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The transnational historiography of a dynastic transition: Writing the Ming-Qing transition in seventeenth-century China, Korea, and Japan 王朝变迁的跨国史学:书写17世纪中国、朝鲜和日本的明清变迁
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-25 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000245
Chui–Joe Tham
Abstract The Ming-Qing transition (1618–1683), a dynastic upheaval that not only consumed much of China, but also saw the Qing invasion of Joseon Korea and an influx of refugees into Tokugawa Japan, was a source of inspiration for writers across East Asia. Unofficial, contemporary histories written by Ming and early Qing subjects made their way by land and sea to Korea and Japan, where they were either adapted for domestic audiences or used as the basis for new unofficial histories of the dynastic transition. This article makes the argument that unofficial, contemporary history-writing about the Ming-Qing transition in China, Korea, and Japan was part of a regional trend towards an intellectual culture of contemporaneity. While scholars have focused on the transition and its impact upon notions of cultural centrality, it should be emphasized that these notions emerged alongside developments encouraging the production and circulation of contemporary, cross-cultural knowledge and information. In other words, the flourishing of print, diversification of reading audiences, and evolution of new modes of knowledge-production and transmission formed a background against which demand increased for updated information about a shared world. Participation as producers (writers and editors) and consumers (readers) in this seventeenth-century culture of contemporaneity was restricted by language, schooling, and economic standing. Nonetheless, a transnational history perspective will show that the unofficial, multi-vocal, and multilingual historiography of the Ming-Qing transition encourages a re-evaluation of not only the intellectual history of East Asia, but also the history of the transition.
摘要明清之交(1618-1683)是东亚作家的灵感来源,这场王朝剧变不仅吞噬了中国的大部分地区,还见证了清朝入侵朝鲜和难民涌入德川日本。明代和清初的非官方当代史通过陆路和海路传播到朝鲜和日本,在那里它们要么被改编为国内观众,要么被用作王朝过渡时期新的非官方历史的基础。本文认为,关于中国、韩国和日本明清转型的非官方当代史写作是走向当代知识文化的区域趋势的一部分。虽然学者们关注这一转变及其对文化中心观念的影响,但应该强调的是,这些观念是在鼓励当代跨文化知识和信息的生产和传播的同时产生的。换言之,印刷品的繁荣、阅读受众的多样化以及知识生产和传播新模式的演变,形成了对共享世界最新信息需求增加的背景。作为生产者(作家和编辑)和消费者(读者)参与17世纪的当代文化受到语言、学校教育和经济地位的限制。尽管如此,从跨国历史的角度来看,明清过渡时期的非官方、多语言和多语言史学不仅鼓励重新评估东亚的知识史,也鼓励重新评估过渡时期的历史。
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引用次数: 0
An Eastern hero: Biographies of Muhammad in imperial Japan 东方英雄:日本帝国时期的穆罕默德传
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-25 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000300
Mikiya Koyagi
Abstract While participating in the discourse of world religions, Japanese biographers published accounts of Muhammad’s life in many genres of academic and popular books during the Meiji and Taisho eras (1868–1926). This article unravels how these biographical accounts played a crucial role in facilitating a geographical imaginary of Asia/the East which incorporated both Japan and West Asia. Situated in a radically different context from the Victorian biographers who inspired them, Japanese biographers constantly compared Muhammad to historical figures familiar to them, most notably Buddha and Nichiren, and reinterpreted the life of Muhammad, relying exclusively on European-language sources. In particular, in contrast to another strand of pan-Asianism that stressed peacefulness as an inherent quality of the East, the biographers identified Muhammad’s perceived militancy and the miracles he performed as signs of the values shared by Japan and Islamic civilization. Using the person of Muhammad as a concrete piece of evidence, Japanese biographers reimagined an Eastern civilizational space that could stretch from Tokyo to Mecca.
在明治和大正时代(1868-1926),日本传记作家在参与世界宗教话语的同时,在许多学术和通俗书籍中发表了对穆罕默德生平的描述。这篇文章揭示了这些传记如何在促进亚洲/东方的地理想象中发挥关键作用,其中包括日本和西亚。日本传记作家的背景与启发他们的维多利亚时代传记作家截然不同,他们不断地将穆罕默德与他们熟悉的历史人物进行比较,最著名的是佛陀和日莲,并完全依靠欧洲语言资料重新解释穆罕默德的生活。特别是,与另一股强调和平是东方固有品质的泛亚洲主义形成鲜明对比的是,传记作者认为穆罕默德的好战和他所创造的奇迹是日本和伊斯兰文明共同价值观的标志。日本传记作家以穆罕默德为具体证据,重新构想了一个从东京延伸到麦加的东方文明空间。
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引用次数: 0
‘Enjoying life’: Consumption, changing meanings, and social differentiation in Kerala, India “享受生活”:印度喀拉拉邦的消费、意义变化和社会分化
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-24 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000257
Nissim Mannathukkaren
Abstract Kerala is a well-recognized ‘model’ of human development in the world. In this article, I look at a crucial aspect of this development, which is often approached in a positivist fashion of statistical aggregation alone: consumption. Instead, there is a need to study the meanings that surround it. I delineate the many forces, particularly the new material infrastructure, that have driven consumption in the last three decades, especially the last one. With increasing integration into global market forces through migration and investment, and cultural imaginations, I show that there is a tectonic change in consciousness about consumption, marked by fantasies, desires, and, contrarily, feelings of excess and ambivalence. I argue that the non-market sector has also played an important role in consumption. There is an increasing generalization of certain ideas about consumption as well as disenchantments across classes. But critically, I contend, there are caste, class, and gender disparities in consumption as well as differences in the meanings attributed to it. Thus, consumption is a socially meaningful, but discrepant, space. This article is based on fieldwork conducted in a town in central Kerala, supplemented with quantitative data.
