Pub Date : 2023-09-26DOI: 10.1177/10780874231203681
Emily M. Farris, Mirya R. Holman
An increasing number of U.S. sheriffs claim that they will not enforce gun safety policies from state and federal governments in their counties. As locally elected law enforcement with a unique institutional position and significant powers, sheriffs play a key role in local policy implementation. To better understand cooperation (or the lack thereof) between levels of government, we look at these sheriffs’ contentious relationships over firearm regulation. We argue that sheriffs mobilized to resist state and federal gun safety policies through right-wing extremist efforts, tracing the involvement of sheriffs in gun policy over time. Using two surveys of sheriffs (conducted in 2012 and 2021), we show that sheriffs’ preferences against gun safety measures relate to right-wing extremist attitudes, even with controls for political and demographic factors. We demonstrate relationships between sheriffs’ right-wing extremism and an expressed reluctance to support or enforce a wide set of gun safety policies.
{"title":"Local Gun Safety Enforcement, Sheriffs, and Right-Wing Political Extremism","authors":"Emily M. Farris, Mirya R. Holman","doi":"10.1177/10780874231203681","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231203681","url":null,"abstract":"An increasing number of U.S. sheriffs claim that they will not enforce gun safety policies from state and federal governments in their counties. As locally elected law enforcement with a unique institutional position and significant powers, sheriffs play a key role in local policy implementation. To better understand cooperation (or the lack thereof) between levels of government, we look at these sheriffs’ contentious relationships over firearm regulation. We argue that sheriffs mobilized to resist state and federal gun safety policies through right-wing extremist efforts, tracing the involvement of sheriffs in gun policy over time. Using two surveys of sheriffs (conducted in 2012 and 2021), we show that sheriffs’ preferences against gun safety measures relate to right-wing extremist attitudes, even with controls for political and demographic factors. We demonstrate relationships between sheriffs’ right-wing extremism and an expressed reluctance to support or enforce a wide set of gun safety policies.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":"9 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"134958653","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-20DOI: 10.1177/10780874231197996
Luisa Godinez Puig
A large body of research has shown that American politics have been highly influenced by conservative movements born in American White suburbia. Yet, suburbs are also moving left and becoming more diversified. I argue that this context has led to new cityhood movements in unincorporated areas of some regions of the US. By forming cities, unincorporated communities detach themselves from shared county-level authorities and the wider populations served in these jurisdictions. What triggers municipal incorporations today and how are recent incorporation movements different from those of the postwar era? To answer these questions, I conduct fieldwork in Georgia. I find that municipal incorporations are a modern type of segregation triggered by sentiments of racial threat and conservatism, which I call White fortressing. I update the study of government formation by analyzing a new wave of municipal incorporations and contribute to the literature works on White flight, racial threat, and residential segregation.
{"title":"White Fortressing: How Racial Threat and Conservatism Lead to the Formation of Local Governments","authors":"Luisa Godinez Puig","doi":"10.1177/10780874231197996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231197996","url":null,"abstract":"A large body of research has shown that American politics have been highly influenced by conservative movements born in American White suburbia. Yet, suburbs are also moving left and becoming more diversified. I argue that this context has led to new cityhood movements in unincorporated areas of some regions of the US. By forming cities, unincorporated communities detach themselves from shared county-level authorities and the wider populations served in these jurisdictions. What triggers municipal incorporations today and how are recent incorporation movements different from those of the postwar era? To answer these questions, I conduct fieldwork in Georgia. I find that municipal incorporations are a modern type of segregation triggered by sentiments of racial threat and conservatism, which I call White fortressing. I update the study of government formation by analyzing a new wave of municipal incorporations and contribute to the literature works on White flight, racial threat, and residential segregation.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":"15 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-09-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136373976","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-08DOI: 10.1177/10780874231199390
Ruowen Shen
Chinese city governments have collaborated increasingly to address regional environmental issues by participating in informal and formal collaborative networks. However, collaboration among cities involves collaboration risks. This study investigates how cities strategically select collaborative partners in informal and formal networks in the context of the Yangtze River Delta in China. This study addresses this question by assessing the nature of collaborative problems in the informal and formal networks, the extent of homophily in actors’ preferences, and their relationship multiplexity. Findings from Exponential Random Graph Analysis demonstrate: (1) city governments tend to connect to the popular actor and create relationship closure in the informal network, while only forging relationship closure in the formal network; (2) homophily (in water pollution) and heterogeneity (in air pollution) jointly affect city governments’ choices of collaborative partners in the formal network; and (3) the presence of relationship multiplexity wherein the formation of formal ties is built between city governments with pre-existing informal interactions. The findings advance our knowledge of collaborative partner selection and local collaborative governance in China.
