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The Effect of Priming Structural Fairness on Inequality Beliefs and Preferences 启动结构公平对不平等信念和偏好的影响
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-22 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X231158758
Paul Lendway, G. Huber
Experimental research on pay inequality attitudes often provides information about pay inequality with the expectation that greater awareness of pay differences will increase the belief that pay inequality is unfair, thereby strengthening support for policies addressing pay inequality. Less explored is whether providing information about why pay inequality might be justified may lower support for addressing pay inequality or counteract the effect of providing information about such inequality. This paper finds that providing static information about pay differences across the income distribution generally does not affect support for policies addressing pay inequality. However, providing information about pay inequality followed by a labor economics argument in support of pay differences (priming structural fairness) generally decreases support for such policies. One mechanism through which this effect may operate is by increasing the belief that differences in pay are justified.
对薪酬不平等态度的实验研究通常提供有关薪酬不平等的信息,期望对薪酬差异的更多认识将增加对薪酬不平等不公平的信念,从而加强对解决薪酬不平等问题的政策的支持。较少探讨的是,提供关于为什么薪酬不平等可能是合理的信息,是否会降低对解决薪酬不平等问题的支持,或者抵消提供这种不平等信息的影响。本文发现,提供关于收入分配中薪酬差异的静态信息通常不会影响对解决薪酬不平等问题的政策的支持。然而,提供关于薪酬不平等的信息,然后用劳动经济学的论点来支持薪酬差异(启动结构公平),通常会减少对此类政策的支持。产生这种效应的一种机制是,人们越来越相信薪酬差异是合理的。
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引用次数: 0
Polarization in COVID-19 Vaccine Discussion Networks. COVID-19疫苗讨论网络中的两极分化
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 Epub Date: 2023-01-02 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X221148670
Sharif Amlani, Spencer Kiesel, Ross Butters

The emergence of COVID-19 spurred the fastest development of a vaccine in history. Yet, a large proportion of Americans remain hesitant to receive it. Our paper investigates how the social networks we inhabit might explain persistent vaccine hesitancy. We argue that the COVID-19 vaccination status of respondents' closest associates inhibits or motivates their decision to receive a COVID-19 vaccine. To test our argument, we conduct an original survey asking respondents a battery of questions about the people with whom individuals most frequently discuss vaccines and COVID-19. Our survey reports that individuals' discussion networks are polarized by vaccination status. Concurrently, there is a strong association between the social network's vaccination status and the respondent's vaccination status. This association is so robust that partisanship does not moderate the association between discussants' vaccination status and respondents' vaccination status. Together, our results imply that unvaccinated individuals remain hesitant because they face reinforcing social pressure from their closest associates. The unique timing of our survey, during an unprecedented vaccination campaign against a novel disease, offers a snapshot of how relationships may affect attitudes.

新冠肺炎的出现刺激了疫苗的历史上最快发展。然而,很大一部分美国人仍然对接种疫苗犹豫不决。我们的论文调查了我们所居住的社交网络如何解释持续的疫苗犹豫。我们认为,受访者最亲密的同事的新冠肺炎疫苗接种状态抑制或激励他们接种新冠肺炎疫苗的决定。为了验证我们的论点,我们进行了一项原始调查,向受访者询问了一系列关于个人最经常讨论疫苗和新冠肺炎的人的问题。我们的调查报告显示,个人的讨论网络因疫苗接种状况而两极分化。同时,社交网络的疫苗接种状况与受访者的疫苗接种状态之间存在强烈的关联。这种关联是如此强大,以至于党派之争并不能缓和讨论者的疫苗接种状况和受访者的疫苗接种状态之间的关联。总之,我们的研究结果表明,未接种疫苗的人仍然犹豫不决,因为他们面临着来自最亲密伙伴的越来越大的社会压力。在一场前所未有的针对新型疾病的疫苗接种运动中,我们进行调查的独特时机,提供了关系如何影响态度的快照。
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引用次数: 0
How Anti-Social Personality Traits and Anti-Establishment Views Promote Beliefs in Election Fraud, QAnon, and COVID-19 Conspiracy Theories and Misinformation. 反社会人格特征和反建制观点如何促进选举欺诈、QAnon和新冠肺炎阴谋理论和错误信息的信念
IF 1.6 3区 社会学 Q2 POLITICAL SCIENCE Pub Date : 2023-03-01 Epub Date: 2022-11-10 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X221139434
Adam Enders, Casey Klofstad, Justin Stoler, Joseph E Uscinski

Conspiracy theories and misinformation (CTM) became a salient feature of the Trump era. However, traditional explanations of political attitudes and behaviors inadequately account for beliefs in CTM or the deleterious behaviors they are associated with. Here, we integrate disparate literatures to explain beliefs in CTM regarding COVID-19, QAnon, and voter fraud. We aim to provide a more holistic accounting, and to determine which political, psychological, and social factors are most associated with such beliefs. Using a unique national survey, we find that anti-social personality traits, anti-establishment orientations, and support for Donald Trump are more strongly related to beliefs in CTM than traditional left-right orientations or other frequently posited factors, such as education, science literacy, and social media use. Our findings encourage researchers to move beyond the traditional correlates of political behavior when examining beliefs that express anti-social tendencies or a deep skepticism of social and political institutions.