喀拉拉邦是世界公认的人类发展“典范”。在本文中,我将着眼于这一发展的一个关键方面,即消费,这一方面通常仅以统计汇总的实证主义方式进行处理。相反,我们需要研究它的含义。我描述了许多力量,特别是新的材料基础设施,在过去的三十年里,尤其是最近的三十年里,推动了消费。随着移民、投资和文化想象日益融入全球市场力量,我展示了消费意识的结构性变化,其特征是幻想、欲望,以及相反的过度和矛盾心理。我认为,非市场部门在消费中也发挥了重要作用。关于消费的某些观念越来越普遍化,各个阶层的人也越来越清醒。但关键的是,我认为,在消费中存在种姓、阶级和性别的差异,以及赋予消费的意义的差异。因此,消费是一个有社会意义但又有差异的空间。本文以喀拉拉邦中部一个城镇的实地调查为基础,辅以定量数据。
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引用次数: 0
‘Made in Hong Kong’: Deriving value from the place-of-origin label, 1950s and now “香港制造”:从原产地标签中获取价值,1950年代和现在
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-05 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000269
J. Wong
Abstract Focusing on soy sauce exports from Hong Kong to the United States, this article traces the origin of the ‘Made in Hong Kong’ label to the US-led embargo on Chinese goods during the Korean War and explores the repercussions the recent Sino-US conflict generated on the label. By examining the history of an enterprise embroiled in two episodes of global trade disruptions, this article reveals how politically motivated US trade policies steered businesses in Hong Kong to pursue commercial opportunities by leveraging geopolitics, both global and local. Strategically capitalizing on Hong Kong’s position during the Cold War that allowed local exports to the United States, Hong Kong entrepreneurs created an international product chain. When the latest Sino-US trade war erupted, Trump’s elimination of the distinction between China-made and Hong Kong-made exports coincided with a wave of local consumerism in Hong Kong and unintentionally imbued meaning into homegrown products. From a commercially expedient marker aimed at satisfying the US government’s anti-China trade requirements, the ‘Made in Hong Kong’ label has recently been repurposed as a badge of local pride and perseverance as Hong Kong/mainland tension escalated. Necessitated by global trade policies and infused with connotations of shifting geopolitics, the malleable ‘Made in Hong Kong’ label signified not only reactions to US policies but also fluid Hong Kong/China relations. In successive rounds of US-initiated trade disruptions, the place-of-origin label reflected Hong Kong’s changing place in global geopolitics and the city’s position vis-à-vis the PRC.
摘要本文以香港出口到美国的酱油为研究对象,追溯了“香港制造”标签与朝鲜战争期间美国对中国商品禁运的渊源,并探讨了近期中美冲突对该标签的影响。通过研究一家企业卷入两次全球贸易中断的历史,本文揭示了出于政治动机的美国贸易政策如何引导香港企业通过利用全球和本地地缘政治来寻求商业机会。香港企业家战略性地利用香港在冷战期间的地位,允许本地出口到美国,创建了一个国际产品链。当最新的中美贸易战爆发时,特朗普取消中国制造和香港制造出口之间的区别,恰逢香港出现本土消费浪潮,无意中为本土产品注入了意义。“香港制造”的标签从一个旨在满足美国政府反华贸易要求的商业便利标志,最近随着香港/大陆紧张局势升级,被重新用作当地自豪感和毅力的象征。受全球贸易政策的束缚,并融入了地缘政治变化的含义,具有可塑性的“香港制造”标签不仅标志着对美国政策的反应,也标志着香港与中国关系的不稳定。在美国引发的连续几轮贸易中断中,原产地标签反映了香港在全球地缘政治中不断变化的地位,以及香港相对于中国的地位。
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引用次数: 0
Chen Mengzhao's storeroom in Park Street, Calcutta. Wartime India-China smuggling, 1942–1945 陈梦照在加尔各答公园街的储藏室。1942年至1945年战时中印走私
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X21000652
Yina Cao
Abstract This article is about the experiences of three Chinese men who were involved in smuggling between India and China during the Second World War. Chen Mengzhao's rise as a leading figure in India-China smuggling in Calcutta uncovers the hidden links between the black markets in India and China during the Second World War. Gao Wenjie disguised himself as a Chinese army officer and utilized this fake identity to facilitate his smuggling business. Wang Li-an was sent to Calcutta to undertake smuggling for a Chinese government department. In telling these stories, this article argues that most smuggling in modern India and China was undertaken in transnational contexts that resulted in transnational effects. Ironically, the Nationalist government's state-building project to contain India-China smuggling ended by facilitating it. This project was further perceived by the British authorities as a Chinese conspiracy against India's sovereignty. The misunderstanding between the Chinese and British authorities led to the end of Chinese immigration to India in 1945. Overall, this article provides a new perspective to make sense of the tensions between the Chinese, Indian, and British governments during the Second World War.
