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How did COVID-19 lockdowns affect firms and workers? Evidence from Jordan and Morocco COVID - 19封锁如何影响公司和工人?来自约旦和摩洛哥的证据
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12722
Rihab Baltaji, Ali Fakih, Nagham Sayour

Motivation

The COVID-19 pandemic harmed business and employment in two ways: ill health reduced consumer demand for goods and services; and lockdowns to control disease prevented businesses from operating. This article is concerned with the latter effect.

Purpose

This article assesses the losses of full-time and part-time jobs as well as wage cuts in Jordan and Morocco as a result of businesses having to close down under lockdowns.

Methods and approach

We compared firms that closed down under lockdown to those that did not in the two countries. We used propensity score matching to balance the two sets of firms.

We drew on data from two rounds of the COVID-19 World Bank Enterprise Survey, carried out in June–August 2020 for both countries; and November–December 2020 for Jordan and January–February 2021 for Morocco. The surveys included 601 firms in Jordan and 1,096 in Morocco. We used results from the first round to estimate short-term effects, and those from the second round to estimate medium-term effects.

The survey differentiated firms by sector—manufacturing, retailing, and other services—by firm size, by whether they were under foreign ownership, and by whether they were engaged in exporting.

Findings

First we checked the likelihood that firms closed: larger firms and non-exporting firms were significantly less likely than smaller and exporting firms to close down.

When firms closed, they shed jobs, but with marked differences across sectors.

Manufacturing firms laid workers off in the short term, an effect that did not increase in the medium term. However, manufacturing firms did reduce wages in the medium term.

Retail firms shed fewer jobs in the short term but cut more jobs in the medium term—mainly of part-time workers. They also cut wages in the medium term.

For other services, job losses were observed for part-time workers in both the short term and the medium term.

Policy implications

Policy-makers should consider promoting digitization of the economy; programmes to reform and repurpose businesses; and targeted unemployment benefits to protect workers from loss of jobs and earnings from lockdowns.

COVID-19大流行从两个方面损害了商业和就业:健康状况不佳减少了消费者对商品和服务的需求;为控制疾病而实施的封锁使企业无法运营。本文讨论的是后一种效应。本文评估了约旦和摩洛哥由于企业在封锁下不得不关闭而导致的全职和兼职工作的损失以及工资削减。我们比较了两国在封锁期间关闭的企业和未关闭的企业。我们使用倾向得分匹配来平衡两组公司。我们借鉴了世界银行于2020年6月至8月在两国开展的两轮2019冠状病毒病企业调查的数据;约旦为2020年11月至12月,摩洛哥为2021年1月至2月。调查对象包括约旦的601家公司和摩洛哥的1096家公司。我们用第一轮的结果来估计短期效果,用第二轮的结果来估计中期效果。调查根据行业——制造业、零售业和其他服务业——公司规模、是否为外资所有以及是否从事出口来区分公司。首先,我们检查了公司倒闭的可能性:大公司和非出口公司的倒闭可能性明显低于小公司和出口公司。当公司倒闭时,它们会裁员,但在各个行业之间存在显著差异。制造业企业在短期内解雇了工人,这种影响在中期不会增加。然而,制造业公司确实在中期降低了工资。零售公司短期内裁员较少,但中期裁员较多——主要是兼职工人。他们还在中期削减了工资。至于其他服务业,在短期和中期都观察到兼职工人的失业情况。政策制定者应考虑推动经济数字化;企业改革和重新定位方案;以及有针对性的失业救济金,以保护工人免受因封锁而失去工作和收入的影响。
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引用次数: 0
Participatory local governance in rural Nepal: The primacy of informality 尼泊尔农村参与式地方治理:非正规性的首要地位
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12724
Thaneshwar Bhusal

Motivation

Nepal adopted a federal constitution in 2015 that created autonomous local governments across the country. A prime aim was to encourage ordinary people's participation in local decision-making processes.

Purpose

To what extent do local governments in rural Nepal adopt informal approaches—approaches that reflect local social needs and desires—to participation in decision-making?

Methods and approach

As part of interpretive case studies, the author gathered qualitative evidence as a participant observer of local government in five rural municipalities in Rasuwa District, a remote area on the northern border.

A framework was created to capture the concepts of participatory governance and sociology to guide data collection and analysis.

