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Product, equipment, uniform: Material environment and the consumption of work in New Delhi, India 产品、设备、制服:印度新德里的物质环境和工作消耗
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-03-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000129
Garima Jaju
Abstract The article focuses on how low and lower-middle class youth employed in new private sector jobs in the booming service economy in Indian cities engage with the material environment of their workplace, and how, through their ‘aesthetic scrutiny’ of its materiality, come to ‘consume’ work. The setting is the store floor of a fast-expanding organized retail company, called Spexy, that sells budget eyewear products. Through ethnographic elaboration, the article follows how the Spexy staff deride the ‘un-branded’ products, ‘un-technical’ equipment, and ‘un-professional’ uniforms at their workplace. The company, as constituted of these ‘poor’ materials, is mocked for failing in its ‘company-ness’ and branded ‘fake’. The material environment of the workplace provides a platform for the articulation of larger configurations of ‘feelings’ the youth seek to give and get through formal employment in a private company. These articulations, in turn, reveal larger sociocultural valuations regarding ideas of social mobility and visibility in contemporary India where there is a strong interest in brand regimes and brand value hierarchies, fixation with technological education and expertise, and attraction towards a corporate work culture in the private sector, and, concomitantly, a strong desire amongst the store staff to craft branded, technical, and professional work identities. By putting the scholarship on work and consumption in dialogue, the article demonstrates how bottom-rung urban workers look expectantly to the material environment of company work to fulfil these desires.
摘要这篇文章关注的是在印度城市蓬勃发展的服务经济中,受雇于私营部门新工作的中低收入青年如何参与工作场所的物质环境,以及如何通过对其物质性的“审美审视”来“消费”工作。这里是一家快速扩张的有组织零售公司Spexy的店面,该公司销售廉价眼镜产品。通过人种学的阐述,文章讲述了Spexy员工如何在工作场所嘲笑“非品牌”产品、“非技术”设备和“非专业”制服。该公司由这些“劣质”材料组成,因其“公司性”不合格而受到嘲笑,并被打上了“假冒”的标签。工作场所的物质环境提供了一个平台,可以表达年轻人在私营公司寻求给予和获得正式就业的更大“感受”。反过来,这些表述揭示了当代印度对社会流动性和知名度理念的更大社会文化估值,在当代印度,人们对品牌制度和品牌价值等级制度、对技术教育和专业知识的执着以及对私营部门企业工作文化的吸引力有着浓厚的兴趣,商店员工强烈希望打造品牌、技术和专业的工作身份。通过将工作和消费的学术置于对话中,文章展示了城市底层工人如何期待公司工作的物质环境来实现这些愿望。
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引用次数: 1
The prison-handicraft complex: Convict labour in colonial India 监狱手工艺品综合体:殖民地印度的罪犯劳工
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-27 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000324
Anand A. Yang
Abstract Prison labour was an integral part of the penal order in colonial India in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Especially in Bengal, such coerced labour, overwhelmingly male, was increasingly deployed in handicrafts production rather than in extramural construction projects, a regimen that led to the development of a prison-handicraft complex. Colonial efforts to refine this system focused largely on increasing the severity of the conditions of incarceration and indoor work, but also on the conflicting goal of maximizing the profits of its handiwork. Prisons thus emerged as effective sites of handicrafts production, with the products of their forced labour facilitating the revival of the crafts industry whose growth is generally attributed to the rise of an international arts and crafts movement in Britain and India.
