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Urban Social Movement Strategies in Times of Crisis: Evidence from the Movements for Housing in São Paulo 危机时期的城市社会运动策略:来自<s:1>圣保罗住房运动的证据
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-10 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221103742
Maureen M. Donaghy
This research note seeks to update our understanding of the factors that influence shifts in social movement strategies. In light of the COVID-19 pandemic, I assess the role of crisis in whether and how social movements reshape their strategies and perhaps redefine their fight for the right to the city. Though previous research has shown the importance of political opportunities and ideology for social movement strategies, we need to reassess these variables and the direction of change in times of crisis. Using the case of the Union of Housing Movements in São Paulo, I find that though the tactics of the movement responded to a conflictual relationship at the federal level and a need to meet immediate needs of members, the ideology of the movement provided the structure for continuing to engage in inclusionary governance strategies and renewed energy for transformational change.
本研究报告旨在更新我们对影响社会运动策略变化的因素的理解。鉴于2019冠状病毒病大流行,我评估了危机在社会运动是否以及如何重塑其战略,并可能重新定义其争取城市权利的斗争中的作用。虽然以前的研究已经表明了政治机会和意识形态对社会运动战略的重要性,但我们需要重新评估这些变量和危机时期的变化方向。以圣保罗住房运动联盟为例,我发现尽管该运动的策略回应了联邦层面的冲突关系和满足成员即时需求的需要,但该运动的意识形态为继续参与包容性治理战略和为转型变革提供了新的能量。
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引用次数: 0
Policing Temporality: Police Officers Reflect on the Role of the Police in Gentrifying a High-Crime Neighborhood 警务的暂时性:警察反思警察在高犯罪率社区绅士化中的作用
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221096748
Hadas Zur
Prior research reveals the interrelations between gentrification and policing, yet this paper introduces the unheard perspective of the of police on their role in gentrification. The study focuses on South Tel Aviv, which houses immigrants, drug addicts, prostitution and houselessness. It is undergoing massive urban renewal and has become the most policed area in the city. Methodology includes interviews with police officers (N-15), ethnography with urban police and spatial analysis of urban renewal. The paper argues that: 1. Gentrifying a high-crime neighborhood triggers a collision of urban forces and spatial negotiations amid users, institutions, and areas in the city. 2. Police play a significant role in this process and must operate intensive borderwork on various scales, with technology becoming a tool for internal, microgeographical social borderwork. 3. Policing gentrification raises reflexivity among officers regarding their profession, social obligation and position in urban politics. The paper concludes with the concept of policing temporality to describe the role of police in gentrification.
先前的研究揭示了士绅化和警务之间的相互关系,但本文介绍了警察对其在士绅化中的作用的前所未闻的观点。这项研究的重点是特拉维夫南部,那里居住着移民、吸毒者、卖淫和无家可归者。它正在进行大规模的城市更新,已成为该市治安最严密的地区。方法包括与警察的访谈(N-15)、与城市警察的民族志和城市更新的空间分析。本文认为:1。将高犯罪率社区绅士化会引发城市力量的碰撞,以及城市中用户、机构和区域之间的空间谈判。2.警察在这一过程中发挥着重要作用,必须在各种规模上进行密集的边界工作,技术成为内部微观地理社会边界工作的工具。3.警察士绅化提高了警察对其职业、社会义务和在城市政治中的地位的反思性。最后,本文以警务时间性的概念来描述警察在士绅化中的作用。
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引用次数: 3
Homeowners Saying “Yes, In My Back Yard”: Evidence from Israel 房主说“是的,在我的后院”:来自以色列的证据
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-06 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221102959
Tal Alster
The role of homeowners in curbing housing development, leading to shortages and lack of affordability, is a dominant explanation for tightened regulation and limited housing supply in high-demand areas. This paper shows that homeowners can also play the opposite role, as pro-development stakeholders. Original research based on permitting data, a survey of owners and analysis of planning objections from Israel shows that the self-interest of owners does not necessarily lead them to oppose development. Indeed, when owners stand to directly reap the gains of densification they are very likely to embrace landowner preferences, demanding redevelopment and further upzoning of their buildings. The paper makes two contributions. One is theoretical: elaborating conditions that shape homeowners’ interests and the politics of planning. The other is policy-relevant: highlighting a politically feasible path for densifying high-demand neighborhoods and regions.
