(激进左翼候选人)首次进入政府时，两个城市都对其咨询委员会(AC)系统进行了深刻的修改。在这篇文章中，我们反思了这些市政当局如何面对不同的改革战略，在整个生态系统的ac。为此，我们的分析依赖于六个维度(驱动因素、包容性、审议、沟通、决策能力和连通性)，这些维度在文献中得到确定，并通过比较案例研究(31次访谈)进行了实证应用。尽管有共同的议程，但这些案例显示出与备选改革战略有关的不同之处:一个案例的特点是试验(马德里)，另一个案例的特点是略有改进(巴塞罗那)。路径依赖关系有助于理解这些可选逻辑，即使在使用共同议程时也是如此。

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引用次数: 1

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