{"title":"Regional Governance and Multiplex Networks in Environmental Sustainability: An Exponential Random Graph Model Analysis in the Chinese Local Government Context","authors":"Ruowen Shen","doi":"10.1177/10780874231199390","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231199390","url":null,"abstract":"Chinese city governments have collaborated increasingly to address regional environmental issues by participating in informal and formal collaborative networks. However, collaboration among cities involves collaboration risks. This study investigates how cities strategically select collaborative partners in informal and formal networks in the context of the Yangtze River Delta in China. This study addresses this question by assessing the nature of collaborative problems in the informal and formal networks, the extent of homophily in actors’ preferences, and their relationship multiplexity. Findings from Exponential Random Graph Analysis demonstrate: (1) city governments tend to connect to the popular actor and create relationship closure in the informal network, while only forging relationship closure in the formal network; (2) homophily (in water pollution) and heterogeneity (in air pollution) jointly affect city governments’ choices of collaborative partners in the formal network; and (3) the presence of relationship multiplexity wherein the formation of formal ties is built between city governments with pre-existing informal interactions. The findings advance our knowledge of collaborative partner selection and local collaborative governance in China.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-08","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48546154","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-09-04DOI: 10.1177/10780874231195252
Mark Chou
Localism has recently been placed back on the political agenda in many countries. Given this, the case for prioritizing the local should be subject to renewed scrutiny. In this review essay, I do this in two ways while being guided by two new books: Trevor Latimer's Small Isn’t Beautiful: The Case Against Localism and Jennifer Vey and Nate Storring's edited collection, Hyperlocal: Place Governance in a Fragmented World. Firstly, I use Latimer to examine how the localist revolution—much heralded by some—has the potential not only to produce good as well as regrettable outcomes, but increasingly regrettable outcomes in the name of good. Secondly, I use Vey and Storring to examine why localist solutions emerge and sometimes become necessary in the face of state and federal neglect. But even so, this does not necessarily mean that localism alone, without centralized coordination and oversight, is enough.
{"title":"Going Local: Understanding and Avoiding the Dangers of Localism","authors":"Mark Chou","doi":"10.1177/10780874231195252","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231195252","url":null,"abstract":"Localism has recently been placed back on the political agenda in many countries. Given this, the case for prioritizing the local should be subject to renewed scrutiny. In this review essay, I do this in two ways while being guided by two new books: Trevor Latimer's Small Isn’t Beautiful: The Case Against Localism and Jennifer Vey and Nate Storring's edited collection, Hyperlocal: Place Governance in a Fragmented World. Firstly, I use Latimer to examine how the localist revolution—much heralded by some—has the potential not only to produce good as well as regrettable outcomes, but increasingly regrettable outcomes in the name of good. Secondly, I use Vey and Storring to examine why localist solutions emerge and sometimes become necessary in the face of state and federal neglect. But even so, this does not necessarily mean that localism alone, without centralized coordination and oversight, is enough.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-09-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46917283","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-16DOI: 10.1177/10780874231191703
S. Chizeck, Kelley Fong, R. Goldstein, Ariel White
People receiving government assistance have personal stakes in the political process and intimate knowledge of policy implementation. However, data limitations have made it hard to measure voting among those receiving assistance across various programs. Using linked administrative data from a large county in Pennsylvania, merged with the Pennsylvania voter file, we calculate voting rates among benefits recipients. We find that people receiving means-tested benefits (cash assistance, food assistance, health insurance, disability benefits, childcare, and housing) vote at just over half the rate of other county residents (45 percent compared with 84 percent in 2020). In the 2020 election, public benefits recipients comprised over 20 percent of the voting-eligible population but only 12 percent of voters. To the extent that benefits recipients are more supportive of generous welfare policy than nonrecipients and more familiar with administrative burdens programs impose, this underrepresentation may obscure popular preferences for social welfare provision and shape politicians’ attentiveness to program design.
{"title":"Political Underrepresentation Among Public Benefits Recipients: Evidence from Linked Administrative Data","authors":"S. Chizeck, Kelley Fong, R. Goldstein, Ariel White","doi":"10.1177/10780874231191703","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231191703","url":null,"abstract":"People receiving government assistance have personal stakes in the political process and intimate knowledge of policy implementation. However, data limitations have made it hard to measure voting among those receiving assistance across various programs. Using linked administrative data from a large county in Pennsylvania, merged with the Pennsylvania voter file, we calculate voting rates among benefits recipients. We find that people receiving means-tested benefits (cash assistance, food assistance, health insurance, disability benefits, childcare, and housing) vote at just over half the rate of other county residents (45 percent compared with 84 percent in 2020). In the 2020 election, public benefits recipients comprised over 20 percent of the voting-eligible population but only 12 percent of voters. To the extent that benefits recipients are more supportive of generous welfare policy than nonrecipients and more familiar with administrative burdens programs impose, this underrepresentation may obscure popular preferences for social welfare provision and shape politicians’ attentiveness to program design.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-16","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42314147","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-13DOI: 10.1177/10780874231194937
Christopher A. Cooper, Heather Rimes
Municipal policy leadership is shared between managers, city councilors, and mayors, all of whom vary in institutional power and resources across municipalities. Corresponding with their importance, scholars have established consistent measures of professionalism for Mayors and City Managers. Unfortunately, there is no parallel measure of professionalism for city councils. After reviewing the role of councils in local policy leadership and establishing the need for a systematic measure of local legislative professionalism, this paper uses data from over 4,000 municipalities to develop a measure of legislative professionalism for city councils. We demonstrate that considerable variation exists in levels of professionalism among local legislatures and describe the implications of this variation for questions of municipal policy leadership and local legislative representation.