Findings

In the five municipalities studied, decisions were successively made in forums at village, ward and municipal levels. In the village, participation was considerable: all persons, all voices could be heard. But as proposals were aggregated upwards to ward and municipal levels, citizens participated less, being replaced by elected representatives and civil servants.

Nepal has showcased successful participatory processes by incorporating diverse local groups in a range of policy areas such as community forests, or in the operation of public services such as water or schools. The present research acknowledges their success in widening and deepening citizen participation; it also brings new knowledge to bear on deeply rooted culturally accepted informal participatory methods in rural local governments.

Policy implications

Because each local government has its own circumstances in which to operationalize participatory governance, reforms should recognize the prevalence of informalities in rural municipalities and the dominance of formalities in urban municipalities.

尼泊尔于2015年通过了一部联邦宪法,在全国范围内建立了自治的地方政府。其主要目的是鼓励普通人参与地方决策过程。尼泊尔农村地区的地方政府在多大程度上采用了反映当地社会需求和愿望的非正式方法来参与决策?作为解释性案例研究的一部分,作者作为北部边境偏远地区Rasuwa地区五个农村自治市的地方政府的参与者观察员,收集了定性证据。创建了一个框架来捕捉参与式治理和社会学的概念,以指导数据收集和分析。在研究的五个城市中,决定是在村、区和市各级的论坛上先后作出的。在村里,参与是相当多的:所有的人,所有的声音都可以被听到。但是,当提案向上汇总到县和市一级时,公民参与较少,取而代之的是民选代表和公务员。尼泊尔通过将不同的地方群体纳入社区森林等一系列政策领域,或纳入水或学校等公共服务的运作,展示了成功的参与性进程。本研究承认他们在扩大和深化公民参与方面的成功;它还为农村地方政府中根深蒂固的文化接受的非正式参与式方法带来了新的知识。由于每个地方政府在实施参与式治理方面都有自己的情况,改革应认识到农村市政当局普遍存在的非正式行为和城市市政当局的正式行为占主导地位。
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引用次数: 2
Indoor air pollution and child development in Indonesia: Stunted by the smoke? 印度尼西亚的室内空气污染与儿童发育。被烟熏得发育不良?
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12723
Younoh Kim, James Manley, Vlad Radoias

Motivation

Air pollution in general, and indoor air pollution in particular, have been linked to severe, acute ill health. Less attention has been paid to long-term outcomes such as stunting (height for age).

Purpose

Does reduced air pollution inside the home resulting from burning cleaner fuels affect child development?

Methods and approach

We compare stunting of persons aged under 20 years of age in households with and without clean stoves between 1997 and 2000. Data come from the Indonesian Family Life Survey, a repeat survey that includes over 30,000 respondents. We model relations by regression; correcting for endogeneity (wealth affects both health and choice of stove) and confounders by using instrumental variables.

Findings

Using a clean stove leads to a 0.28 standard deviation reduction in stunting. The result is significant and consistent across specifications; the estimate is double the size of estimates that do not address the endogeneity of wealth.

Policy implications

Policy-makers should encourage households to adopt clean stoves and to use clean fuels. Public intervention is especially indicated in rural areas, where many households prefer to use cheaper, but polluting, stoves and fuels.

总的来说,空气污染,特别是室内空气污染,与严重的急性健康不良有关。对长期后果的关注较少,比如发育迟缓(身高与年龄的比值)。燃烧清洁燃料导致的室内空气污染减少会影响儿童发育吗?方法和方法我们比较了1997年至2000年期间有清洁炉灶和没有清洁炉灶的家庭中20岁以下儿童的发育迟缓情况。数据来自印度尼西亚家庭生活调查,这是一项重复调查,包括3万多名受访者。我们用回归对关系建模;通过使用工具变量校正内生性(财富影响健康和炉灶选择)和混杂因素。研究结果:使用干净的炉灶可使发育迟缓的发生率降低0.28个标准差。结果在各个规范之间是显著和一致的;这一估计值是不考虑财富内生性的估计值的两倍。政策影响决策者应鼓励家庭采用清洁炉灶和使用清洁燃料。在农村地区尤其需要公共干预,那里的许多家庭更愿意使用更便宜但会造成污染的炉灶和燃料。
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引用次数: 0
Are women more financially vulnerable than men? A tale of missed economic opportunities from Latin America 女性在经济上是否比男性更脆弱?错失拉丁美洲经济机遇的故事
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-22 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12725
Maria Jose Roa, Sonia Di Giannatale, Alejandra Villegas, Jonathan Barboza