摘要19世纪和20世纪初,在殖民地印度,监狱劳动是刑事秩序的一个组成部分。特别是在孟加拉,这种强迫劳动(绝大多数是男性)越来越多地被用于手工艺品生产,而不是校外建筑项目,这种制度导致了监狱手工艺品综合体的发展。殖民地完善这一制度的努力主要集中在提高监禁和室内工作条件的严重性上,但也集中在实现其手工工作利润最大化的矛盾目标上。因此,监狱成为有效的手工艺品生产场所,其强迫劳动的产品促进了手工艺品行业的复兴,而手工艺品的增长通常归因于英国和印度国际工艺美术运动的兴起。
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引用次数: 0
Taiwanese DNA versus Chinese DNA: Genetic science and identity politics across the Taiwan Straits 台湾DNA与中国DNA:台湾海峡两岸的基因科学与身份政治
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-20 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000294
Yinghong Cheng
Abstract The article analyses how population genetics has impacted on nationalist discourses across the Taiwan Straits and affected the relationship between Taiwan and China since the 1990s. In Taiwan this cutting-edge science has helped to construct a native-based and Taiwan-centred national identity through promoting indigenous peoples’ rights, rejecting a blood-based, cross-Straits nationalism, and founding a pan-Pacific indigenous peoples’ community through genetic links and cultural affinity. In China, after subverting the nationalist myth of Peking Man (a Homo erectus group believed to be the common ancestor of the Chinese) by analysing genetic data, the same group of Chinese genetic scientists have constructed another nationalist myth of a genetically homogenous nationhood. Such a discourse not only valorizes Chinese nationalism through claiming a DNA-based Chineseness across ethnic distinctions but also asserts genetic links between China and Taiwan, therefore providing a ‘scientific’ basis for China’s nationalism in the new century.
摘要本文分析了20世纪90年代以来,群体遗传学对两岸民族主义话语的影响以及对两岸关系的影响。在台湾,这门前沿科学通过促进原住民族权利,拒绝以血缘为基础的两岸民族主义,并通过基因联系和文化亲和力建立泛太平洋原住民族社区,帮助构建了以原住民为基础和以台湾为中心的国家认同。在中国,在通过分析基因数据颠覆了北京人(一个被认为是中国人共同祖先的直立人群体)的民族主义神话之后,同一群中国基因科学家又构建了另一个民族主义神话,即基因同质的民族。这样的论述不仅通过跨越民族差异而主张以dna为基础的中国性来强化中国民族主义,而且还断言中国和台湾之间存在遗传联系,从而为新世纪的中国民族主义提供了“科学”基础。
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引用次数: 0
Strategic forgetting: Britain, China, and the South China Sea, 1894–1938 战略遗忘:英国、中国和南中国海,1894-1938
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x22000373
B. Hayton
Abstract This article clarifies a mythologized episode in the early development of the South China Sea disputes and shows how it was later ‘forgotten’ by British policymakers for strategic reasons. Using documents from the UK National Archives it confirms, for the first time, that Qing/Chinese officials did deny responsibility for the Paracel Islands in 1898/1899. It then shows how this correspondence was strategically ignored by British officials during the 1930s in the context of renewed disputes between China, France, and Japan over the sovereignty of the islands. It argues that during the 1930s, British officials sought to bolster the Chinese position in the South China Sea because of a concern that France would remain neutral in any forthcoming conflict. This resulted in Britain taking a view on the sovereignty disputes that was at odds with the evidence in its own archives but which provided useful political support for the Republic of China.
摘要本文阐明了南海争端早期发展中的一个神话事件,并展示了它后来是如何因战略原因而被英国决策者“遗忘”的。利用英国国家档案馆的文件,它首次证实,清/中国官员确实否认对1898/1899年的帕拉塞尔群岛负责。然后,它展示了在20世纪30年代,在中国、法国和日本之间就这些岛屿的主权再次发生争端的背景下,英国官员是如何从战略上忽视这些信件的。它认为,在20世纪30年代,英国官员试图加强中国在南中国海的立场,因为担心法国在任何即将发生的冲突中都会保持中立。这导致英国对主权争端采取了与自己档案中的证据不一致的观点,但这为中华民国提供了有益的政治支持。
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引用次数: 0
Delinking ‘the two rupees’: The devaluation dilemma and economic divergence in the decolonized subcontinent, September 1949–February 1951 描绘“两卢比”:非殖民化次大陆的贬值困境和经济分歧,1949年9月至1951年2月
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x22000336
R. Ankit
Abstract By looking at the September 1949 devaluation dilemma faced by the governments of Pakistan and India, this article argues that it was an early episode of divergence between them following partition. The reasons why Pakistan did not devalue when India did so have remained largely obscured in the historiography. Deeply contested, the decision was a determining event through which the state staked its claim for economic sovereignty, internally and externally. It led to a 17-month-long official trade deadlock, especially in the eastern region of partitioned Bengal. It ended when the two governments established an exchange ratio for the two rupees, no longer at par with each other. This interactive delinking of currencies was symptomatic of the improvisational decoupling of the colonial subcontinent’s post-colonial states. In tracing its trajectory, this article contributes to the inconsiderable literature on why devaluation did not happen in Pakistan, revises the rationale offered, and presents the event as a contingent exercise in economic decolonization, generative of a post-colonial sovereign difference.
