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Compact City and Mayoral Entrepreneurship: A Study of Success and Setbacks in Two Japanese Cities 紧凑型城市与市长创业精神:日本两个城市的成功与挫折研究
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241252754
Yasuo Takao
Controlling urban sprawl are the overarching challenges facing cities worldwide. This article delves into the pivotal role of policy entrepreneurship throughout the planning and implementation phases of compact city initiatives. Drawing insights from the experiences of Aomori City and Toyama City in Japan, this study scrutinizes the drivers behind the shift toward urban compactness and its consequent outcomes. The incorporation of policy studies theories into the realm of compact city development has been scant. To bridge this gap, the research leverages process-oriented theories from policy studies to dissect the decision-making processes guiding compact city development in these two pivotal municipalities. Through this investigation, it is revealed that the effective transition to compact urbanization in Japanese municipalities predominantly stems from policy entrepreneurship. The author posits that this achievement is primarily attributed to adept local mayors who possess the acumen to cater to specific local needs.
控制城市无序扩张是全球城市面临的首要挑战。本文深入探讨了政策企业家精神在紧凑型城市计划的规划和实施阶段所发挥的关键作用。本研究从日本青森市和富山市的经验中汲取启示,仔细研究了城市向紧凑型转变背后的驱动因素及其结果。将政策研究理论纳入紧凑型城市发展领域的研究还很少。为了弥补这一不足,本研究利用政策研究中以过程为导向的理论,剖析了这两个关键城市紧凑型城市发展的决策过程。调查显示,日本城市向紧凑型城市化的有效转型主要源于政策创业。作者认为,这一成就主要归功于精明的地方市长,他们拥有满足当地特定需求的敏锐性。
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引用次数: 0
Transforming a Day-Laborer's Quarter into a Service Hub: An Analysis of the Case of Kotobuki in Yokohama, Japan, Using Public Choice and Neo-Hegelian Theories 将日工区改造成服务枢纽:运用公共选择和新黑格尔理论分析日本横滨的 Kotobuki 案例
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-06-03 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241259425
Hiroshi Ito, Chisato Igano
The inadequate provision of welfare services has long represented a persisting issue in addressing urban poverty, especially in districts where poverty converges. One such district, once a day laborer's quarter, is Kotobuki of Yokohama. However, given that Kotobuki is now recognized as a welfare center, this study analyzes why the abovementioned transformation occurred. Previous research examining this question focused especially on the role of civil society, neglecting that of the city government, despite its crucial role in providing welfare services. Furthermore, few studies have employed robust theories in their analysis. Against this background, this study aims to bridge these gaps, conducting in-depth interviews with city government officials and civil society personnel while using public choice and neo-Hegelian theories. The findings provide useful implications for policymakers in day laborers’ quarters worldwide, as well as insight into future welfare strategies, informing the development of public policies to address urban poverty.
长期以来,福利服务不足一直是解决城市贫困问题的一个顽疾,尤其是在贫困人口聚集的地区。横滨市的小吹地区就是这样一个曾经是日工区的地区。然而,鉴于小吹现在已被公认为福利中心,本研究分析了发生上述转变的原因。以往对这一问题的研究特别关注民间社会的作用,而忽视了市政府的作用,尽管市政府在提供福利服务方面发挥着至关重要的作用。此外,很少有研究在分析中采用有力的理论。在此背景下,本研究旨在弥补这些不足,在运用公共选择和新黑格尔理论的同时,对市政府官员和民间社会人员进行了深入访谈。研究结果为全球日工宿舍的政策制定者提供了有益的启示,也为未来的福利战略提供了深刻的见解,为制定解决城市贫困问题的公共政策提供了参考。
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引用次数: 0
Tribal Politics or Discerning Voters? Party and Policy in Local Elections 部落政治还是选民眼光?地方选举中的政党与政策
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-23 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241252757
Danielle Joesten Martin, Brian E. Adams, Edward L. Lascher
How do voters react to local candidates who share their policy views but not their party identification, and vice versa? This paper presents findings from a survey experiment that cross-pressured respondents to choose between a co-partisan candidate who does not share their policy views (on housing and homelessness) and an opposing party candidate with some ideological affinity. The majority of respondents chose party over policy, indicating they would vote for co-partisans even if the candidate from the opposing party is closer to their policy positions. However, significant minorities defected and in some circumstances most did. Weak partisans, those with stronger policy views, and those who viewed the issues as highly salient were more likely to defect from their party when cross-pressured. Our findings support revising the expectation that partisanship always takes precedence over policy views and reinforces the view that partisanship may operate differently at the local level.