房主在遏制住房发展方面的作用,导致住房短缺和缺乏负担能力,是高需求地区监管收紧和住房供应有限的主要原因。这篇论文表明,作为有利于发展的利益相关者,房主也可以扮演相反的角色。基于许可数据的原始研究、对业主的调查和对以色列规划反对意见的分析表明,业主的自身利益并不一定会导致他们反对开发。事实上,当业主直接从密集化中获益时,他们很可能会接受土地所有者的偏好,要求对其建筑进行重新开发和进一步升级。这篇论文有两个贡献。一个是理论性的:详细说明影响房主利益和规划政治的条件。另一个是与政策相关的:强调一条在政治上可行的道路,以加密高需求的社区和地区。
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引用次数: 2
The Moderating Effects of Social Norms on Pre-merger Overspending: Results from a Survey Experiment 社会规范对并购前过度支出的调节作用:一项调查实验结果
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-06-01 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221090873
Jostein Askim, K. Houlberg
The proposition that amalgamation reforms lead to a common-pool problem is strongly supported; governments are incentivized to overspend before the merger is implemented. However, existing literature helps little in understanding why some governments do not overspend in the pre-merger period, and why hoarders do not overspend more than they do. One explanation hitherto overlooked is the moderating effect of social norms. Two hypotheses regarding the importance of social norms are tested with data from a survey experiment conducted on over 3,000 Norwegian local elected officials. The analysis supports both: Support for hoarding is lower when hoarding is debt-financed than when financed by savings. Support for hoarding is also lower when others in the amalgamation are anticipated not to hoard than when they are. That pre-merger hoarding varies with different levels of social obligations vis-à-vis the amalgamation has implications for common-pool theory and for reformers of the structure of government.
合并改革导致共同资金池问题的主张得到了强烈支持;政府被激励在合并实施前超支。然而,现有文献对理解为什么一些政府在合并前没有超支,以及为什么囤积者没有超支超过他们的超支几乎没有帮助。迄今为止被忽视的一个解释是社会规范的调节作用。对3000多名挪威地方民选官员进行的一项调查实验的数据检验了关于社会规范重要性的两个假设。这项分析支持两者:当囤积是由债务融资时,对囤积的支持率低于由储蓄融资时。当合并中的其他人预计不会囤积时,对囤积的支持率也低于实际情况。合并前的囤积随着社会义务相对于合并的不同程度而不同,这对共同池理论和政府结构的改革者都有影响。
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引用次数: 2
How Local Contexts Matter for Local Immigrant Policies 地方背景对地方移民政策有何影响
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-31 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221091496
Heather Khan-Welsh, L. Reese, Teagan J. Reese
There is a dearth of studies comparing the relative explanatory power of several major theories related to policy support for immigrants specifically in the context of local policies (as opposed to those at the state and national levels) and related to immigrant settlement and attraction (as opposed to welfare or legal benefits). By testing alternate explanations of local immigration policy, the analysis contributes to the development of theory related to policymaking in this area. Based on a national survey of municipalities across the US there is little evidence that racial threat theory limits local immigrant supportive policies. However, the policy determinants differ by the type of immigrant attraction and support policy examined.
很少有研究比较与移民政策支持相关的几个主要理论的相对解释力,特别是在地方政策的背景下(与州和国家层面的政策相对),以及与移民安置和吸引力相关的理论(与福利或法律福利相对)。通过测试对当地移民政策的替代解释,该分析有助于该领域政策制定相关理论的发展。根据对美国各地城市的全国调查,几乎没有证据表明种族威胁理论限制了当地移民的支持政策。然而,政策决定因素因所审查的移民吸引和支持政策的类型而异。
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引用次数: 3
Insurgent Asylum Policies in European Cities: A Multi-Level Governance Perspective 欧洲城市的叛乱庇护政策:多层面治理视角
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-25 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221091594
Raffaele Bazurli, David Kaufmann
Cities worldwide operate on the frontlines to support forced migrants. Some of these cities even overstep their formal prerogatives by refusing to comply with, and at times overtly subverting, the prescriptions of national authorities. This article builds a conceptual framework to understand such forms of insurgent urban asylum policy-making. We argue that insurgency depends on how city governments mediate the constraints and opportunities that emanate from the horizontal and vertical dimensions of multi-level governance, which capture city-level political dynamics as well as intergovernmental interactions. To illustrate our framework, we compare asylum policy-making in Barcelona, Milan, and Munich during the 2010s “refugee crisis.” While Munich invested in rather uncontroversial integration programs, Milan and Barcelona overstepped their jurisdictional boundaries and supported migrants considered “illegal” by national governments. These insurgent responses were enacted as a “remedy from below,” stemming from a sense of urgency that was not as pressing for Munich’s policy-makers because of the greater capacity of Germany’s asylum system.