阴谋论和错误信息(CTM)成为特朗普时代的一个显著特征。然而,对政治态度和行为的传统解释不足以解释对CTM的信仰或与之相关的有害行为。在这里,我们整合了不同的文献来解释CTM关于COVID-19、QAnon和选民欺诈的信念。我们的目标是提供一个更全面的核算,并确定哪些政治、心理和社会因素与这些信念最相关。通过一项独特的全国调查,我们发现反社会人格特征、反建制取向和对唐纳德·特朗普的支持与CTM信仰的关系比传统的左右取向或其他经常被假设的因素(如教育、科学素养和社交媒体使用)更密切。我们的研究结果鼓励研究人员在研究表达反社会倾向或对社会和政治制度深表怀疑的信仰时,超越传统的政治行为相关性。
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引用次数: 0
Following the Science? Examining the Issuance of Stay-At-Home Orders Related to COVID-19 by U.S. Governors. 遵循科学?审查美国州长发布与新冠肺炎相关的居家令
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 Epub Date: 2022-06-10 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X221106933
Gregg R Murray, Susan M Murray

Informed by the public health policymaking literature, this study's objective is to identify scientific, political, social, economic, and external factors related to U.S. governors' decisions to issue stay-at-home orders (SAHOs) in response to the first wave of the COVID-19 pandemic. Public health experts advocate for social distancing to slow the spread of infectious diseases, but government mandates to social distance can impose substantial social and economic costs. This study uses event history analysis to investigate the issuance of COVID-19-related gubernatorial SAHOs during a 41-day period in the 50 U.S. states. The findings indicate that scientific, political, and economic factors were associated with the issuance of SAHOs, but that external considerations played the largest role, particularly those related to the timing of other governors' decisions. This study offers evidence about how some U.S. political leaders balance public health concerns against other considerations and, more broadly, how state governments address crisis-level issues.

根据公共卫生政策制定文献,本研究的目的是确定与美国州长为应对第一波新冠肺炎大流行而发布居家令(SAHO)的决定相关的科学、政治、社会、经济和外部因素。公共卫生专家主张保持社交距离以减缓传染病的传播,但政府强制要求保持社交距离可能会带来巨大的社会和经济成本。本研究使用事件历史分析来调查美国50个州在41天内发布的与COVID-19相关的州长SAHO。研究结果表明,科学、政治和经济因素与SAHO的发布有关,但外部因素发挥了最大作用,尤其是与其他州长决定的时间有关的因素。这项研究为一些美国政治领导人如何平衡公共卫生问题与其他考虑因素,以及更广泛地说,州政府如何解决危机级别的问题提供了证据。
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引用次数: 0
The Politics of Re-Opening Schools: Explaining Public Preferences Reopening Schools and Public Compliance with Reopening Orders During the COVID-19 Pandemic. 重新开放学校的政治:解释公众偏好新冠肺炎大流行期间重新开放学校和公众遵守重新开放命令
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 Epub Date: 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X221135521
Jonathan E Collins

Due to the COVID-19 Pandemic, the decision to reopen schools for in-person instruction has become a pressing policy issue. This study examines what overall factors drive public support for schools re-opening in person and whether members of the public are willing to comply with school re-opening decisions based on their own preferences and/or the level of government from which the order comes. Through two rounds of national surveys with an embedded experiment, I find consistent evidence that 1) trust in information from elites - not contact with COVID - best explain preferences for reopening, 2) political ideology and racial and class identification help explain preferences as well, and 3) the President of the United States is best positioned to generate compliance with a school reopening mandate. This study suggests that politics - not public health - drives public support for schools reopening and compliance with government orders to reopen.

