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Religion, political parties, and Thailand’s 2019 election: Cosmopolitan royalism and its rivals 宗教、政党和泰国2019年大选:世界主义保皇派及其对手
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-15 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000038
Tomas Larsson
Abstract The political salience of religious issues and identities has been rising in Thailand, and this is increasingly reflected in electoral politics. Thai political parties seek to position themselves in relation to struggles over the location of the ideological centre of gravity, which has pitted defenders of the religio-political status quo—a monarchy-centred civil-religious nationalism—against Buddhist nationalists, on the one hand, and proponents of greater secularization, on the other. In the 2019 general election, political entrepreneurs ‘particized’ these religio-political differences, which has far-reaching implications for majority-minority relations, to an extent that appears unprecedented in recent Thai political history. This argument is developed through an analysis of the platforms, policies, and rhetoric put forward by political parties contesting the election, which concluded an almost five-year period of direct military rule. This analysis suggests we need to pay greater attention to the role of political parties and electoral competition in maintaining and contesting the secular settlement in Thailand.
在泰国,宗教问题和身份的政治突出性一直在上升,这越来越多地反映在选举政治中。泰国各政党试图将自己置于意识形态重心位置的斗争中,这种斗争一方面使宗教政治现状的捍卫者——以君主制为中心的民间宗教民族主义——与佛教民族主义者、另一方面使更大的世俗化的支持者对立起来。在2019年的大选中,政治企业家“参与”了这些宗教-政治差异,这对多数与少数民族的关系产生了深远的影响,其程度在最近的泰国政治史上似乎是前所未有的。这一论点是通过分析参加选举的政党提出的政纲、政策和言论而发展起来的,这次选举结束了近五年的直接军事统治。这一分析表明,我们需要更加关注政党和选举竞争在维持和挑战泰国世俗解决方案中的作用。
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引用次数: 2
Caldwell's Dravidians: Knowledge production and the representational strategies of missionary scholars in colonial South India 考德威尔的德拉威人:南印度殖民地传教学者的知识生产与表征策略
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-11-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X21000524
John Solomon
Abstract This article examines British Protestant missionary scholars' representations of Tamil culture and history, analysing how this form of knowledge evolved in relation to missionary concerns and the intellectual trends of nineteenth-century India. I focus on the work of Robert Caldwell, whose scholarship had a profound influence on the identity discourses of twentieth-century Tamil nationalism. I situate Caldwell's work in ethnography and philology within the broader field of colonial knowledge produced about Tamils in nineteenth-century India and within a broader study of British missionary concerns in South India. I examine two of Caldwell's publications to argue that his later work, far from being driven by mere scholarly interests, was also shaped by his concerns as a missionary, and that his evolving scholarship mirrored the development of anti-Brahmanism in British Protestant missionary circles of the time. Missionary anti-Brahmanism arose as a response to the caste system, which missionary groups came to regard as the biggest obstacle to Christian conversions. Departing from some of his earlier ideas, Caldwell strategically positioned his later work to challenge Brahman influence, which he saw as being intrinsically tied to the strength of caste sentiment in Indian society. Caldwell's construction of a discursive framework for understanding Tamil linguistic identity was informed by public reactions to his first publication and his subsequent understanding of the dynamic relationship between European scholarship and Indian social relations. More broadly, this article demonstrates the close relationships between Protestant Christian missionary activity, Indian social politics, and the field of knowledge production in colonial South India.
