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Rethinking the Second World War in South Asia: Between theatres and beyond battles 重新思考南亚的第二次世界大战:战场之间与战场之外
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x2300015x
Isabel Huacuja Alonso, Andrew Amstutz
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 57 issue 5 Cover and Front matter ASS第57卷第5期封面和封面问题
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000252
An abstract is not available for this content so a preview has been provided. As you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 57 issue 5 Cover and Back matter ASS第57卷第5期封面和封底
2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000264
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引用次数: 0
Art diplomacy: Drawing China-Indonesia relations in the early Cold War, 1949–1956 艺术外交:1949-1956年冷战初期的中国-印尼关系
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-10 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000227
Yiqing Li
The mid-1950s saw the relationship between China and Indonesia evolve from one of mutual hostility to one of fraternity as a trend of détente emerged out of the Geneva (1954) and the Bandung (1955) conferences. This article explores why and how the two newly independent nations applied art diplomacy to reduce their ideological differences and facilitate their commercial and political rapprochements for the sake of Asian solidarity. Through contextualizing a series of art activities between the two nations, especially China’s reproduction of President Sukarno’s private collection of paintings and Chairman Mao Zedong’s gifts of Chinese ink paintings to President Sukarno, this article argues that interactions in the name of art exemplify how China shaped its modern profile as an independent and industrialized power. It will also show how China deviated from its diplomacy of ‘Leaning to One Side’, formulated in the late 1940s, towards the ‘Peaceful United Front’ of the mid-1950s. More broadly, art relations between China and Indonesia reflect intensive cultural exchanges between the newly independent, yet ideologically clashing, nations of the Third World in the postwar period and offer a multifaceted history of the Cold War beyond the binary paradigm of the two superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union.
20世纪50年代中期,随着日内瓦会议(1954年)和万隆会议(1955年)的缓和趋势,中国和印度尼西亚之间的关系从相互敌对演变为兄弟情谊。本文探讨了这两个新独立的国家为什么以及如何运用艺术外交来减少意识形态差异,促进商业和政治和解,以实现亚洲的团结。本文通过对两国之间的一系列艺术活动,特别是中国复制苏加诺总统私人收藏的画作和毛泽东主席赠送苏加诺主席的中国水墨画的背景分析,认为以艺术的名义进行的互动体现了中国如何塑造其作为一个独立和工业化大国的现代形象。它还将展示中国是如何从20世纪40年代末制定的“倾向一边”外交转向50年代中期的“和平统一战线”的。更广泛地说,中国和印度尼西亚之间的艺术关系反映了战后新独立但意识形态冲突的第三世界国家之间的密集文化交流,并提供了超越美国和苏联两个超级大国二元范式的多方面冷战史。
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引用次数: 0
The lure of land: Peasant politics, frontier colonization and the cunning state in Sri Lanka 土地的诱惑:斯里兰卡的农民政治、边境殖民和狡猾的国家
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-08-08 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x22000506
Thiruni Kelegama, B. Korf
This paper studies the contradictions of peasant politics in Sri Lanka’s dry zone frontier in a highly militarized colonization scheme (‘System L’ of the Mahaweli Development Programme in Weli Oya in northern Sri Lanka). Through a detailed ethnographic study of the life histories of settlers who came in two waves to this scheme (1980s and post-2009), we show the workings of what we call the ‘lure of land’: first, as the (al)lure that attracts landless families to live out the mythical dream of becoming a paddy farmer; second, this lure of land is intimately tied to a nationalist territorial aspiration that transforms the settler into a patriotic colonizer of the land: due to its strategic location in the frontier zone between Sinhalese and Tamil inhabited territories, settlers became ‘home guards’ who live on and protect the frontier. But the lure of land is not without contradictions: Life in the frontier is dangerous (for the early settlers) and economically precarious (for the early and late settlers), because the state is unable to deliver the promise of land and water. Government officials deploy various tactics of repeatedly deferred promises and subtle threats to discourage settlers to abandon the colonization scheme despite the settlers’ precarious life conditions, disappointments, and frustrations. A ‘cunning state’ thereby betrays its own ‘frontiersmen’, while safeguarding its nationalist territorial agenda.