由于新冠肺炎大流行,重新开放学校进行住院教学的决定已成为一个紧迫的政策问题。这项研究考察了哪些总体因素促使公众亲自支持学校重新开学,以及公众是否愿意根据自己的偏好和/或命令所属的政府级别遵守学校重新开学的决定。通过两轮带有嵌入式实验的全国性调查,我发现了一致的证据,1)对精英信息的信任——而不是对新冠病毒的接触——最好地解释了重新开放的偏好,2)政治意识形态以及种族和阶级认同也有助于解释偏好,以及3)美国总统最有能力遵守学校重新开放的规定。这项研究表明,推动公众支持学校重新开放和遵守政府重新开放命令的是政治,而不是公共卫生。
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引用次数: 0
Political Partisanship and Trust in Government Predict Popular Support for COVID-19 Vaccine Mandates for Various Professions and Demographic Groups: A Research Note. 党派关系和对政府的信任预测了不同职业和人口群体对COVID-19疫苗授权的普遍支持:一项研究说明
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-03-01 Epub Date: 2022-08-09 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X221118888
Filip Viskupič, David L Wiltse

Due to the slow rate of COVID-19 vaccine uptake and the spread of the highly contagious Omicron variant, governments are considering mandating COVID-19 vaccination for specific professions and demographic groups. This study evaluates popular attitudes toward such policies. We fielded a survey of 535 registered voters in South Dakota to examine popular attitudes towards vaccine mandates for five groups-children 12 and older, K-12 teachers, medical staff, nursing homes staff, and police personnel. We estimated a series of logistic regression models and presented predicted probabilities to find the primary determinants of these attitudes. Results revealed that political partisanship and trust in government are strong predictors of support for vaccine mandates across all models. Should government and public health officials wish to increase the proportion of people vaccinated for COVID-19, they must recognize the limitations of current public health campaigns, and reshape their efforts in congruence with scientific findings.