选民对与自己政策观点相同但不认同自己党派的地方候选人有何反应,反之亦然?本文介绍了一项调查实验的结果,该实验交叉施压,要求受访者在与自己政策观点(关于住房和无家可归问题)不一致的共同党派候选人和在意识形态上有一定亲和力的对立党派候选人之间做出选择。大多数受访者选择了党派而非政策,表明即使对立党派的候选人更接近他们的政策立场,他们也会把票投给共同党派的候选人。然而,也有相当少数的人投了反对票,在某些情况下,大多数人都投了反对票。党性较弱、政策观点较强以及认为问题非常突出的人在受到交叉压力时更有可能叛党。我们的研究结果支持修正党派性总是优先于政策观点的预期,并强化了党派性在地方层面可能以不同方式运作的观点。
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引用次数: 0
Celebrating Sixty Years of Urban Affairs Review: Larry Bennett and the “Black Urban Regime” 庆祝城市事务六十年回顾:拉里-贝内特和 "黑人城市政权
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-15 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241250169
Maureen Donaghy, Yue Zhang
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引用次数: 0
Economies of Inequality? Polycentric Metropolitan Governance and Strategic Sustainability Choices 不平等经济?多中心大都市治理与可持续性战略选择
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-05-09 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241252755
A. Deslatte, Laura Helmke-Long, Eric Stokan, Juwon Chung
This article examines the relationship between the political fragmentation of cities in metropolitan regions, the distribution of social vulnerability, and the city-level economic and social sustainability strategies they adopt. Strategies emerge from prevailing community norms, and polycentric governance arrangements can support conditions in which both economic and social sustainability strategies emerge as compliments, contrary to the concern that fragmentation spurs zero-sum competition. Combining surveys of U.S. cities with social vulnerability data and text analysis of planning documents, we find that greater fragmentation has a negative impact on the sustainable development strategies cities adopt. However, growth and sustainable development strategies tend to develop alongside social sustainability efforts to address human needs. We conclude that development strategies emerge in polycentric systems in relation to the degree of fragmentation which exists, and that subsequent work should continue to focus on identifying these entropic thresholds in order to effectively address lingering inequities.
本文探讨了大都市地区城市的政治分化、社会脆弱性的分布以及城市所采取的经济和社会可持续发展战略之间的关系。战略源于普遍的社区规范,而多中心治理安排可以支持经济和社会可持续发展战略相得益彰的条件,这与碎片化引发零和竞争的担忧恰恰相反。结合对美国城市的调查、社会脆弱性数据和规划文件的文本分析,我们发现,更大程度的分散会对城市采取的可持续发展战略产生负面影响。然而,增长和可持续发展战略往往与社会可持续发展努力同时发展,以满足人类需求。我们的结论是,在多中心系统中,发展战略的形成与存在的碎片化程度有关,后续工作应继续关注确定这些熵阈值,以有效解决挥之不去的不平等问题。
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引用次数: 0
How Citizens Meet the State: Police Contact, Trust, and Civic Engagement 公民如何与国家相遇:警察接触、信任和公民参与
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-05 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241241228
Jacob R. Turner, M. Shum
This paper investigates the relationship between the police, the most visible street-level bureaucrat of local city governments, and citizen political attitudes and behaviors toward local city institutions. We introduce a holistic conceptualization of police-citizen contact and examine how each type impacts citizen trust toward and participation in political institutions. Leveraging an original survey targeting the city of South Bend and spatial data from the city government, results demonstrate that greater day-to-day contact with police has a positive impact on trust in state agencies while citizens who seek service from the police but are left unsatisfied result in lower trust in state apparatus. Most importantly, indirect exposure to police coercion has a negative impact on trust while direct and proximal contact with police predicts higher level of civic activism. This study demonstrates the fragility and challenge of building trust in police-citizen relationships, and how extreme encounters with the police can, in the right circumstances, spur citizen activism.
