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Crafting literary Urdu: Mirza Hatim’s engagement with Vali Dakhani 创作文学乌尔都语:米尔扎·哈蒂姆与瓦利·达克哈尼的交往
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000166
Purnima Dhavan, Heidi Pauwels
Abstract The emergence in eighteenth-century India of literary compositions that used the elite registers of what was, at the time, called ‘Rekhtah’, and later defined as Urdu, is poorly understood. Conventionally, after an initial infatuation in Delhi with the works of Vali Dakhani,1 a mid-century break is assumed, exemplified by the revision of Zuhur ud-Din Hatim’s Divan as Divanzadah in the 1750s. Scholars have viewed this as a radical intervention in the creation of Urdu, which excised old vernacular models and embraced further Persianization. This article re-examines the evidence, combining methodologies from literary and historical studies. It points to the continuities present in Hatim’s revision, including sustained engagement with Vali, even as Hatim attempted to appeal to new audiences, incorporating new trends alongside older literary models. Foregrounding literary networks and arenas of poetic practice shows the limited impact of the proscriptions and literary criticisms voiced by Hatim’s critics. In studying the contested space of literary aesthetics and linguistic shifts against self-fashioning within changing networks, this article demonstrates that the relationship between the Persianate and vernacular sphere continued to be generative, rather than oppositional or hierarchical.
18世纪印度出现的文学作品使用了当时被称为“Rekhtah”(后来被定义为乌尔都语)的精英语言,人们对这种语言的理解很少。按照惯例,在德里,人们最初迷恋瓦利•达喀尼(Vali Dakhani)的作品后,就会认为世纪中叶出现了中断,例如,18世纪50年代,祖胡尔•乌德•丁•哈廷姆(Zuhur ud-Din Hatim)的《Divan》被修订为《Divanzadah》。学者们认为这是对乌尔都语创造的激进干预,乌尔都语剔除了旧的方言模式,进一步接受了波斯化。本文结合文学研究和历史研究的方法,重新审视这些证据。它指出了哈廷的修订中的连续性,包括与瓦利的持续接触,即使哈廷试图吸引新的读者,将新的趋势与旧的文学模式结合起来。通过对文学网络和诗歌实践舞台的透视,可以看出哈廷批评家的禁言和文学批评的影响是有限的。在研究文学美学的竞争空间和在变化的网络中反对自我塑造的语言转变时,本文表明波斯语和白话文领域之间的关系继续是生成的,而不是对立的或等级的。
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引用次数: 0
Imperial inheritance: The transnational lives of Gurkha families in Asian contexts, 1948–1971 帝国继承:1948-1971年亚洲背景下廓尔喀人家庭的跨国生活
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000191
Hema Kiruppalini
Abstract While there is burgeoning scholarship on the transnational lives of Nepali Gurkhas and their families, research on their migration history and lived experiences in Asian contexts is few and far between. Building upon Vron Ware’s concept of Gurkha families as ‘military migrants’ and using an inter-Asia approach as a framework, this article foregrounds the interconnections between military service and migrant pathways during the period of decolonization, particularly in Southeast Asia, and in so doing, offers a gendered perspective on labour migration. Drawing on multi-sited archival and ethnographic research, it seeks to argue that from 1948 to 1971, the Asian region(s) were a dominant feature in the global migration process of Gurkha families who circulated within the arc of a declining British empire. The article further advances that their gendered mobility patterns problematizes the ‘migration–left behind’ nexus as binary opposites as Gurkha wives and children engaged with mobility and mediated their transnational lives in complex ways. It also expands upon the notion of dukha—meaning ‘sadness’ or ‘suffering’ in Nepali—as an analytical theme to yield further insights into their lived experiences and to revisit colonial historiography about Gurkha society.