Motivation

Women are especially vulnerable to not being able to cover the costs of living or meet sudden demands for funds to pay for emergencies (financial vulnerability). The COVID-19 pandemic put additional stress on household incomes and the ability to meet emergency expenses, thus bringing into sharp relief the lack of inclusion of women in formal financial systems and the gender gaps between them and men.

Purpose

How financially vulnerable are women in Latin America? What causes vulnerability? How do financial inclusion, personality traits, cognitive characteristics, and financial literacy affect financial vulnerability?

Methods and approach

Using Financial Capabilities Surveys, we use regression to model the determinants of an index of financial vulnerability for eight countries in Latin America: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Colombia, Chile, Ecuador, Paraguay, and Peru. We use Oaxaca-Blinder decomposition to establish the extent to which the gender arises from the different characteristics of men and women, or from the way in which such characteristics affect groups.

Findings

We find a gender gap in financial vulnerability in most of the eight countries. Individual characteristics that often explain this gap are socioeconomic, such as belonging to a low socioeconomic class and not having a regular income. In addition to gender and socioeconomic characteristics, the use of savings products, some personality traits (ability to plan, self-control), economic preferences, and numeracy skills also drive financial vulnerability.

Policy implications

Interventions to reduce financial vulnerability need, first and foremost, to address socioeconomic conditions. People on low incomes will always be financially vulnerable. In addition, programmes to expand financial inclusion and educate people on finances can help. Given the significant gender gaps, more effort must be made to reduce such gaps in education, employment, and social norms.

妇女特别容易无法支付生活费用或应付突发紧急情况所需的资金(经济脆弱性)。2019冠状病毒病大流行给家庭收入和应付紧急开支的能力带来了额外压力,从而大大缓解了妇女未被纳入正式金融体系以及妇女与男子之间的性别差距。拉丁美洲妇女在经济上有多脆弱?是什么导致了脆弱性?金融普惠、人格特征、认知特征和金融素养如何影响金融脆弱性?通过金融能力调查,我们对拉丁美洲八个国家(阿根廷、玻利维亚、巴西、哥伦比亚、智利、厄瓜多尔、巴拉圭和秘鲁)的金融脆弱性指数的决定因素进行了回归建模。我们使用瓦哈卡-布林德分解来确定性别在多大程度上是由男性和女性的不同特征产生的,或者是由这些特征影响群体的方式产生的。我们发现,在这8个国家中,大多数国家在金融脆弱性方面存在性别差异。通常解释这种差距的个人特征是社会经济方面的,比如属于低社会经济阶层,没有固定收入。除了性别和社会经济特征外,储蓄产品的使用、一些人格特征(计划能力、自我控制能力)、经济偏好和计算能力也会导致财务脆弱性。减少金融脆弱性的干预措施首先需要解决社会经济条件。低收入者在经济上总是脆弱的。此外,扩大普惠金融和对人们进行金融教育的计划也会有所帮助。鉴于存在巨大的性别差距,必须付出更多努力来缩小教育、就业和社会规范方面的差距。
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引用次数: 0
Women, education, and violence: How women displaced into camps in north-east Nigeria take up education 妇女、教育和暴力:尼日利亚东北部流离失所的妇女如何接受教育
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-06 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12721
Cecilia Idika-Kalu

Motivation

The Boko Haram insurgency has ravaged north-east Nigeria since 2002. The killing, kidnapping, and burning of homes have left millions homeless in its wake. The insurgency has especially affected women. Boko Haram kidnapped 276 girls from a school in one instance; abducted partly for ransom and partly because Boko Haram resents Western education, especially for girls and women. Boko Haram has the dubious distinction of deploying the highest number of women as suicide bombers in history.

Purpose

How has displacement by the insurgency affected women's learning and education? How do women affected by Boko Haram experience self-regulated learning? These questions shed light on how individual resilience manifests itself in women affected by violence and how learning opportunities can be taken up.