摘要本文考察了英国新教传教士学者对泰米尔文化和历史的表述,分析了这种形式的知识是如何与传教士的关注和19世纪印度的知识趋势相关联地演变的。我关注罗伯特·考德威尔的作品,他的学术对20世纪泰米尔民族主义的身份话语产生了深远的影响。我将考德威尔在民族志和文献学方面的工作置于关于19世纪印度泰米尔人的殖民知识的更广泛领域中,并置于对英国传教士在南印度关注的更广泛研究中。我查阅了考德威尔的两本出版物,认为他后来的工作远不是单纯的学术兴趣所驱动的,也是由他作为一名传教士的担忧所塑造的,他不断发展的学术反映了当时英国新教传教界反婆罗门教的发展。传教士反婆罗门教是对种姓制度的回应,传教团体开始将种姓制度视为基督教皈依的最大障碍。与他早期的一些想法不同,考德威尔战略性地定位了他后来的作品,以挑战婆罗门的影响力,他认为婆罗门的影响与印度社会种姓情绪的力量有着内在的联系。考德威尔构建了一个理解泰米尔语言身份的话语框架,这得益于公众对他的第一本出版物的反应,以及他随后对欧洲学术和印度社会关系之间动态关系的理解。更广泛地说,本文展示了新教基督教传教活动、印度社会政治和殖民地南印度知识生产领域之间的密切关系。
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 56 issue 6 Cover and Front matter ASS第56卷第6期封面和封面
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x22000476
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 56 issue 6 Cover and Back matter ASS第56卷第6期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x22000488
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引用次数: 0
Pashtun homelands in an Indo-Afghan hagiographical collection 普什图人的家园在印度-阿富汗的圣徒文集中
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-28 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X2200004X
M. Pelevin
Abstract The article explores the ethnocultural aspects and ideological implications of a hagiographical collection from the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī wa Makhzan-i Afghānī (1613), a book on the general history of the Pashtuns compiled in the Indo-Afghan diaspora. This article primarily focuses on the stories that either presumably originate from or directly relate in content to Pashtun tribal areas to the west of the Indus. Being foremost a supplement to the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī’s genealogical section, the hagiographical anthology was included in this book to highlight and illustrate the idea of the Pashtuns’ continuous adherence to Islam throughout many centuries. However, its narratives suggest that Islamic traditions in the Pashtuns’ collective memory can be traced back as far as the turn of the thirteenth century. While the genealogies maintained the principle of patrilineal descent as the basic attribute of Pashtun identity, the hagiographies affirmed the profession of Islamic faith as another integral component of this identity and also brought to light its linguistic criterion. One of the article’s sections offers a survey of the cases where the Pashto language as well as Pashto lexemes and phrases are mentioned in the Persian text of the hagiographies. The article also attempts to locate the Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī’s hagiographical collection among similar works in Indo-Persian literature; it also considers such still-understudied issues as the emergence of spiritual lineages in Pashtun tribes and the entwining of folklore and conventional Islamic elements in the stories about Pashtun religious leaders.
摘要:本文探讨了《Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī wa Makhzan-i Afghānī》(1613)的圣徒文集的民族文化方面和意识形态含义,这本书是在印度-阿富汗侨民中编纂的关于普什图人通史的书。本文主要关注的是那些可能起源于印度河以西普什图部落地区或在内容上与之直接相关的故事。作为Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī的宗谱部分的最重要的补充,这本书中包含了圣徒文集,以突出和说明普什图人在许多世纪以来一直坚持伊斯兰教的想法。然而,它的叙述表明,普什图人的集体记忆中的伊斯兰传统可以追溯到13世纪初。虽然族谱坚持父系血统的原则是普什图人身份的基本属性,但圣徒传记肯定了伊斯兰信仰的职业是这种身份的另一个组成部分,并揭示了其语言标准。这篇文章的一个章节提供了普什图语以及普什图语词汇和短语在波斯语的圣徒传记中被提到的情况的调查。本文还试图在印度-波斯文学的类似作品中定位Tārīkh-i Khānjahānī的圣徒文集;它还考虑了一些仍未被充分研究的问题,如普什图部落中精神血统的出现,以及普什图宗教领袖故事中民间传说和传统伊斯兰元素的相互交织。
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引用次数: 0
An anti-secularist pan-Asianist from Europe: Paul Richard in Japan, 1916–1920 来自欧洲的反世俗主义泛亚洲主义者:保罗·理查在日本,1916-1920
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-27 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000087
Hans Martin Krämer
Abstract The modern Japanese nation-state that was established from 1868 onwards was marked by a strong tendency towards the separation of state and religion: religions were protected as a private matter, but the public sphere was resolutely kept free of them. This was mainly done so that competing religions would not get in the way of state-sanctioned emperor worship. The latter, although imbued with elements from Shinto, was carefully defined as non-religious, so that emperor worship could be prescribed without harm to the constitutionally guaranteed freedom of religion. This secularist approach to policing religions was broadly shared among Japanese elites—but it did not remain unopposed. From around the turn of the twentieth century, dissatisfaction with the separation of the religious and the secular spheres began to be voiced, especially by pan-Asianist activists, who sought to combine the spiritual unity of Asia with the political liberation of Asian countries from Western colonialism and imperialism. Although Japanese pan-Asianism has conventionally been seen as a purely political movement, one cannot explain it fully without taking into account its spiritual dimension, which up to the 1920s drew its primary inspiration from India. This article will show how pan-Asianist activists in Japan opposed mainstream secularism and discuss what their vision for a unified Asia was. In doing so, it will focus on the Japanese reception of the Frenchman Paul Richard, an important political activist-cum-spiritual seeker who was a central node in the network of Indian and Japanese pan-Asianists in the early twentieth century.