摘要尽管关于尼泊尔廓尔喀人及其家人跨国生活的学术研究正在蓬勃发展,但对他们在亚洲背景下的移民史和生活经历的研究却很少。本文以Vron Ware将廓尔喀家庭视为“军事移民”的概念为基础,并以亚洲间的方法为框架,强调了非殖民化时期,特别是在东南亚,兵役和移民途径之间的相互联系,从而对劳动力移民提供了性别视角。根据多地点的档案和民族志研究,它试图证明,从1948年到1971年,亚洲地区是廓尔喀家族全球移民过程中的一个主要特征,这些家族在衰落的大英帝国范围内流动。文章进一步提出,他们的性别流动模式将“移民-留守”关系问题化为二元对立,因为廓尔喀人的妻子和孩子参与流动,并以复杂的方式调解他们的跨国生活。它还扩展了dukha的概念——在尼泊尔语中的意思是“悲伤”或“痛苦”——作为一个分析主题,以进一步深入了解他们的生活经历,并重新审视有关廓尔喀社会的殖民史学。
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引用次数: 0
‘It all comes from me’: Bahu Begam and the making of the Awadh nawabi, circa 1765–1815 “一切都来自我”:约1765-1815年,巴胡·贝甘和阿瓦德纳瓦比的制作
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000178
Nicholas J. Abbott
Abstract This article examines the durable, yet largely overlooked, claims of Bahu Begam (1727–1815) to dynastic wealth and authority in the Awadh nawabi (1722–1856), a North Indian Mughal ‘successor state’ and an important client of the East India Company. Chief consort (khass mahal) to Nawab Shuja-ud-Daula (r. 1754–75) and mother to his successor Nawab Asaf-ud-Daula (r. 1775–97), Bahu Begam played a well-documented role in the regime’s tumultuous politics, particularly during Warren Hastings’s tenure as the Company’s governor-general (1773–85) and his later parliamentary impeachment. But despite her prominent political influence, little attention has been paid to the substance of her persistent claims to proprietorship over revenue rights and the immense fortune in her custody, as well as her broader assertions of authority over Awadh’s male rulers. Taking those claims seriously, this article contends that the begam rooted her arguments in notions of natural deference to maternal authority and generational seniority, evolving dynastic traditions of co-sharing sovereignty and fiscal resources, and her particular history as a principal financier of the Awadh regime. In so doing, the article argues that the begam’s claims reflect the shifting conceptual language of late-Mughal Persianate political discourse and the ambivalent position of elite women as dynastic financiers and state-builders in early colonial South Asia.
本文考察了Bahu Begam(1727-1815)对阿瓦德纳瓦比(1722-1856)王朝财富和权力的持久主张,但这在很大程度上被忽视了。阿瓦德纳瓦比是北印度莫卧儿王朝的“继承国”,也是东印度公司的重要客户。Bahu Begam是Nawab shujab -ud- daula(1754-75年在位)的首席夫人,也是他的继任者Nawab asaff -ud- daula(1775-97年在位)的母亲,在该政权动荡的政治中,特别是在Warren Hastings担任公司总督(1773-85年)和他后来的议会弹劾期间,Bahu Begam扮演了一个有充分证据的角色。但是,尽管她在政治上有着显赫的影响力,但很少有人注意到她坚持主张对税收权和她所保管的巨额财富的所有权的实质,以及她对阿瓦德男性统治者的权威的更广泛的主张。认真对待这些说法,本文认为,她的论点植根于对母亲权威和代辈的自然尊重,共同分享主权和财政资源的不断发展的王朝传统,以及她作为阿瓦德政权主要金融家的特殊历史。在这样做的过程中,文章认为,贝格姆的主张反映了莫卧儿王朝晚期波斯政治话语的概念语言的转变,以及精英女性在早期殖民南亚作为王朝金融家和国家建设者的矛盾地位。
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引用次数: 0
Representations of disaster victimhood: Framing suffering and loss after the 1934 Bihar-Nepal earthquake 灾难受害者的表现:1934年比哈尔邦-尼泊尔地震后的痛苦和损失
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000130
Eleonor Marcussen
Abstract This article seeks to address a thematic thread that remains relatively unexplored in historical disaster research—victimhood—through an analysis of publications by disaster relief funds and their supporters in the aftermath of the 1934 earthquake in Bihar in northern India. By examining the representations of victimhood, I aim to explore the historical significance of perceptions and constructions of victimhood in the late colonial period. Based on photographs, illustrations, and descriptions of suffering in images and texts, the article suggests that constructions of victimhood effectively relied on imagery that contained, on the one hand, an absence of bodies and, on the other, a feminized anthropomorphization of suffering. The narratives underlying such depictions of earthquake victims are based on a constitution of victimhood that relied on contemporary historical and culturally founded imageries. The analysis of images and texts focuses on how representations of disaster victims were effective in communicating suffering to audiences. I tentatively argue that historically and culturally founded tropes of what constituted a victim formed along two narratives of victimhood that appealed to a colonial and a nationalist readership respectively. These conceptualizations of victimhood formed the basis for collecting aid for relief and reconstruction, rather than the loss of life, dispossession, social marginalization, and displacement suffered by victims of the earthquake.