本文研究了斯里兰卡干旱地区边境在高度军事化的殖民计划(斯里兰卡北部威利奥亚Mahaweli发展计划的“L系统”)中的农民政治矛盾。通过对两波移民(1980年代和2009年后)的生活史进行详细的民族志研究,我们展示了我们所谓的“土地诱惑”的运作方式:首先,作为吸引无地家庭实现成为水田农民的神话梦想的(全部)诱惑;其次,土地的诱惑与民族主义的领土渴望密切相关,将定居者转变为土地的爱国殖民者:由于其位于僧伽罗人和泰米尔人居住地区之间的边境地区的战略位置,定居者成为生活和保护边境的“家庭警卫”。但土地的诱惑并非没有矛盾:边疆的生活(对早期定居者来说)是危险的,经济上也不稳定(对早期和晚期定居者来说),因为国家无法兑现土地和水的承诺。尽管定居者的生活条件不稳定、失望和沮丧,但政府官员采取了各种各样的策略,反复推迟承诺和微妙的威胁,以阻止定居者放弃殖民计划。因此,一个“狡猾的国家”背叛了自己的“边民”,同时维护了自己的民族主义领土议程。
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引用次数: 0
‘Farewell, My Uyghur Language’: Linguistic anxiety and resistance in Uyghur poetry and songs, 1990s–2010s “别了,我的维吾尔语”:维吾尔诗歌与歌曲中的语言焦虑与抵抗,1990 - 2010年代
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-25 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000185
N. Baranovitch
In recent decades, as part of the efforts of the Chinese government first to integrate and, more recently, to forcibly assimilate the Uyghur population into China’s mainstream culture and society, the Uyghur language has been marginalized and repressed to an unprecedented extent. The academic literature on Xinjiang’s language policy has repeatedly acknowledged that this repression is a major source of concern and discontent among many Uyghurs. However, to date, little has been written about the public response of Uyghurs to this policy and their open efforts to challenge it. In particular, with very few exceptions, little is known about the public response of Uyghur writers and artists. In this article I analyse a large corpus of Uyghur poems and songs that engaged openly with the Uyghur language crisis and were published and disseminated in the Uyghur public sphere between the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s. Unlike some studies that try to assess the condition of certain languages at a certain point in time through objective methodologies, these literary and artistic works provide an insider view on how the Uyghur cultural elite and many other Uyghurs experienced the repression and loss of their native language, and also, how they struggled against this repression. In the article I examine the diverse sentiments, perceptions, and discourses that these literary and artistic expressions communicate, and the different strategies that the Uyghurs used to struggle against the language policy and its consequences. I also explore what these works tell us about the development of Xinjiang’s language policy over time, the linguistic reality in the region, and the impact that the language policy has had on Uyghur society. Finally, the article also investigates the broad political meanings of these works and speculates on the link between them and the efforts of the Chinese government to further marginalize the Uyghur language.
近几十年来,作为中国政府首先将维吾尔族人口融入中国主流文化和社会的努力的一部分,维吾尔语已经被边缘化和压制到前所未有的程度。关于新疆语言政策的学术文献一再承认,这种压制是许多维吾尔人关注和不满的主要原因。然而,迄今为止,关于维吾尔人对这一政策的公开反应以及他们公开挑战这一政策的努力,很少有人写过。特别是,除了极少数例外,人们对维吾尔族作家和艺术家的公众反应知之甚少。在本文中,我分析了大量维吾尔诗歌和歌曲的语料库,这些诗歌和歌曲公开涉及维吾尔语危机,并在20世纪90年代中期至2010年代中期在维吾尔公共领域发表和传播。与一些试图通过客观方法评估某些语言在某个时间点的状况的研究不同,这些文学和艺术作品提供了维吾尔文化精英和许多其他维吾尔人如何经历压制和丧失母语的内幕,以及他们如何与这种压制作斗争。在本文中,我研究了这些文学和艺术表达所传达的不同情感、观念和话语,以及维吾尔人用来反对语言政策及其后果的不同策略。我还探讨了这些作品告诉我们新疆语言政策随时间的发展,该地区的语言现实,以及语言政策对维吾尔社会的影响。最后,本文还考察了这些作品的广泛政治意义,并推测了它们与中国政府进一步边缘化维吾尔语的努力之间的联系。
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引用次数: 0
‘Elections can wait!’ The politics of constructing a ‘Hindu atmosphere’ in Kerala, South India “选举可以等待!”在南印度喀拉拉邦构建“印度教氛围”的政治
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000197
Dayal Paleri, R. Santhosh
The lack of electoral success of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the South Indian state of Kerala is often explained through the idea of Kerala ‘exceptionalism’, a broad term used to explain the unique historical, political, and developmental trajectory of the state. However, such explanations do not adequately address the systematic and concerted attempts by Hindu nationalist organizations to transform the cultural sphere of Kerala into a fertile ground for its future electoral politics. Through an ethnographic study of three Hindu nationalist organizations in the civil society sphere of Kodungallur, a multi-religious town in central Kerala, this article explores the politics and implications of their cultural interventions. The article argues that, peeved by an ‘absent Hindu atmosphere’ in Kerala, these organizations are trying to construct new forms of sociality and subjectivity and a grassroots public sphere embedded in Hindu nationalist ideology in Kodungallur. Often described by these organizations as ‘apolitical’ and ‘cultural’, these interventions are indeed a critique of the Kerala public sphere which is characterized by religious pluralism and secular sociality. Hence, the attempt to create a ‘Hindu atmosphere’ by these organizations is a deeply political endeavour aimed at creating an exclusivist Hindu hegemony in the cultural sphere, which they assume will pave the way for their electoral hegemony in Kerala in the long run.