{"title":"Towards a Measure of Local Legislative Professionalism","authors":"Christopher A. Cooper, Heather Rimes","doi":"10.1177/10780874231194937","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231194937","url":null,"abstract":"Municipal policy leadership is shared between managers, city councilors, and mayors, all of whom vary in institutional power and resources across municipalities. Corresponding with their importance, scholars have established consistent measures of professionalism for Mayors and City Managers. Unfortunately, there is no parallel measure of professionalism for city councils. After reviewing the role of councils in local policy leadership and establishing the need for a systematic measure of local legislative professionalism, this paper uses data from over 4,000 municipalities to develop a measure of legislative professionalism for city councils. We demonstrate that considerable variation exists in levels of professionalism among local legislatures and describe the implications of this variation for questions of municipal policy leadership and local legislative representation.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-13","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45236094","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-08-01DOI: 10.1177/10780874231191702
J. Alonso, Rhys Andrews
City deals – place-based agreements between central and local state actors – are an increasingly common intervention for supporting economic performance in urban areas. This paper presents empirical evidence on the effectiveness of city deals by estimating the impact of the UK's City Deals scheme on rates of economic growth, productivity and job creation across England between 2010 and 2019. Because the City Deals were introduced in two waves, we estimate its effects using a differences-in-differences (DiD) with multiple time periods (MTPs) approach. Our DiD estimates indicate that, overall, the City Deals were associated with improvements in local economic performance, but that the first wave of city deals resulted in gains of around 2.5% to 3% that were not observed in the second wave. These results suggest that city deals are most effective when appropriate institutional structures are in place and highlight the value of MTP approaches.
{"title":"Can City Deals Improve Economic Performance? Evidence from England","authors":"J. Alonso, Rhys Andrews","doi":"10.1177/10780874231191702","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231191702","url":null,"abstract":"City deals – place-based agreements between central and local state actors – are an increasingly common intervention for supporting economic performance in urban areas. This paper presents empirical evidence on the effectiveness of city deals by estimating the impact of the UK's City Deals scheme on rates of economic growth, productivity and job creation across England between 2010 and 2019. Because the City Deals were introduced in two waves, we estimate its effects using a differences-in-differences (DiD) with multiple time periods (MTPs) approach. Our DiD estimates indicate that, overall, the City Deals were associated with improvements in local economic performance, but that the first wave of city deals resulted in gains of around 2.5% to 3% that were not observed in the second wave. These results suggest that city deals are most effective when appropriate institutional structures are in place and highlight the value of MTP approaches.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-08-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45954863","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-25DOI: 10.1177/10780874231189669
Nooreen Fatima, J. Josephson
Community organizations that have historically depended upon in-person organizing methods faced particular challenges during the Covid-19 pandemic. We studied a U.S.-based network of community organizations to examine how they did their organizing work during the pandemic. Based on data collection of public information about the organizations and semi-structured interviews with key leaders, we studied the methods of organizing and the organizations’ use of various tools, digital and otherwise, and asked leaders about how the experience of organizing during the pandemic might change their future approach to organizing. We found that these organizations were able to continue their work in part because they already had established relationships among leaders and were able to adapt their familiar organizing tools to the new situation, effectively engaging in “reorganizing” during the pandemic.