摘要本文试图通过分析1934年印度北部比哈尔邦地震后救灾基金及其支持者的出版物,来解决历史灾害研究中相对未探索的一个主题——受害者身份。通过考察受害者身份的表征,我旨在探索殖民后期对受害者身份的感知和建构的历史意义。基于照片、插图以及图像和文本中对痛苦的描述,文章认为,受害者身份的构建实际上依赖于图像,一方面包含身体的缺失,另一方面包含痛苦的女性化拟人化。这种对地震受害者的描述背后的叙事是基于受害者的构成,这种构成依赖于当代历史和文化背景下的形象。对图像和文本的分析侧重于灾害受害者的形象如何有效地向观众传达痛苦。我试探性地认为,基于历史和文化的受害者构成比喻是沿着两种受害者叙事形成的,这两种叙事分别吸引了殖民主义和民族主义读者。这些受害者概念构成了收集救济和重建援助的基础,而不是地震受害者遭受的生命损失、剥夺财产、社会边缘化和流离失所。
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引用次数: 1
Religion, political parties, and Thailand’s 2019 election: Cosmopolitan royalism and its rivals 宗教、政党和泰国2019年大选:世界主义保皇派及其对手
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000038
Tomas Larsson
Abstract The political salience of religious issues and identities has been rising in Thailand, and this is increasingly reflected in electoral politics. Thai political parties seek to position themselves in relation to struggles over the location of the ideological centre of gravity, which has pitted defenders of the religio-political status quo—a monarchy-centred civil-religious nationalism—against Buddhist nationalists, on the one hand, and proponents of greater secularization, on the other. In the 2019 general election, political entrepreneurs ‘particized’ these religio-political differences, which has far-reaching implications for majority-minority relations, to an extent that appears unprecedented in recent Thai political history. This argument is developed through an analysis of the platforms, policies, and rhetoric put forward by political parties contesting the election, which concluded an almost five-year period of direct military rule. This analysis suggests we need to pay greater attention to the role of political parties and electoral competition in maintaining and contesting the secular settlement in Thailand.
在泰国,宗教问题和身份的政治突出性一直在上升,这越来越多地反映在选举政治中。泰国各政党试图将自己置于意识形态重心位置的斗争中,这种斗争一方面使宗教政治现状的捍卫者——以君主制为中心的民间宗教民族主义——与佛教民族主义者、另一方面使更大的世俗化的支持者对立起来。在2019年的大选中,政治企业家“参与”了这些宗教-政治差异,这对多数与少数民族的关系产生了深远的影响,其程度在最近的泰国政治史上似乎是前所未有的。这一论点是通过分析参加选举的政党提出的政纲、政策和言论而发展起来的,这次选举结束了近五年的直接军事统治。这一分析表明,我们需要更加关注政党和选举竞争在维持和挑战泰国世俗解决方案中的作用。
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引用次数: 2
Caldwell's Dravidians: Knowledge production and the representational strategies of missionary scholars in colonial South India 考德威尔的德拉威人:南印度殖民地传教学者的知识生产与表征策略
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X21000524
John Solomon
Abstract This article examines British Protestant missionary scholars' representations of Tamil culture and history, analysing how this form of knowledge evolved in relation to missionary concerns and the intellectual trends of nineteenth-century India. I focus on the work of Robert Caldwell, whose scholarship had a profound influence on the identity discourses of twentieth-century Tamil nationalism. I situate Caldwell's work in ethnography and philology within the broader field of colonial knowledge produced about Tamils in nineteenth-century India and within a broader study of British missionary concerns in South India. I examine two of Caldwell's publications to argue that his later work, far from being driven by mere scholarly interests, was also shaped by his concerns as a missionary, and that his evolving scholarship mirrored the development of anti-Brahmanism in British Protestant missionary circles of the time. Missionary anti-Brahmanism arose as a response to the caste system, which missionary groups came to regard as the biggest obstacle to Christian conversions. Departing from some of his earlier ideas, Caldwell strategically positioned his later work to challenge Brahman influence, which he saw as being intrinsically tied to the strength of caste sentiment in Indian society. Caldwell's construction of a discursive framework for understanding Tamil linguistic identity was informed by public reactions to his first publication and his subsequent understanding of the dynamic relationship between European scholarship and Indian social relations. More broadly, this article demonstrates the close relationships between Protestant Christian missionary activity, Indian social politics, and the field of knowledge production in colonial South India.