Methods and approach

Over two years, I repeatedly interviewed, using Skype, 10 women aged 18 years or more living in a camp for displaced persons in north-east Nigeria owing to the violence of the insurgency. I analysed the themes raised in interview using Bandura's self-efficacy and sensemaking theory as a conceptual framework.

Findings

The interviews revealed three main themes with six subthemes. One theme was the suffering of the women expressed as unquantifiable loss and worries about physical sustenance. A second was support by talking with family and friends, expressed as giving them a compass to guide their lives and encouragement to take advantage of opportunities like education in IDP camps. A third theme was tomorrow and hopes, expressed as dreams of a profession or career, and as desired education and marriage. Social relations helped the women to hope and to aspire. The bonds they built with each other to survive in their new circumstances helped them thrive, therefore developing self-efficacy. The camp had schools, to which they were able to send their daughters. Many women and girls who previously had no access to Western education in their former lives in deprived villages now had such access.

Policy implications

The study shows how violence, displacement, and social relations, allied to the concrete opportunity of schooling, allow women to access formal education and create new visions. Policy-makers should recognize the agency of women in camps, and make sure that schools and other means of education are provided.

自2002年以来,博科圣地叛乱分子一直在尼日利亚东北部肆虐。杀戮、绑架和烧毁房屋使数百万人无家可归。暴乱对妇女的影响尤其严重。博科圣地曾在一所学校绑架了276名女孩;被绑架的部分原因是索要赎金,部分原因是博科圣地痛恨西方教育,尤其是对女孩和妇女的教育。博科圣地在历史上部署了最多的女性自杀式炸弹袭击者。叛乱造成的流离失所如何影响妇女的学习和教育?受博科圣地影响的女性如何进行自我调节学习?这些问题揭示了受暴力影响的妇女如何表现出个人的韧性,以及如何利用学习机会。在两年多的时间里,我使用Skype反复采访了10名年龄在18岁或以上的妇女,她们因叛乱暴力而生活在尼日利亚东北部的一个流离失所者营地。我以班杜拉的自我效能和意义制造理论作为概念框架来分析访谈中提出的主题。调查结果访谈揭示了三个主要主题和六个次要主题。其中一个主题是女性的痛苦,表现为无法量化的损失和对身体维持的担忧。第二是通过与家人和朋友交谈来提供支持,表达为给他们一个指南针来指导他们的生活,并鼓励他们利用在国内流离失所者营地接受教育等机会。第三个主题是明天和希望,表达为对职业或事业的梦想,以及对教育和婚姻的期望。社会关系使妇女有了希望和抱负。他们为了在新环境中生存而彼此建立的纽带帮助他们茁壮成长,从而发展出自我效能感。营地里有学校,他们可以把女儿送去上学。以前生活在贫困村庄的许多妇女和女孩没有机会接受西方教育,现在有了这样的机会。该研究表明,暴力、流离失所和社会关系,加上上学的具体机会,如何使妇女获得正规教育并创造新的愿景。决策者应承认妇女在难民营中的作用,并确保提供学校和其他教育手段。
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引用次数: 0
Green central banking under high inflation—more of a need than an option: An analytical exposition for Turkey 高通胀下的绿色央行——需求大于选择:对土耳其的分析
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-06-02 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12720
Burcu Ünüvar, A. Erinç Yeldan

Motivation

Calls for a green monetary policy are intensifying as the climate crisis deepens. Although the leading central banks of low-inflation countries are the spokesmodels of this discussion, considerations of green central banking under high inflation continue to lag. The motivation of this article is to contribute to this process with a working example from Turkey—an economy under severe inflationary pressure.

Purpose

Our first objective is to document the risks associated with climate change for the Central Bank of the Republic of Turkey (CBRT) in terms of its main mandate of price stability and to provide evidence to pursue green policies. We next examine the feasibility of a green monetary design under high inflation.

Methods and approach

We scrutinize the duties and responsibilities of the CBRT as set by law and set out the armoury it would have at its disposal in pursuing a green monetary policy. Exhibiting climate change-related risks to its mandate(s), we find one climate policy-related and two mandate-related reasons for the CBRT to go green, matching them with robust green instruments.