世界各地的城市都在前线为被迫移民提供支持。其中一些城市甚至超越了他们的正式特权,拒绝遵守,有时甚至公然颠覆国家当局的规定。本文建立了一个概念框架来理解这种形式的叛乱城市庇护政策制定。我们认为,叛乱取决于城市政府如何调解多层次治理的横向和纵向层面产生的限制和机会,这些限制和机会反映了城市层面的政治动态以及政府间互动。为了说明我们的框架,我们比较了2010年代“难民危机”期间巴塞罗那、米兰和慕尼黑的庇护政策。虽然慕尼黑投资了一些没有争议的融合计划,但米兰和巴塞罗那超越了管辖范围,支持被国家政府视为“非法”的移民。这些反叛分子的回应被视为“来自下层的补救措施”,源于一种紧迫感,这种紧迫感对慕尼黑的决策者来说并不那么紧迫,因为德国庇护系统的能力更强。
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引用次数: 8
How Leadership Influences Urban Greenspace Provision: The Case of Surrey, Canada 领导力如何影响城市绿地供应:以加拿大萨里为例
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-23 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221101393
Christopher Boulton, Ayşın Dedekorkut-Howes, M. Holden, J. Byrne
Much research has examined the socio-spatial distribution of, and access to, urban greenspace; the challenges of supplying greenspace, especially in periods of dynamic urban change, remain poorly understood. Multiple factors shape urban greenspace provision, however understanding the role of leadership as a factor remains somewhat elusive. Addressing this critical knowledge gap, we employed a case study approach, using qualitative methods, to hear first-hand from the key stakeholders involved with municipal urban greenspace provision, to investigate how different types of leadership affected greenspace provision in Surrey, Canada – a dynamically changing mid-size city. Semi-structured interviews with 32 purposively selected participants reveal that here, both leadership and organizational culture influenced resources and decision-making supporting greenspace provision. Aligned political leadership and organizational leadership witnessed a significant increase in Surrey's urban greenspaces – the converse occurred in a later administration. Findings provide insights into the governance of greenspace; especially how different types of leadership can play a pivotal role in effective greenspace provision.
许多研究考察了城市绿地的社会空间分布和使用情况;供应绿地的挑战,尤其是在城市动态变化时期,人们仍然知之甚少。多种因素决定了城市绿地的提供,然而,对领导力作为一个因素的作用的理解仍然有些难以捉摸。为了解决这一关键的知识差距,我们采用了案例研究方法,使用定性方法,直接听取了参与市政城市绿地供应的关键利益相关者的意见,并调查了不同类型的领导层如何影响加拿大萨里的绿地供应,萨里是一个动态变化的中型城市。对32名有意选择的参与者进行的半结构化访谈显示,在这里,领导力和组织文化都影响了支持绿地供应的资源和决策。一致的政治领导层和组织领导层见证了萨里城市绿地的显著增加——在后来的政府中发生了相反的情况。研究结果为绿地管理提供了见解;尤其是不同类型的领导层如何在有效的绿地供应中发挥关键作用。
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引用次数: 0
Urban Policy Entrepreneurship: Activist Networks, Minimum Wage Campaigns and Municipal Action Against Inequality 城市政策创业:活动家网络、最低工资运动和反对不平等的市政行动
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-23 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221101530
Marc Doussard, Greg Schrock
Why are cities acting against inequality? We attribute the growth of municipal economic policy to multi-city urban policy entrepreneurship networks. These networks combine activists who create pressure to address inequality with policy experts who supply the legislative means to do so. We illustrate the concept through the Fight for $15 campaign in Seattle and Chicago. Drawing on more than 100 interviews, participant observation and secondary documents, we show that advocates for municipal policy reform use national policy entrepreneurship networks to develop policy-specific and generalized policy advocacy techniques. Centering urban policy entrepreneurship brings into focus three important aspects of current municipal public policy: 1) The two-way interaction between national and local policy campaigns. 2) Partnerships between activists who set the political agenda and policy entrepreneurs who act on political opportunity. 3) The role of national advocacy and policy entrepreneurship networks in converting new policy ideas into routine, off-the-shelf policy solutions.