摘要本文考察了英国新教传教士学者对泰米尔文化和历史的表述,分析了这种形式的知识是如何与传教士的关注和19世纪印度的知识趋势相关联地演变的。我关注罗伯特·考德威尔的作品,他的学术对20世纪泰米尔民族主义的身份话语产生了深远的影响。我将考德威尔在民族志和文献学方面的工作置于关于19世纪印度泰米尔人的殖民知识的更广泛领域中,并置于对英国传教士在南印度关注的更广泛研究中。我查阅了考德威尔的两本出版物,认为他后来的工作远不是单纯的学术兴趣所驱动的,也是由他作为一名传教士的担忧所塑造的,他不断发展的学术反映了当时英国新教传教界反婆罗门教的发展。传教士反婆罗门教是对种姓制度的回应,传教团体开始将种姓制度视为基督教皈依的最大障碍。与他早期的一些想法不同,考德威尔战略性地定位了他后来的作品,以挑战婆罗门的影响力,他认为婆罗门的影响与印度社会种姓情绪的力量有着内在的联系。考德威尔构建了一个理解泰米尔语言身份的话语框架,这得益于公众对他的第一本出版物的反应,以及他随后对欧洲学术和印度社会关系之间动态关系的理解。更广泛地说,本文展示了新教基督教传教活动、印度社会政治和殖民地南印度知识生产领域之间的密切关系。
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 56 issue 6 Cover and Front matter ASS第56卷第6期封面和封面
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x22000476
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 56 issue 6 Cover and Back matter ASS第56卷第6期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x22000488
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引用次数: 0
Pashtun homelands in an Indo-Afghan hagiographical collection 普什图人的家园在印度-阿富汗的圣徒文集中
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X2200004X
M. Pelevin
Abstract The article explores the ethnocultural aspects and ideological implications of a hagiographical collection from the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī wa Makhzan-i Afghānī (1613), a book on the general history of the Pashtuns compiled in the Indo-Afghan diaspora. This article primarily focuses on the stories that either presumably originate from or directly relate in content to Pashtun tribal areas to the west of the Indus. Being foremost a supplement to the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī’s genealogical section, the hagiographical anthology was included in this book to highlight and illustrate the idea of the Pashtuns’ continuous adherence to Islam throughout many centuries. However, its narratives suggest that Islamic traditions in the Pashtuns’ collective memory can be traced back as far as the turn of the thirteenth century. While the genealogies maintained the principle of patrilineal descent as the basic attribute of Pashtun identity, the hagiographies affirmed the profession of Islamic faith as another integral component of this identity and also brought to light its linguistic criterion. One of the article’s sections offers a survey of the cases where the Pashto language as well as Pashto lexemes and phrases are mentioned in the Persian text of the hagiographies. The article also attempts to locate the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī’s hagiographical collection among similar works in Indo-Persian literature; it also considers such still-understudied issues as the emergence of spiritual lineages in Pashtun tribes and the entwining of folklore and conventional Islamic elements in the stories about Pashtun religious leaders.