Findings

Adopting a green monetary policy has the potential to improve the CBRT's ability to reach its objective of price stability. Indicating that green central banking in a high-inflation country is more of a need than an option, we also document that greening of the monetary policy does not necessarily conflict with the broad mandates of inflation targeting and financial stability.

Policy implications

Evidence from Turkey supports the greening of the CBRT. This call is both feasible in terms of its capabilities and critical as regards fulfilling the mandate. Furthermore, by exposing carbon bias in the country's loan portfolio, our findings support aligning monetary policy with emissions-abatement instruments, thus contributing to the overall design of Turkey's climate policies.

随着气候危机的加深,对绿色货币政策的呼声越来越高。尽管低通胀国家的主要央行是这一讨论的代言人,但对高通胀下绿色央行的考虑仍然滞后。本文的动机是用土耳其的一个实际例子来促进这一进程——土耳其是一个面临严重通胀压力的经济体。我们的第一个目标是记录土耳其共和国中央银行(CBRT)在价格稳定方面的主要任务与气候变化相关的风险,并为推行绿色政策提供证据。接下来,我们将探讨高通胀下绿色货币设计的可行性。方法和途径我们仔细研究了法律规定的银监会的职责,并列出了其在推行绿色货币政策时可以使用的武器。我们发现了CBRT走向绿色的一个与气候政策相关的原因和两个与授权相关的原因,并将它们与强大的绿色工具相匹配。采用绿色货币政策有可能提高CBRT实现其价格稳定目标的能力。在高通胀国家,绿色央行与其说是一种选择,不如说是一种需要。我们还证明,货币政策的绿色化并不一定与通胀目标和金融稳定的广泛任务相冲突。来自土耳其的证据支持CBRT的绿色化。这一呼吁就其能力而言是可行的,在履行任务方面也是至关重要的。此外,通过揭露该国贷款组合中的碳偏见,我们的研究结果支持将货币政策与减排工具相结合,从而有助于土耳其气候政策的总体设计。
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引用次数: 1
Does Thinking and Working Politically improve support for social business? Evidence from a water business in Cambodia 在政治上思考和工作是否能提高对社会企业的支持?来自柬埔寨一家水务企业的证据
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-18 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12719
Isaac Lyne

Motivation

Social business is business that aims primarily to achieve social ends, while at least covering its costs. Social business has been put forward as a means to achieve development aims, such as the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). Thinking and Working Politically (TWP) is an approach to ensure development interventions are politically feasible and not stymied by political opposition. Are the two approaches compatible?

Purpose

The article asks whether social business can ally with TWP for more effective development, taking a social business for water provision in Cambodia as a case in point.

Methods and approach

A review of development policy literature on social business and TWP is combined with data we collected from fieldwork in Cambodia from November 2018 to February 2019. We interviewed key informants from social business, UNICEF, and government in the capital. At two water kiosks in eastern Cambodia, one successful the other less so, we interviewed 2 kiosk operators, 20 customers, and local leaders; we held four focus groups of customers; and we observed operations at the kiosks. Data was analysed using an ethnographic, or immersive, qualitative approach.

Findings

In this case, UNICEF intuitively used TWP to connect a social business to government departments. Water kiosks depended heavily on local political dynamics. We found Commune officials mindful of their standing in local society who often had the interests of the local community in their hearts, but the compatibility of TWP and social business at the local project level is variable.

Policy implications

TWP can potentially help development actors supporting social business to make political connections, in this case to appropriate government departments and local official. The key, however, is to understand context. The danger is to view social business as a turnkey intervention that can be used without adaptation to context, without consideration of local politics. Donors supporting social business need to appraise each business, case by case.

Donors might also want to consider the motivations of international companies partnering with social business, particularly when different development objectives might be in conflict.