印度人民党(BJP)在印度南部喀拉拉邦的选举中没有取得成功,这通常是通过喀拉拉邦“例外论”的概念来解释的,这是一个用来解释该邦独特的历史、政治和发展轨迹的广义术语。然而,这种解释并不能充分解决印度教民族主义组织有系统、一致的努力,将喀拉拉邦的文化领域转变为其未来选举政治的沃土。通过对喀拉拉邦中部多宗教城镇Kodungalur民间社会领域的三个印度教民族主义组织的民族志研究,本文探讨了他们的文化干预的政治和影响。文章认为,由于喀拉拉邦“缺乏印度教氛围”,这些组织正试图在科登加勒尔构建新形式的社会性和主观性,以及嵌入印度教民族主义意识形态的基层公共领域。这些组织经常将其描述为“非政治性”和“文化性”,这些干预措施实际上是对喀拉拉邦公共领域的批判,喀拉拉邦的公共领域以宗教多元化和世俗社会性为特征。因此,这些组织试图营造“印度教氛围”是一种深层次的政治努力,目的是在文化领域创造一种排外的印度教霸权,他们认为从长远来看,这将为他们在喀拉拉邦的选举霸权铺平道路。
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引用次数: 0
Afro-Asian resonances: Staging the Congo Crisis in 1960s’ Chinese theatre 亚洲与非洲的共鸣:20世纪60年代中国戏剧中的刚果危机
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-07-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000161
Yucong Hao
In the first half of the 1960s China witnessed an unprecedented florescence of theatrical works on Third World decolonization, which aimed to disseminate the ideology of Maoist internationalism and cultivate transnational and interracial solidarity among the Chinese public. Existing scholarship on Maoist internationalist theatre tends to understand the phenomenon as the domestication of Third World decolonization for China’s political ends. This article, by focusing on the heterogeneous processes of production, adaptation, and reception, illuminates the practical and epistemological challenges of representing an internationalist subject, the imperfect performance of foreign culture and history, and the porous process of meaning-making for Chinese performers and audiences. Using previously untapped historical materials, such as performance programmes, personal recollections, and newspapers, this article explores the staging of the Congo Crisis (1960–1965)—a widely mediated international event in Maoist China and a central conflict in the global Cold War—in the spoken drama War Drums on the Equator (1965), its many local variations, and a dance drama adaptation, The Raging Congo River (1965). By mediating and enacting ‘embodied and affective knowledge’ about Congo, these theatrical works made the political motif of internationalist solidarity into sonorous and kinaesthetic artefacts that engendered plural meanings to Chinese performers and audiences. This article further reveals flawed perceptions, processes of corrections, and the epistemological limitations in the performance of the Congo Crisis in Maoist China.
20世纪60年代上半叶,中国出现了前所未有的关于第三世界去殖民化的戏剧作品,其目的是传播毛主义的国际主义意识形态,并在中国公众中培养跨国和种族间的团结。关于毛主义国际主义戏剧的现有学者倾向于将这一现象理解为中国政治目的对第三世界去殖民化的驯化。本文通过关注制作、改编和接受的异质过程,阐明了表现国际主义主体的实践和认识论挑战,外国文化和历史的不完美表演,以及中国表演者和观众的意义创造过程的漏洞。本文利用以前未开发的历史材料,如表演节目、个人回忆和报纸,探讨了刚果危机(1960-1965)的舞台,这是毛时代中国广泛调解的国际事件,也是全球冷战中的核心冲突,在口语戏剧《赤道战鼓声》(1965)、它的许多地方变化和舞蹈戏剧改编《狂暴的刚果河》(1965)中。通过调解和演绎关于刚果的“具体和情感知识”,这些戏剧作品将国际主义团结的政治主题变成了铿锵有力的动感艺术品,对中国表演者和观众产生了多重意义。这篇文章进一步揭示了有缺陷的认知,纠正的过程,以及毛主义中国在刚果危机表现中的认识论局限性。
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ASS volume 57 issue 4 Cover and Front matter ASS第57卷第4期封面和封面问题
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000203
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ASS volume 57 issue 4 Cover and Back matter ASS第57卷第4期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-06-23 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000215
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Modern Asian Studies
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