摘要:本文通过考察1949年9月巴基斯坦和印度政府面临的货币贬值困境,认为这是两国在分治后分歧的早期插曲。当印度货币贬值时,巴基斯坦却没有贬值,其原因在史学中一直很模糊。这一决定引起了激烈的争议,是一个决定性的事件,通过它,国家在国内和国外宣示了自己的经济主权。这导致了长达17个月的官方贸易僵局,特别是在被分割的孟加拉东部地区。当两国政府为两种卢比建立了一个不再相等的兑换比率时,这一切就结束了。这种货币的相互脱钩,是殖民次大陆后殖民国家即兴脱钩的征兆。在追溯其轨迹的过程中,本文对有关巴基斯坦为何没有发生货币贬值的文献做出了贡献,修正了所提供的理论基础,并将这一事件描述为经济非殖民化的偶然实践,是后殖民时期主权差异的产物。
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引用次数: 0
The grey zones of antiquarian pursuits: The 1938 Barger expedition to the princely state of Swat 追寻古物的灰色地带:1938年巴格尔对斯瓦特王族的探险
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-16 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000312
R. Khan
Abstract This article discusses and analyses the Barger archaeological expedition of 1938 to the princely state of Swat. It argues that archaeology in princely, as well as in British, India did not originate and develop in a unilinear manner. This understanding is in line with the recent realization of variations in the historiography of native India. Given this, an attempt has been made to situate the Swat state in relation to British paramountcy. Miangul Abdul Wadud, the first British-recognized ruler of the state, was aware of colonial power relations and had a friendly attitude towards the British. He dealt with Swat’s archaeology with political and dynastic expediencies in mind. Since there was no proper legal and institutional dispensation in place in the area, the Frontier government officials and the political administration at Malakand treated the Barger expedition as a local matter, beyond the legal jurisdiction and disciplinary apparatuses of the colonial state. The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) and the related laws were, thus, kept out of the entire enterprise. All this ensured a smooth transfer of antiquities to England at a time when strong legal-institutional and ethical dimensions to archaeology were in place within British India and in some princely states.
本文对1938年巴格尔对斯瓦特土邦的考古考察进行了讨论和分析。它认为,考古学在王子,以及在英国,印度并不是在一个单一的方式起源和发展。这种理解与最近对印度本土史学变化的认识是一致的。有鉴于此,有人试图将斯瓦特邦置于英国的最高统治权之下。Miangul Abdul Wadud是第一个被英国承认的国家统治者,他意识到殖民地的权力关系,对英国人持友好态度。在处理斯瓦特的考古问题时,他考虑的是政治和王朝的权宜之计。由于在该地区没有适当的法律和制度上的安排,边疆政府官员和马拉坎德的政治行政当局把巴格尔远征视为地方事务,超出了殖民地国家的法律管辖和纪律机构。因此,印度考古调查局(ASI)和相关法律被排除在整个企业之外。所有这些都确保了文物顺利转移到英国,当时在英属印度和一些王公邦,考古学的法律制度和道德层面都很强大。
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 57 issue 2 Cover and Front matter ASS第57卷第2期封面和封面问题
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000021
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 57 issue 2 Cover and Back matter ASS第57卷第2期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-15 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x23000033
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引用次数: 0
Flagstone empire: Materiality and technical expertise in Japanese road construction in northeast China (1905–1945) 石板帝国:日本东北道路建设的物质性与技术专长(1905-1945)
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-08 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X2200018X
Yuting Dong
Abstract This article investigates Japanese imperialism in northeast China through its road construction infrastructure projects within its railway auxiliary zone (1906–1932) and Manchuria at large (1932–1945). The materiality of roads unveils a history of how Japanese engineers adapted to local practices and absorbed local knowledge in building physical infrastructure and developing their technical expertise. These engineers engaged with local practices rooted in pre-existing social and natural environments to facilitate road construction. At the same time, in Manchuria their technical expertise in construction was built on the absorption and subsequent erasure of local workers’ vernacular craft. Rather than the physical realization of an imperialist, top-down vision of modernization, imperial infrastructure projects were in fact hybrid productions of technical expertise, and local vernacular knowledge and skills. By constructing roads, engineers helped to expand Japan’s political and economic influence in northeast China, assert domination over Chinese residential areas and business interests, and coerce Chinese subjects into complying with policies and rules issued by Japanese administrations. The materials of roads—gravel, granite flagstone, and concrete—illustrate a complex relationship between Japanese imperial agents and local environments.