为什么城市要采取行动反对不平等?我们将城市经济政策的增长归因于多城市政策创业网络。这些网络将制造压力以解决不平等问题的活动家与提供立法手段的政策专家结合在一起。我们通过西雅图和芝加哥的“争取15美元”运动来说明这一概念。根据100多个访谈、参与者观察和二级文件,我们表明,市政政策改革的倡导者利用国家政策创业网络来开发针对政策的和通用的政策宣传技术。以城市政策创业为中心,聚焦当前城市公共政策的三个重要方面:1)国家和地方政策运动之间的双向互动。2) 制定政治议程的活动家和抓住政治机会采取行动的政策企业家之间的伙伴关系。3) 国家倡导和政策创业网络在将新的政策理念转化为常规、现成的政策解决方案方面的作用。
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引用次数: 3
Municipal Parks, Recreation and Cultural Services in an Age of Migration and Superdiversity 移民和超级多样性时代的市政公园、娱乐和文化服务
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-22 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221100698
L. Tossutti
The goals of promoting diversity, equity and inclusion have gained currency in planning practice, and institutions are increasingly expected to address structural inequalities related to race, ethnicity and other forms of marginalization. This article examines how six Canadian municipalities have adapted their parks, recreation and culture strategic plans, policies, programs and services in response to international migration and racial diversity. The analysis of official documents and interviews with municipal officials and community representatives reveals that municipalities have adopted de facto multicultural planning practices aligned with the state paradigm of immigrant integration and national identity, even when the term “multiculturalism” is rarely employed in official discourse. They have also incorporated some aspects of mainstreaming into the planning repertoire. In Canada, mainstreaming is not an alternative to group-specific programing, but an additional mechanism for the recognition of difference in public institutions.
促进多样性、公平和包容的目标在规划实践中越来越普遍,人们越来越期望各机构解决与种族、族裔和其他形式的边缘化有关的结构性不平等问题。本文探讨了加拿大六个市政当局如何调整其公园、娱乐和文化战略计划、政策、计划和服务,以应对国际移民和种族多样性。对官方文件的分析以及对市政官员和社区代表的采访表明,市政当局采取了与移民融合和民族认同的国家模式相一致的事实上的多元文化规划做法,即使“多元文化”一词很少在官方话语中使用。他们还将主流化的某些方面纳入了规划工作。在加拿大,主流化不是特定群体方案的替代方案,而是承认公共机构差异的一种额外机制。
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引用次数: 1
Working-Class Institutions, Amazon and The Politics of Local Economic Development in Western Queens 工人阶级制度、亚马逊与西皇后区地方经济发展的政治
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q2 URBAN STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-05-17 DOI: 10.1177/10780874221100695
J. DeFilippis, Samuel Stein
In November 2018 Amazon announced that they had selected Long Island City, Queens (LIC) as one of two locations for their second headquarters. While there had certainly been criticism and organizing against the proposed deal, given that it had the vocal support of both Mayor de Blasio and Governor Cuomo, most New Yorkers had assumed that the deal would be implemented. Then, rather surprisingly, on February 14th, 2019, Amazon announced its withdrawal from the deal and its decision not to come to LIC. This article uses the case of Amazon and other large scale developments in western Queens to discuss the conflictual and often messy politics of local economic development (LED) in working class communities. It argues that urban studies pays too little attention to how and why working class organizations participate in the politics of LED; and often thereby shape the enacted policies of LED.
2018年11月,亚马逊宣布他们选择皇后区长岛市(LIC)作为第二个总部的两个地点之一。考虑到白思豪市长和科莫州长都对拟议中的协议表示了口头支持,当然也有人批评和组织起来反对该协议,但大多数纽约人都认为该协议会得到实施。然后,令人惊讶的是,2019年2月14日,亚马逊宣布退出这笔交易,决定不加入LIC。本文以亚马逊和皇后区西部的其他大型开发项目为例,讨论了工人阶级社区中地方经济发展(LED)的冲突和往往混乱的政治。它认为,城市研究对工人阶级组织如何以及为什么参与LED政治关注太少;并经常因此影响LED的制定政策。
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引用次数: 5
期刊
Urban Affairs Review
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