由于COVID-19疫苗接种速度缓慢以及高传染性欧米克隆变异的传播,各国政府正在考虑强制要求特定职业和人口群体接种COVID-19疫苗。这项研究评估了公众对此类政策的态度。我们对南达科他州的535名登记选民进行了调查,以了解人们对五个群体(12岁及以上的儿童、K-12教师、医务人员、养老院工作人员和警察人员)接种疫苗的普遍态度。我们估计了一系列的逻辑回归模型,并提出了预测概率,以找到这些态度的主要决定因素。结果显示,政治党派关系和对政府的信任是所有模式中支持疫苗授权的有力预测因素。如果政府和公共卫生官员希望增加COVID-19疫苗接种人数的比例,他们必须认识到当前公共卫生运动的局限性,并根据科学发现重塑他们的努力。
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引用次数: 0
See G.I. Jane Run: The Rise of Female Military Veteran Candidates for Congress 参见《G.I. Jane Run:国会女退伍军人候选人的崛起》
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X231157388
Theresa Schroeder, Rebecca H. Best, Jeremy M. Teigen
Veteran women are better represented in Congress than non-veteran women, but the reasons for this are unclear. Veteran women may be better represented because they run at higher rates and in more winnable races or because their military service leaves them uniquely qualified to overcome gender and partisan stereotypes. Voters often perceive women as lacking leadership ability and ill-suited to handling national security. However, female veterans have experience that may help them overcome gendered beliefs about their abilities. Using election data from the 2012–2020 U.S. congressional elections, we test whether veteran women gain greater voter support compared to non-veteran candidates and whether veteran women running as Democrats outperform male veteran Democrats. We find only limited evidence that military service wins more votes for candidates of either gender. Among Democrats, prior military service levels the playing field between male and female candidates, but veteran women only outperform veteran men in 2018.
资深女性在国会中的代表性高于非资深女性,但原因尚不清楚。退伍军人女性可能会有更好的代表性,因为她们的竞选率更高,参加的比赛更容易获胜,或者因为她们的兵役使她们有独特的资格克服性别和党派陈规定型观念。选民往往认为女性缺乏领导能力,不适合处理国家安全问题。然而,女性退伍军人的经验可能会帮助她们克服对自己能力的性别信仰。使用2012-2012年美国国会选举的选举数据,我们测试了与非资深候选人相比,资深女性是否获得了更大的选民支持,以及作为民主党人参选的资深女性是否优于男性资深民主党人。我们发现,只有有限的证据表明,兵役为任何性别的候选人赢得了更多的选票。在民主党人中,之前的兵役为男性和女性候选人提供了公平的竞争环境,但2018年,退伍军人女性的表现仅优于退伍军人男性。
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引用次数: 1
How Educational Attainment Moderates the Recursive Relationship Between Policy Orientations and Partisanship 教育程度如何调节政策取向与党派关系的递归关系
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-15 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X231157267
Joshua N. Zingher
Partisanship and policy attitudes are two foundational political dispositions. While scholars recognize both as important, there is a longstanding debate about how these dispositions influence each other. One camp argues that partisanship shapes policy attitudes much more strongly than the reverse, the other claims policy attitudes exert a powerful influence on partisanship. In this paper, I take up this debate and test these claims. I assess whether individuals bring their partisanship in line with their policy orientations with an analysis of 14 ANES and GSS panels. The highly educated have more stable attitudes and are more likely to bring their partisanship and policy attitudes in line with each other. The relationship is weaker among those with only a high school diploma. These results show that policy attitudes exert an underappreciated influence on partisanship. Overall, I find the policy orientations shape partisanship at least as much as the reverse.
党派偏见和政策态度是两种基本的政治倾向。虽然学者们认识到两者都很重要,但关于这些倾向如何相互影响,存在着长期的争论。一个阵营认为,党派之争对政策态度的影响比相反的要强烈得多,另一个阵营则认为政策态度对党派之争产生了强大的影响。在这篇论文中,我开始了这场辩论,并检验了这些说法。我通过对14个ANES和GSS小组的分析,评估个人的党派偏见是否符合他们的政策取向。受过高等教育的人态度更稳定,更有可能使他们的党派和政策态度保持一致。在那些只有高中文凭的人中,这种关系较弱。这些结果表明,政策态度对党派之争的影响被低估了。总的来说,我发现政策取向对党派之争的影响至少与相反。
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引用次数: 0
White Americans’ Evaluations of the Alt-Right 美国白人对另类右翼的评价
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-13 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X231157398
Kevin K. Banda, John Cluverius
Citizens’ perceptions of the alt-right are not well explored in political science. We view the alt-right as a successor of the Tea Party movement. While the Tea Party described itself as organized around spending, the size of government, and the American Constitution, examinations of the movement found that the unifying concerns of people who identified with it or viewed it favorably were negative feelings about racial minorities and patriarchal views of gender roles. Using panel survey data, we show that whites with higher levels of hostile sexism, racial resentment, perceptions of discrimination against whites, and who were more favorable towards Donald Trump evaluated the alt-right movement more positively. We find no evidence that self-placed ideology informed these evaluations. On the whole, latent cultural conservatism appears to inform evaluations of the relatively unknown — at the time — alt-right movement.
公民对另类右翼的看法在政治学中没有得到很好的探讨。我们认为另类右翼是茶党运动的继承者。虽然茶党称自己是围绕支出、政府规模和美国宪法组织起来的,但对该运动的审查发现,认同或看好该运动的人的共同担忧是对少数种族的负面情绪和对性别角色的父权观念。使用小组调查数据,我们发现,怀有敌意的性别歧视、种族怨恨、对白人歧视的看法更高,对唐纳德·特朗普更有利的白人对另类右翼运动的评价更积极。我们没有发现任何证据表明自我定位的意识形态影响了这些评估。总的来说,潜在的文化保守主义似乎为当时相对未知的另类右翼运动的评价提供了信息。
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引用次数: 0
Professed Democracy Support and Openness to Politically Congenial Authoritarian Actions Within the American Public 专业的民主支持和对美国公众内部政治联盟威权行为的开放
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-02-13 DOI: 10.1177/1532673X221109532
Ariel Malka, Thomas H. Costello
Elites degrade democracy in part because of incentives that arise from public opinion. We report pre-registered and exploratory tests of which Americans are most likely to support democracy-degrading action, focusing on three distinct democracy attitudes assessed in a large demographically representative sample 5 weeks before the 2020 election. Professed opposition to democracy was relatively rare and most common among citizens who felt disengaged with politics. But a different pattern of findings emerged for attitudes toward (1) flagrant, politically congenial authoritarian policy action and (2) election subversion framed with a pro-democracy justification. These anti-democratic attitudes were relatively common, related to cultural conservatism among both Republicans and Democrats, and – consistent with an “involved-but-ignorant” hypothesis – highest among those who combined strong political interest with low political sophistication. We recommend an increased focus on attitudes toward flagrant, contextualized, and politically cued authoritarian actions, including actions framed in pro-democracy terms.
精英阶层贬低民主的部分原因是公众舆论的激励。我们报告了对哪些美国人最有可能支持有辱民主行为的预先登记和探索性测试,重点是在2020年大选前5周,在一个具有人口代表性的大样本中评估的三种不同的民主态度。公开反对民主的情况相对较少,在感觉脱离政治的公民中最为常见。但对(1)公然的、政治上一致的威权政策行动和(2)以民主为理由的颠覆选举的态度出现了不同的调查结果。这些反民主态度相对常见,与共和党和民主党的文化保守主义有关,并且——与“参与但无知”的假设一致——在那些将强烈的政治兴趣与低政治成熟度结合在一起的人中最高。我们建议更多地关注对公然、背景化和政治暗示的威权行动的态度,包括亲民主的行动。
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引用次数: 0
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American Politics Research
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