摘要本文考察了日本帝国主义在中国东北的铁路辅助区(1906-1932)和整个满洲(1932-1945)的道路建设基础设施项目。道路的重要性揭示了日本工程师在建设物理基础设施和发展技术专长时如何适应当地实践和吸收当地知识的历史。这些工程师采用植根于已有社会和自然环境的当地做法,以促进道路建设。与此同时,在满洲,他们在建筑方面的技术专长是建立在吸收和随后抹去当地工人的本土工艺之上的。帝国的基础设施项目实际上是技术专长和当地方言知识和技能的混合产物,而不是帝国主义自上而下的现代化愿景的实际实现。通过修建道路,工程师们帮助扩大了日本在中国东北的政治和经济影响力,维护了对中国居民区和商业利益的统治,并迫使中国臣民遵守日本政府颁布的政策和规定。道路的材料——砾石、花岗岩石板和混凝土——说明了日本帝国代理人与当地环境之间的复杂关系。
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引用次数: 0
Free sea or territorial waters? The Sino-Japanese Xiongyue fishing dispute, 1906–1912 自由海域还是领海?中日雄越渔业争端(1906-1912
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-02-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000233
Jiaying Shen
Abstract Following victory in the Russo-Japanese War, the Meiji government sought to expand its maritime influence in Northeast Asia by developing pelagic fisheries in the newly acquired Kwantung leased territory, but it encountered immediate resistance from the Qing court, which had just embarked upon ambitious reform to strengthen maritime defence through the building of a national fishing industry. The dispute first emerged as a clash between Japanese and Chinese fishery protection companies on the seas adjacent to the Chinese city of Xiongyue. It then gave rise to a protracted Sino-Japanese legal debate on the question of whether the Xiongyue fishing ground was in the free sea or part of Chinese territorial waters. However, the 1912 settlement agreement made no mention of the legal status of the fishing ground. By examining this oft-neglected dispute, this article not only provides a rare East Asian case that illustrates the tension between the requirements of national sea borders and the principle of navigational freedom, but also explores how the Meiji and Qing governments perceived and practised international maritime law at the turn of the twentieth century. It argues that neither government viewed international maritime law as the only referential framework to solve the dispute, especially when it contributed little to the conflict settlement and contradicted their perceptions of the historical relations between East Asian countries.
摘要日俄战争胜利后,明治政府试图通过在新获得的关东租借地发展远洋渔业来扩大其在东北亚的海洋影响力,但遭到了清廷的直接抵制,该国刚刚开始进行雄心勃勃的改革,通过建设国家渔业来加强海上防御。这场争端最初是日本和中国渔业保护公司在中国雄岳市附近海域发生的冲突。随后,中日就熊跃渔场是在自由海还是中国领海的一部分的问题展开了旷日持久的法律辩论。然而,1912年的和解协议没有提及渔场的法律地位。通过考察这一经常被忽视的争端,本文不仅提供了一个罕见的东亚案例,说明了国家海洋边界要求与航行自由原则之间的紧张关系,而且探讨了明治和清政府如何看待和实践二十世纪之交的国际海洋法。它认为,两国政府都不认为国际海事法是解决争端的唯一参考框架,尤其是当它对解决冲突几乎没有贡献,并且与他们对东亚国家之间历史关系的看法相矛盾时。
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引用次数: 0
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Modern Asian Studies
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