{"title":"Pandemic-Era Organizing","authors":"Nooreen Fatima, J. Josephson","doi":"10.1177/10780874231189669","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231189669","url":null,"abstract":"Community organizations that have historically depended upon in-person organizing methods faced particular challenges during the Covid-19 pandemic. We studied a U.S.-based network of community organizations to examine how they did their organizing work during the pandemic. Based on data collection of public information about the organizations and semi-structured interviews with key leaders, we studied the methods of organizing and the organizations’ use of various tools, digital and otherwise, and asked leaders about how the experience of organizing during the pandemic might change their future approach to organizing. We found that these organizations were able to continue their work in part because they already had established relationships among leaders and were able to adapt their familiar organizing tools to the new situation, effectively engaging in “reorganizing” during the pandemic.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-07-25","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44480051","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-07-19DOI: 10.1177/10780874231187131
Bai Linh Hoang, Andrea Benjamin
In this research note, we investigate the degree to which local governments reduced or expanded the budgets of police departments in the aftermath of the nation-wide protests organized by the Black Lives Matter movement during the summer of 2020. We also consider the political and social factors that might explain local councils’ decisions on the budget. In analyzing an original dataset of about 100 of the most populous U.S. cities, we do not find strong evidence of government efforts to “defund” the police. However, across various specifications of potential responsiveness to the movement's demands, we do find that mayoral partisanship may be associated with local government decisions to meaningfully reduce their police budgets or abstain from increasing them, but even this relationship may not be sustained in the longer term. Thus, we encourage more research on barriers that potentially inhibit local government responsiveness to social movements like Black Lives Matter.
{"title":"“Defund” or “Refund” the Police?: City Council Responsiveness to the Black Lives Matter Protests","authors":"Bai Linh Hoang, Andrea Benjamin","doi":"10.1177/10780874231187131","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231187131","url":null,"abstract":"In this research note, we investigate the degree to which local governments reduced or expanded the budgets of police departments in the aftermath of the nation-wide protests organized by the Black Lives Matter movement during the summer of 2020. We also consider the political and social factors that might explain local councils’ decisions on the budget. In analyzing an original dataset of about 100 of the most populous U.S. cities, we do not find strong evidence of government efforts to “defund” the police. However, across various specifications of potential responsiveness to the movement's demands, we do find that mayoral partisanship may be associated with local government decisions to meaningfully reduce their police budgets or abstain from increasing them, but even this relationship may not be sustained in the longer term. Thus, we encourage more research on barriers that potentially inhibit local government responsiveness to social movements like Black Lives Matter.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49010046","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-06-15DOI: 10.1177/10780874231169923
Zachary Small, Jennifer S. Minner
Local governments view land banks as an improvement to the municipal management of foreclosed property. Critics contend that land banks wield too much power, concentrate demolitions in poor and majority neighborhoods of color, and have unfortunate parallels to the flawed, top-down policies of mid-twentieth century urban renewal. Examining land banks through a lens of social equity and reparative planning, this research asks “To what extent do land banks in New York state work toward equitable urban development?” Interviews with land-bank leaders, property acquisition and disposition data, and spatial analysis of neighborhood dynamics were triangulated in a comparative case study of three land banks in New York state communities. Although land-bank leaders show an awareness and desire to address issues of equity, the authors observed that more community engagement, expanding partnerships with nonprofits, and shifts in approaches to demolition could provide more equitable outcomes in disinvested communities. Some land banks had clearly adopted policies aimed to acknowledge and address the role land banks can and should play in addressing historical inequities. Whether that commitment to equity will remain strong into the future remains an open question. In a COVID-19 context, land banks were operating with significantly reduced inventories and resources. More resources could be provided to land banks from Federal and State sources to support equity initiatives. But those resources should be provided under the condition that land banks become vehicles for repairing past White supremacist and structurally racist policies that created the uneven landscapes that land banks were created to address.
{"title":"Do Land Banks Mean Progress Toward Socially Equitable Urban Development? Observations from New York State","authors":"Zachary Small, Jennifer S. Minner","doi":"10.1177/10780874231169923","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1177/10780874231169923","url":null,"abstract":"Local governments view land banks as an improvement to the municipal management of foreclosed property. Critics contend that land banks wield too much power, concentrate demolitions in poor and majority neighborhoods of color, and have unfortunate parallels to the flawed, top-down policies of mid-twentieth century urban renewal. Examining land banks through a lens of social equity and reparative planning, this research asks “To what extent do land banks in New York state work toward equitable urban development?” Interviews with land-bank leaders, property acquisition and disposition data, and spatial analysis of neighborhood dynamics were triangulated in a comparative case study of three land banks in New York state communities. Although land-bank leaders show an awareness and desire to address issues of equity, the authors observed that more community engagement, expanding partnerships with nonprofits, and shifts in approaches to demolition could provide more equitable outcomes in disinvested communities. Some land banks had clearly adopted policies aimed to acknowledge and address the role land banks can and should play in addressing historical inequities. Whether that commitment to equity will remain strong into the future remains an open question. In a COVID-19 context, land banks were operating with significantly reduced inventories and resources. More resources could be provided to land banks from Federal and State sources to support equity initiatives. But those resources should be provided under the condition that land banks become vehicles for repairing past White supremacist and structurally racist policies that created the uneven landscapes that land banks were created to address.","PeriodicalId":51427,"journal":{"name":"Urban Affairs Review","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":2.1,"publicationDate":"2023-06-15","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45162340","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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