社会企业是一种以实现社会目标为主要目标,同时至少弥补其成本的企业。社会企业作为实现可持续发展目标(SDGs)等发展目标的一种手段被提出。从政治上思考和工作(TWP)是一种确保发展干预在政治上可行且不受政治反对阻碍的方法。这两种方法兼容吗?本文以柬埔寨的一家供水社会企业为例,探讨社会企业是否可以与TWP合作,以获得更有效的发展。方法和方法结合2018年11月至2019年2月在柬埔寨实地调查收集的数据,回顾了有关社会企业和TWP的发展政策文献。我们采访了来自社会企业、联合国儿童基金会和首都政府的关键线人。在柬埔寨东部的两个供水站,一个成功,另一个不太成功,我们采访了2个供水站经营者,20个客户和当地领导人;我们举办了四个客户焦点小组;我们观察了售货亭的运作情况。数据分析使用民族志,或沉浸,定性的方法。在这个案例中,联合国儿童基金会直观地使用TWP将社会企业与政府部门联系起来。供水亭在很大程度上依赖于当地的政治动态。我们发现公社官员注意到他们在当地社会中的地位,他们心中往往有当地社区的利益,但TWP和社会企业在当地项目层面的兼容性是可变的。TWP可以潜在地帮助支持社会企业的发展行为体建立政治联系,在这种情况下是与适当的政府部门和地方官员建立政治联系。然而,关键是要理解上下文。危险在于,将社会企业视为一种“交钥匙式”干预,可以在不适应环境、不考虑当地政治的情况下使用。支持社会企业的捐助者需要逐个评估每个企业。捐助者可能还希望考虑国际公司与社会企业合作的动机,特别是在不同的发展目标可能相互冲突的情况下。
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to special section: Workplace sexual harassment 专题介绍:职场性骚扰
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-12 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12690
Marjoke Oosterom, Sohela Nazneen

Motivation

Paid work is key for women's empowerment, but many women work in precarious employment where they experience workplace sexual harassment. Articles in this special section explore how social norms and job informality influence women's perceptions about—and their voice and agency to counter—workplace sexual harassment.

Purpose

This introductory article highlights the academic and policy contribution of the special section by establishing how the articles collectively explore the relationship between social norms, job informality, and women's agency with respect to workplace sexual harassment, and the kinds of policies that may strengthen women's agency.

Methods and approach

Research in two countries explored how gender norms and informality in work arrangements influence young women's voice and agency in response to sexual harassment at work. This article introduces four articles based on the research findings and presents the themes that are explored in case studies with domestic workers and workers in agro-processing factories in Bangladesh and Uganda.

Findings

The findings show that gender norms regarding sexuality and notions of family honour and shame constrain young women's ability to voice incidents of sexual harassment and their agency in seeking support from family and other actors; normalize male aggression; and sustain the perpetrators' impunity. These norms, alongside class and power hierarchies, affect the responses of the actors and institutions both within and outside their workplace. Given the precarious nature of their work, most workers avoid lodging formal complaints and rely on informal mechanisms for self-protection.

Policy implications

The policy implications of the research include the importance of developing common language that will allow women to speak openly about their experiences; increasing access to and confidence in formal complaints mechanisms; developing young women's political capacities to challenge harassment; and address social and gender norms that constrain women and normalize harassment.

有偿工作是赋予妇女权力的关键,但许多妇女从事不稳定的工作,她们在工作场所遭受性骚扰。这一特殊部分的文章探讨了社会规范和工作非正式性如何影响女性对工作场所性骚扰的看法,以及她们的声音和代理。这篇介绍性文章通过建立文章如何集体探讨社会规范、工作非正式性和妇女在工作场所性骚扰方面的代理之间的关系,以及可能加强妇女代理的各种政策,突出了特别部分的学术和政策贡献。在两个国家进行的研究探讨了工作安排中的性别规范和不拘礼节如何影响年轻妇女在应对工作中的性骚扰方面的发言权和能动性。本文根据研究结果介绍了四篇文章,并介绍了在孟加拉国和乌干达的农业加工厂的家庭工人和工人的案例研究中探讨的主题。研究结果表明,关于性的性别规范和家庭荣辱观限制了年轻女性表达性骚扰事件的能力,也限制了她们寻求家庭和其他行为者支持的能力;使男性的攻击性正常化;并维持肇事者逍遥法外。这些规范与阶级和权力等级一起,影响着工作场所内外的行为者和机构的反应。鉴于他们工作的不稳定性质,大多数工人避免提出正式投诉,并依靠非正式机制进行自我保护。这项研究的政策含义包括发展共同语言的重要性,使妇女能够公开谈论她们的经历;增加对正式投诉机制的利用和信任;发展年轻妇女挑战骚扰的政治能力;解决限制妇女和使骚扰正常化的社会和性别规范。
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引用次数: 0
How gender mainstreaming plays out in Tanzania's climate-smart agricultural policy: Isomorphic mimicry of international discourse 性别主流化在坦桑尼亚气候智能农业政策中的作用:对国际话语的同构模仿
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-12 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12718
Ruth Smith, Anna Mdee, Susannah Sallu