摘要:本文探讨了《Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī wa Makhzan-i Afghānī》(1613)的圣徒文集的民族文化方面和意识形态含义,这本书是在印度-阿富汗侨民中编纂的关于普什图人通史的书。本文主要关注的是那些可能起源于印度河以西普什图部落地区或在内容上与之直接相关的故事。作为Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī的宗谱部分的最重要的补充,这本书中包含了圣徒文集,以突出和说明普什图人在许多世纪以来一直坚持伊斯兰教的想法。然而,它的叙述表明,普什图人的集体记忆中的伊斯兰传统可以追溯到13世纪初。虽然族谱坚持父系血统的原则是普什图人身份的基本属性,但圣徒传记肯定了伊斯兰信仰的职业是这种身份的另一个组成部分,并揭示了其语言标准。这篇文章的一个章节提供了普什图语以及普什图语词汇和短语在波斯语的圣徒传记中被提到的情况的调查。本文还试图在印度-波斯文学的类似作品中定位Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī的圣徒文集;它还考虑了一些仍未被充分研究的问题,如普什图部落中精神血统的出现,以及普什图宗教领袖故事中民间传说和传统伊斯兰元素的相互交织。
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引用次数: 0
An anti-secularist pan-Asianist from Europe: Paul Richard in Japan, 1916–1920 来自欧洲的反世俗主义泛亚洲主义者:保罗·理查在日本,1916-1920
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000087
Hans Martin Krämer
Abstract The modern Japanese nation-state that was established from 1868 onwards was marked by a strong tendency towards the separation of state and religion: religions were protected as a private matter, but the public sphere was resolutely kept free of them. This was mainly done so that competing religions would not get in the way of state-sanctioned emperor worship. The latter, although imbued with elements from Shinto, was carefully defined as non-religious, so that emperor worship could be prescribed without harm to the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of religion. This secularist approach to policing religions was broadly shared among Japanese elites—but it did not remain unopposed. From around the turn of the twentieth century, dissatisfaction with the separation of the religious and the secular spheres began to be voiced, especially by pan-Asianist activists, who sought to combine the spiritual unity of Asia with the political liberation of Asian countries from Western colonialism and imperialism. Although Japanese pan-Asianism has conventionally been seen as a purely political movement, one cannot explain it fully without taking into account its spiritual dimension, which up to the 1920s drew its primary inspiration from India. This article will show how pan-Asianist activists in Japan opposed mainstream secularism and discuss what their vision for a unified Asia was. In doing so, it will focus on the Japanese reception of the Frenchman Paul Richard, an important political activist-cum-spiritual seeker who was a central node in the network of Indian and Japanese pan-Asianists in the early twentieth century.
摘要从1868年开始建立的现代日本民族国家具有强烈的政教分离倾向:宗教作为私人事务受到保护,但公共领域坚决不受宗教影响。这样做主要是为了避免相互竞争的宗教妨碍国家批准的皇帝崇拜。后者虽然充满了神道教的元素,但被谨慎地定义为非宗教,因此可以在不损害宪法保障的宗教自由的情况下规定皇帝崇拜。这种世俗主义的宗教监管方法在日本精英中得到了广泛认同,但它并非没有遭到反对。从二十世纪之交开始,人们开始表达对宗教和世俗领域分离的不满,特别是泛亚主义活动家,他们试图将亚洲的精神团结与亚洲国家从西方殖民主义和帝国主义中解放出来的政治结合起来。尽管日本泛亚主义传统上被视为一场纯粹的政治运动,但如果不考虑其精神层面,就无法完全解释它,直到20世纪20年代,它的主要灵感来自印度。这篇文章将展示日本的泛亚主义活动家如何反对主流世俗主义,并讨论他们对统一亚洲的愿景。在这样做的过程中,它将重点关注日本人对法国人保罗·理查德的接待,他是一位重要的政治活动家和精神追求者,是20世纪初印度和日本泛亚主义者网络的中心节点。
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引用次数: 0
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Modern Asian Studies
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