本文研究了警察--地方城市政府中最引人注目的街道一级官僚--与公民对地方城市机构的政治态度和行为之间的关系。我们引入了警察与市民接触的整体概念,并研究了每种接触类型如何影响市民对政治机构的信任和参与。利用针对南本德市的原创调查和来自市政府的空间数据,结果表明,与警方更多的日常接触会对国家机构的信任度产生积极影响,而寻求警方服务但不满意的公民则会降低对国家机器的信任度。最重要的是,间接接触警察胁迫会对信任度产生负面影响,而与警察直接和近距离接触则预示着公民行动主义水平的提高。这项研究表明了在警民关系中建立信任的脆弱性和挑战性,以及在适当的情况下,与警察的极端接触是如何激发公民行动主义的。
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引用次数: 0
Collaborative Planning in the Context of Deindustrialization: A Qualitative Evaluation of Comparative Cases in Northeast Ohio 非工业化背景下的合作规划:俄亥俄州东北部比较案例的定性评估
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-04-05 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241243033
Thomas W. Hilde, Joanna P. Ganning, Wendy A. Kellogg, Meghan E. Rubado
This article investigates whether and how the contexts of the Rust Belt decline extend collaborative planning theory. We evaluate two collaborative planning projects in Northeast Ohio: (1) the Cuyahoga Greenways (CG), a regional trails project and (2) the Mahoning River Corridor Initiative (MRCI), a postindustrial river restoration project. Based on participant interviews and document analysis, we find that the projects are distinct in their contextual conditions and collaborative processes, with CG better aligning with common expectations found in the literature. MRCI deviates from normative theory pertaining to collaborative planning; we discuss how this might relate to processes of institutional change. Our results suggest that the collaborative planning literature is insufficiently tailored to assess collaborative projects in the context of decline—particularly where there is controversy around the project and where collaborative institutions and networks are weak.
本文探讨了 "铁锈地带 "衰落的背景是否以及如何扩展合作规划理论。我们评估了俄亥俄州东北部的两个合作规划项目:(1) 库亚霍加绿道(Cuyahoga Greenways,CG),一个区域性步道项目;(2) 马霍宁河走廊倡议(Mahoning River Corridor Initiative,MRCI),一个后工业化河流恢复项目。根据对参与者的访谈和文件分析,我们发现这两个项目在背景条件和合作过程方面各不相同,其中卡霍加绿道更符合文献中的共同预期。MRCI 偏离了与合作规划相关的规范理论;我们讨论了这可能与制度变革过程的关系。我们的研究结果表明,合作规划文献不足以评估衰退背景下的合作项目,尤其是在围绕项目存在争议以及合作机构和网络薄弱的情况下。
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引用次数: 0
The Price of Losing Autonomy: Assessing the Economic Impact of County-to-District Mergers in China 失去自主权的代价:评估中国县区合并的经济影响
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-29 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241242696
Jianzi He
Amalgamations in democratic settings often result in disadvantages for small and peripheral units, as their political power diminishes in the merged jurisdictions. This article extends the discussion to China by assessing the economic outcomes of county-level units after their conversion into districts directly controlled by city authorities. Leveraging a large county-year panel dataset and employing an advanced causal effect estimator, my analysis reveals a generally less optimistic outlook for these county-turned districts following the mergers. The negative impacts are initially evident in microeconomic indicators, especially in resident deposits, and later materialize in the long-term trajectories of macroeconomic indicators. Furthermore, heterogeneous analysis and a comparative case study in Hangzhou city link the problem to the loss of administrative autonomy. Notably, the negative impacts are less likely to manifest in county-turned districts that are under provincial protection and therefore maintain a certain degree of administrative autonomy after the mergers.