Motivation

Gender mainstreaming is often promoted internationally as the vehicle of choice to achieve gender equality. Concepts of mainstreaming are commonly seen in climate-smart agriculture (CSA), where it is proposed that they can bridge gender gaps in agricultural input use and productivity. The rhetoric of mainstreaming, however, often relies upon and perpetuates gender myths and assumptions.

Purpose

We investigate how gender mainstreaming has spread into Tanzania's agricultural policies. We ask whether the government has the capacity to put these concepts into practice to address gender inequality. We explore this in the context of CSA, an increasingly important aspect of agricultural policy.

Methods and approach

Using the literature on policy transfer and isomorphism, we critically analyse gendered discourse in Tanzania's CSA policies to explore how gender is problematised and governed within policy. We use NVivo 12 to inductively code policy documents. We support these insights with the observations of key informants.

Findings

We find little evidence that gender has been effectively mainstreamed in Tanzania's CSA policies. We see a gap between the normative goal of gender mainstreaming and the practices intended to address gender (and intersectional) inequalities. The gap is made all the wider by limited recognition within government-from national to local—of how such inequalities affect agriculture. Not only are policies detached from local contexts leading to infeasible plans, but also local government lacks both resources and capacity to implement them.

Policy implications

Our study calls into question much of the global discourse on gender mainstreaming, especially the myths that support it. It shows how representing the problem in a particular way can lead to dysfunctional policy.

A better approach would be to start with understanding the various inequalities seen in agriculture in Tanzania, inequalities of gender but also of class. It would take into account the capacity to implement policy in the field. A more practical approach, tailored to the realities of rural Tanzania, would benefit the people of Tanzania more than just imitating questionable international discourse.

在国际上,性别主流化往往作为实现性别平等的首选手段而得到推广。主流化的概念在气候智慧型农业(CSA)中很常见,其中提出它们可以弥合农业投入物使用和生产力方面的性别差距。然而,主流化的修辞往往依赖并延续性别神话和假设。我们调查性别主流化是如何渗透到坦桑尼亚的农业政策中的。我们问政府是否有能力将这些概念付诸实践,以解决性别不平等问题。我们在农业政策日益重要的CSA背景下探讨这一点。方法和方法利用政策转移和同构的文献,我们批判性地分析了坦桑尼亚CSA政策中的性别话语,以探索性别是如何在政策中被问题化和治理的。我们使用NVivo 12对策略文档进行归纳编码。我们用关键线人的观察来支持这些见解。我们发现几乎没有证据表明性别已被有效地纳入坦桑尼亚CSA政策的主流。我们看到性别主流化的规范目标与旨在解决性别(和交叉)不平等的实践之间存在差距。从国家到地方,政府内部对这种不平等如何影响农业的认识有限,这使得差距进一步扩大。不仅政策脱离当地实际情况导致计划不可行,而且地方政府缺乏执行这些政策的资源和能力。我们的研究对全球关于性别主流化的许多论述提出了质疑,尤其是支持它的神话。它表明,以一种特定的方式表达问题可能导致政策功能失调。一个更好的方法是从理解坦桑尼亚农业中的各种不平等开始,性别不平等也包括阶级不平等。它将考虑到在外地执行政策的能力。一种更实际的方法,适合坦桑尼亚农村的现实,将使坦桑尼亚人民受益,而不仅仅是模仿有问题的国际话语。
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引用次数: 0
Food sovereignty for health, agriculture, nutrition, and gender equity: Radical implications for Haiti 粮食主权对健康、农业、营养和性别平等的影响:对海地的根本影响
IF 1.7 3区 经济学 Q2 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-05-04 DOI: 10.1111/dpr.12711
Marylynn Steckley, Joshua Steckley, Walner Osna, Magalie Civil, Steve Sider

Motivation

Governments usually see food security in terms of the availability of and access to sufficient, nutritious, and culturally appropriate food. Food justice scholars, however, see food production and provisioning, diet, nutrition, and health, and women's role in all of these aspects, as inherently political, resulting from, and intertwined with, history, politics, and economics. In state policy, these complex dynamics are often siphoned into separate ministerial silos—health, gender, land, environment, trade, etc. Food sovereignty—a concept that addresses unequal power relations within food systems at scales from household to nation—is increasingly being incorporated into national policies, particularly in the global south. Haiti has recently introduced food sovereignty into its policy landscape, but the degree to which this inter-sectoral approach diverges or coalesces with past policies for food security has not been explored.