摘要从1868年开始建立的现代日本民族国家具有强烈的政教分离倾向:宗教作为私人事务受到保护,但公共领域坚决不受宗教影响。这样做主要是为了避免相互竞争的宗教妨碍国家批准的皇帝崇拜。后者虽然充满了神道教的元素,但被谨慎地定义为非宗教,因此可以在不损害宪法保障的宗教自由的情况下规定皇帝崇拜。这种世俗主义的宗教监管方法在日本精英中得到了广泛认同,但它并非没有遭到反对。从二十世纪之交开始,人们开始表达对宗教和世俗领域分离的不满,特别是泛亚主义活动家,他们试图将亚洲的精神团结与亚洲国家从西方殖民主义和帝国主义中解放出来的政治结合起来。尽管日本泛亚主义传统上被视为一场纯粹的政治运动,但如果不考虑其精神层面,就无法完全解释它,直到20世纪20年代,它的主要灵感来自印度。这篇文章将展示日本的泛亚主义活动家如何反对主流世俗主义,并讨论他们对统一亚洲的愿景。在这样做的过程中,它将重点关注日本人对法国人保罗·理查德的接待,他是一位重要的政治活动家和精神追求者,是20世纪初印度和日本泛亚主义者网络的中心节点。
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引用次数: 0
Reshaping the figure of the Shudra: Tukaram Padwal’s Jatibhed Viveksar (Reflections on the Institution of Caste) 重塑Shudra的形象:Tukaram Padwal的Jatibhed Viveksar(对种姓制度的反思)
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X21000767
Ketaki Jaywant
Abstract This article argues that the genealogy of modern anti-caste critique is incomplete without a contextualized and close reading of Jatibhed Viveksar, a nineteenth-century Marathi-language text written under the pseudonym Ek Hindu (‘One Hindu’ or ‘A Hindu’). One of the first lower-caste commentaries in the Marathi print-world, the treatise clearly departed from the earlier iterations of non-Brahman caste politics in western India and laid the groundwork for what later came to be known as the ‘anti-caste movement’. I demonstrate how Jatibhed Viveksar engaged with preceding expressions of caste politics in western India by disputing two commonly deployed concepts in early modern caste controversies: first, the received proscriptions against varna sankara (or the intermixing of castes) and, second, the idea that the Shudras were the progeny of the ‘moral failure’ of varna sankara. Ek Hindu argued that not just the Shudras, but the Brahmans too have mixed-caste ancestors and thus cannot claim purity of lineage. Moreover, the author wrested the Shudras from a constellation of negative meanings by deploying the ‘Aryan invasion narrative’; he represented them as indigenous heroes who were vanquished by the Aryan-Brahmans. The conceptual innovations, intellectual sources, and frames of thought mobilized by Jatibhed Viveksar have significantly shaped the common sense of the ensuing articulations of anti-caste politics.