民主环境下的合并往往会导致小单位和边缘单位处于不利地位,因为它们在合并后辖区内的政治权力会减弱。本文将讨论延伸到中国,评估了县级单位合并为由市当局直接控制的区后的经济成果。利用一个大型的县级年面板数据集,并采用先进的因果效应估计方法,我的分析揭示了这些县改区合并后的前景普遍不太乐观。这种负面影响最初体现在微观经济指标上,尤其是居民存款方面,后来则体现在宏观经济指标的长期轨迹上。此外,异质性分析和杭州市的比较案例研究将问题与行政自主权的丧失联系起来。值得注意的是,在县改区中,负面影响不太可能表现出来,因为县改区受省级保护,因此在合并后仍保持一定程度的行政自主权。
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引用次数: 0
From the Three Rs to the “Culture Wars”? How Australians Perceive Local Government Action on Climate Change, Indigenous Reconciliation, and LGBTQIA + Advocacy 从三个 R 到 "文化战争"?澳大利亚人如何看待地方政府在气候变化、土著和解以及 LGBTQIA + 倡导方面的行动
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241242049
Mark Chou, Rachel Busbridge, Serrin Rutledge-Prior
Australian local government has rarely been the domain where entrenched and polarising cultural disputes play out, and is instead most often associated with the “3Rs”: roads, rates, and rubbish. However, in recent years, a growing number of local councils from across Australia have taken exceptional and unprecedented steps, sometimes in defiance of state and federal governments, to address some of the country's most ideologically contentious issues. Drawing on long-established American urban politics literature on local politics and culture war conflicts, this research note offers an empirical account of the public understandings and perceptions of local government roles in the realm of contentious politics, an area that has not yet been addressed in the emerging Australian literature. Our findings from a representative nation-wide survey (n = 1,350) indicate that a majority of Australians believe that local governments should be involved in matters relating to climate change, Indigenous reconciliation, and LGBTQIA + advocacy.
澳大利亚的地方政府很少出现根深蒂固、两极分化的文化争端,反而最常与 "3R "联系在一起:道路、费率和垃圾。然而,近年来,澳大利亚各地越来越多的地方议会采取了前所未有的特殊措施,有时甚至不顾州政府和联邦政府的反对,来解决该国一些在意识形态上最有争议的问题。本研究报告借鉴了关于地方政治和文化战争冲突的美国城市政治文献,以实证研究的方式阐述了公众对地方政府在有争议的政治领域中所扮演角色的理解和看法。我们从一项具有代表性的全国性调查(n = 1,350)中得出的结果表明,大多数澳大利亚人认为地方政府应参与气候变化、土著和解和 LGBTQIA + 倡导等相关事务。
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引用次数: 0
Reform and Community Level Participation: The Overturn of Stop, Question, and Frisk (SQF) in New York City 改革与社区参与:推翻纽约市的拦截、盘问和搜身(SQF)制度
IF 2.1 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2024-03-28 DOI: 10.1177/10780874241241266
Alexis Palmer
Though there has been a wealth of work showing that negative experiences with government lead to less political participation, there is little understanding of how to address this problem. That is, it is unclear whether reform to negative government behavior can also address the negative consequences of that behavior. This paper uses the overturn of Stop, Question, and Frisk in New York City to show that despite a significant change to police behavior, having experienced a high level of policing continues to depress voter turnout. Furthermore, it uses residents who have moved within New York City after the change in policy to show that residing in a community that was heavily policed continues to influence voter behavior, even if an individual never directly experienced high levels of policing. This is in line with communities both being changed by police policies and community transmission of norms around participation.
尽管已有大量研究表明,与政府打交道的负面经历会导致政治参与度降低,但人们对如何解决这一问题却知之甚少。也就是说,目前还不清楚对负面政府行为的改革是否也能解决该行为的负面影响。本文通过推翻纽约市的 "拦截、盘问和搜身 "法案来说明,尽管警察行为发生了重大改变,但经历过高水平的治安管理仍会抑制选民投票率。此外,该研究还利用政策改变后在纽约市内搬迁的居民来说明,即使个人从未直接经历过高水平的治安管理,但居住在治安管理严重的社区仍会影响选民的投票行为。这与社区既受到警察政策的改变,又受到社区参与规范的影响是一致的。
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引用次数: 0
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Urban Affairs Review
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