Purpose

How does food sovereignty shape policy in ways that differ from conventional food security framings? How would a food sovereignty policy address questions of land, gender, health, trade, and agriculture in ways that differ from past policies?

Methods and approach

We analyse the content of seven Haitian policies and plans, post-2010 earthquake, for agricultural development, food trade and tariffs, land and agrarian reform, gender, food preferences and cultures, and health—themes raised by food sovereignty. We explore how well the existing policies and plans correspond to the 2018 National Policy and Strategy for Food Sovereignty, Security and Nutrition in Haiti (Politique et Stratégie Nationales de Souveraineté et Sécurité Alimentaires et de Nutrition en Haïti—PSNSSANH).

Findings

Haiti's food sovereignty policy diverges significantly from previous policies and plans in the way it brings together related concerns. Specifically, Haiti's food sovereignty policy, in contrast to sectoral plans, focuses on smallholder farming, encourages the production and consumption of traditional foods, and aims to protect domestic food production from competition by imports. It addresses concerns about food safety, particularly aflatoxins in groundnuts. It recognizes the central role of women as farmers, traders of food (Madanm Sara) and guardians of children's diets. The only significant dimension of food sovereignty that is not fully addressed in the PSNSSANH is that of land and

各国政府通常从提供和获得充足、有营养和文化上适当的食物的角度来看待粮食安全。然而,食品正义学者认为,食品生产和供应、饮食、营养和健康,以及妇女在所有这些方面的作用,都是内在的政治,源于历史、政治和经济,并与之交织在一起。在国家政策中,这些复杂的动态往往被吸进单独的部长筒仓——卫生、性别、土地、环境、贸易等。粮食主权——一个解决从家庭到国家的粮食系统内不平等权力关系的概念——正日益被纳入国家政策,特别是在全球南方。海地最近将粮食主权纳入其政策范畴,但尚未探讨这种跨部门办法与过去的粮食安全政策在多大程度上不同或一致。粮食主权如何以不同于传统粮食安全框架的方式塑造政策?粮食主权政策如何以不同于过去政策的方式处理土地、性别、健康、贸易和农业问题?我们分析了海地2010年地震后的七项政策和计划的内容,涉及农业发展、食品贸易和关税、土地和土地改革、性别、食物偏好和文化以及粮食主权提出的健康主题。我们探讨了现有政策和计划与2018年海地粮食主权、安全和营养国家政策和战略的对应程度(Politique et stratacrigie Nationales de souverainet et ssamcurit Alimentaires et de Nutrition en Haïti-PSNSSANH)。海地的粮食主权政策与以前的政策和计划有很大的不同,因为它将相关问题集中在一起。具体地说,海地的粮食主权政策与部门性计划不同,侧重于小农农业,鼓励传统粮食的生产和消费,并旨在保护国内粮食生产不受进口的竞争。它解决了人们对食品安全的担忧,特别是花生中的黄曲霉毒素。它承认妇女作为农民、食品贸易商(Sara女士)和儿童饮食守护者的核心作用。《PSNSSANH》中没有充分处理的粮食主权的唯一重要方面是土地及其分配给耕种者的问题。政策影响PSNSSANH提供了一种新的粮食方法,将海地粮食系统以前孤立的各个方面——关税和贸易、营养和健康、传统食品的生产和消费、农民土地保有权和妇女粮食贸易商——联系起来。它代表了对问题和政策的彻底重构。以粮食主权为基础的粮食安全框架承认农业、饮食和健康之间的联系,这可能导致对饮食、景观、文化和经济的看法与新自由主义分析的观点截然不同,新自由主义分析的重点是那些对粮食系统内关键相互作用的考虑太少的部门。
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引用次数: 1
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Development Policy Review
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