摘要本文认为,如果没有对19世纪马拉地语文本《Jatibhed Viveksar》的语境化和细读,现代反种姓批判的谱系是不完整的。作为马拉地语印刷界最早的低种姓评论之一,这篇论文显然偏离了印度西部早期非婆罗门种姓政治的迭代,为后来被称为“反种姓运动”奠定了基础。我展示了Jatibhed Viveksar是如何通过对早期现代种姓争议中两个常用概念的争论来参与印度西部种姓政治的先前表达的:第一,对varna sankara(或种姓混合)的公认禁令,第二,Shudras是varna sankala“道德失败”的后代。Ek Hindu认为,不仅Shudras,婆罗门也有混合种姓的祖先,因此不能声称血统纯正。此外,作者通过运用“雅利安人入侵叙事”,将舒德拉人从一系列负面意义中解救出来;他把他们描绘成被雅利安婆罗门征服的土著英雄。Jatibhed Viveksar动员的概念创新、知识来源和思想框架极大地塑造了反种姓政治随后表达的常识。
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引用次数: 0
From ‘mystic synthesis’ to ‘Jesuit plot’: The Society of Jesus and the making of religious policy in Indonesia 从“神秘综合”到“耶稣会阴谋”:耶稣会与印尼宗教政策的制定
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X21000731
Rémy Madinier
Abstract Since the 1990s, Indonesia has been confronted with the growing influence of a radical Islamist movement that challenges the state doctrine (Pancasila), which was adopted in 1945, and demands a greater place for Islam, which is the religion of nearly 90 per cent of the population. The hardline groups wish to call into question the Indonesian state’s pluralistic and inclusive religious identity, which they see as a conspiracy hatched by the Christian minority to deprive the Muslim majority of its ostensible rights. The Society of Jesus, which has been present in Java since the nineteenth century, is considered by Islamist critics as the main architect of this alleged plot. Furthermore, one of its members, Father Josephus Beek, is presented by Islamist radicals as one of the founders of the New Order (1966–1998), the regime led by General Suharto which was very hostile to political Islam in its early days. This article analyses how the Society of Jesus was able to integrate Catholicism into the Javanese spiritual landscape and explores the subsequent roles played by Jesuit leaders in the genesis and defence of Pancasila. It also sheds light on how Josephus Beek’s very real manoeuvres have provided fodder for militant Islamist circles seeking to delegitimate Indonesia’s secular status quo.
摘要自20世纪90年代以来,印度尼西亚一直面临着激进伊斯兰运动日益增长的影响,该运动挑战了1945年通过的国家学说(Pancasila),并要求伊斯兰教占据更大的地位,伊斯兰教是近90%人口的宗教。强硬派团体希望质疑印尼国家的多元和包容的宗教身份,他们认为这是基督教少数群体策划的阴谋,目的是剥夺穆斯林多数群体表面上的权利。自19世纪以来一直存在于爪哇岛的耶稣会被伊斯兰评论家认为是这一所谓阴谋的主要策划者。此外,其成员之一Josephus Beek神父被伊斯兰激进分子描述为新秩序(1966–1998)的创始人之一,该政权由苏哈托将军领导,早期对政治伊斯兰非常敌对。本文分析了耶稣会如何将天主教融入爪哇人的精神景观,并探讨了耶稣会领袖在Pancasila的起源和防御中所扮演的后续角色。它还揭示了Josephus Beek的真实策略是如何为寻求剥夺印尼世俗现状合法性的伊斯兰激进圈子提供素材的。
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引用次数: 0
Rewriting the hills: Youth sociality as a mode of navigating unemployment in a context of outmigration in North India 改写山:青年社会作为一种模式导航失业在北印度外迁的背景下
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-10-11 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X21000792
Andrew Deuchar
Abstract This article examines the ways in which educated yet unemployed young people attempt to configure ways of being productive in a small hill town in North India. Young people who do not migrate to large urban centres from this township are the subject of contradictory discourses: in some moments they are seen as an antidote to the ‘problem of migration’, but in other moments they are ridiculed for not making good use of their time. Both discourses suggest a present wherein young people are not productive. Drawing on ethnographic material gathered over a ten-month period, this article frames youth sociality as a mode registering a sense of productivity and navigating unemployment. I argue that while hanging out at a computer shop, young men were distancing themselves from notions of idling and creating masculine youth cultures in which they sought to situate themselves as productive young people. I make this argument by unpacking exchanges between these young men and by analysing the tangible ways they helped the shop function. I also draw debates about youth sociality into dialogue with theoretical insights from rural geography to illuminate how educated youth attempt to imbue rural and peri-urban space with new possibilities. I show how educated youth attempt to reanimate rural space and forge affirmative rural futures by emphasizing their connections with Indian modernity. Attending to the ways in which educated yet unemployed youth attempt to situate themselves within productive relations is set to become of increasing importance given the impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic.
本文考察了受过教育但失业的年轻人试图在印度北部的一个小山城配置生产方式的方式。没有从这个乡镇迁移到大城市中心的年轻人是矛盾话语的主题:在某些时刻,他们被视为“移民问题”的解药,但在其他时刻,他们被嘲笑没有好好利用他们的时间。这两种说法都表明,现在的年轻人没有生产力。根据收集了10个月的人种学资料,这篇文章将青年社会定义为一种记录生产力和失业的模式。我认为,当年轻人在电脑商店闲逛时,他们正在远离无所事事的观念,并创造出阳刚的青年文化,在这种文化中,他们试图将自己定位为富有成效的年轻人。我通过分析这些年轻人之间的交流,并分析他们帮助商店运作的具体方式,得出了这个论点。我还将关于青年社会性的辩论与农村地理学的理论见解进行了对话,以阐明受过教育的青年如何试图为农村和城郊空间注入新的可能性。我展示了受过教育的年轻人如何试图通过强调他们与印度现代性的联系来振兴农村空间和打造积极的农村未来。鉴于2019冠状病毒病大流行的影响,关注受过教育但失业的青年试图将自己置于生产关系中的方式将变得越来越重要。
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引用次数: 0
Struggles about class and Adivasi-ness in an eastern Indian steel plant 在印度东部的一家钢铁厂里,关于阶级和种族的斗争
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q2 AREA STUDIES Pub Date : 2022-09-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X21000354
C. Strümpell
Abstract In the eastern Indian steel town of Rourkela, Adivasis are widely stereotyped as uneducated, jangli (‘wild’), and drinkers, and they are therefore held to make for a special type of worker. Their Adivasi ‘nature’ makes them an ideal fit for facing the heat, dust, and fumes in the so-called ‘hot shops’ of the local public-sector steel plant. It is also said that Adivasis are, in fact, not well suited for the permanent and well-paid jobs the public-sector steel plant provides, and that they are better employed as contract workers who are paid little and by the day, and on whom the industry has increasingly relied since the 1970s. Critically engaging with Bourgois’ concept of ‘conjugated oppression’, I will show how these casteist stereotypes entrench the class position of Adivasis in the local steel industry, but also how this position has nevertheless changed over time—for some for the better, for many for the worse. Furthermore, although this polarization is driven by larger political economic changes it is exacerbated by the ways in which the better-off among the stereotyped Adivasi workers respond to them. This calls, I argue, for close attention to be given to the historical dynamics in the relations between class and caste (or ‘tribe’) and in the struggles related to them.
在印度东部的钢铁城镇Rourkela,阿迪瓦西人被普遍认为是没有受过教育的、野蛮的、酗酒的,因此他们被认为是一种特殊类型的工人。他们的土著“本性”使他们非常适合在当地公共部门钢铁厂的所谓“热车间”里面对炎热、灰尘和烟雾。还有人说,事实上,阿迪瓦西人不太适合公共部门钢铁厂提供的长期高薪工作,他们更适合作为合同工,工资很少,按天计算,自20世纪70年代以来,该行业越来越依赖他们。我将批判性地运用布尔什维克的“共轭压迫”概念,展示这些种姓刻板印象如何巩固阿迪瓦西斯在当地钢铁工业中的阶级地位,以及这种地位如何随着时间的推移而变化——有些人变得更好,有些人变得更糟。此外,虽然这种两极分化是由更大的政治经济变化推动的,但在刻板印象中的土著工人中,较富裕的人对这些变化的反应方式加剧了这种两极分化。我认为,这要求我们密切关注阶级和种姓(或“部落”)之间关系的历史动态,以及与之相关的斗争。
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引用次数: 0
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Modern Asian Studies
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