本文讲述了三个中国人在第二次世界大战期间在印度和中国之间从事走私活动的经历。陈梦昭在加尔各答成为中印走私的主要人物,揭露了第二次世界大战期间印度和中国黑市之间隐藏的联系。高文杰乔装成一名中国军官,利用这个假身份从事走私活动。王丽安被派往加尔各答,为中国政府部门从事走私活动。在讲述这些故事时,本文认为现代印度和中国的大多数走私都是在跨国背景下进行的,从而产生了跨国效应。具有讽刺意味的是,国民政府旨在遏制中印走私的国家建设项目却以促进走私而告终。这个项目进一步被英国当局视为中国对印度主权的阴谋。中国和英国当局之间的误解导致了1945年中国移民到印度的结束。总的来说,这篇文章提供了一个新的视角来理解第二次世界大战期间中国、印度和英国政府之间的紧张关系。
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引用次数: 0
‘Willing’ ethnic-nationalists, diffusion, and resentment in India: A micro-foundational account 印度的“自愿”民族主义者、扩散和怨恨:微观基础分析
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-26 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000208
Aseema Sinha, Manisha Priyam
Abstract Using evidence regarding the consolidation of Hindu nationalism in India we put forward new ethnographic data about the variety of popular support for a Hindutva project and a new framework that proposes an interactive theory of social identity. This framework helps us understand how Hindu nationalism becomes embedded in society. We assert that Hindu nationalism in India could be fruitfully analysed by focusing on the processes through which ideas of exclusive nationalism spread among ordinary middle-class people and are expressed in micro-level psychological changes at the individual level. The consolidation of Hindu nationalism in India is being authored not only by parties or the state, but also by societal actors, specifically, ordinary middle-class Indians. Hindu nationalism has been spreading in micro-public spheres in a time of apparent peace and between elections, and with the participation of willing supporters. Building on our fieldwork and research in psychology and history, our conversations have also helped us to identify profiles of different types of nationalists, which we categorize as willing ethnic-nationalists, hardliners, bystanders, and moderates. Further, we suggest the need to focus on inter-linked micro-level mechanisms such as diffusion and emulation of Hindu-centric beliefs and ideas, mobilization by hardliners and organizations, and impunity resulting from protection by state agencies, which helps to create willing ethnic-nationalists and sustains Hindu nationalism. Evidence regarding social interactions from a variety of survey organizations concurs with our findings and our ethnographic material allows us to delve deeper into varieties of Hindu nationalist support across diverse ordinary people.
利用有关印度印度教民族主义巩固的证据,我们提出了关于印度教至上主义项目的各种民众支持的新的民族志数据,并提出了一个新的框架,提出了一个社会认同的互动理论。这个框架有助于我们理解印度民族主义是如何融入社会的。我们断言,印度的印度教民族主义可以通过关注排他性民族主义思想在普通中产阶级中传播并在个人层面上以微观层面的心理变化表达的过程来进行富有成效的分析。印度印度教民族主义的巩固不仅是由政党或国家推动的,也是由社会行动者,特别是普通的印度中产阶级推动的。印度民族主义在表面和平时期和选举间隙,在自愿支持者的参与下,一直在微观公共领域蔓延。基于我们在心理学和历史方面的实地考察和研究,我们的谈话也帮助我们确定了不同类型的民族主义者的概况,我们将其归类为自愿的民族主义者、强硬派、旁观者和温和派。此外,我们建议需要关注相互关联的微观层面机制,例如传播和模仿以印度教为中心的信仰和思想,强硬派和组织的动员,以及国家机构保护导致的有罪不罚,这有助于创造愿意的种族民族主义者并维持印度教民族主义。来自各种调查组织的关于社会互动的证据与我们的发现一致,我们的民族志材料使我们能够更深入地研究印度教民族主义在不同普通人中的支持。
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 57 issue 1 Cover and Front matter ASS第57卷第1期封面和封面
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x2200052x
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引用次数: 0
ASS volume 57 issue 1 Cover and Back matter ASS第57卷第1期封面和封底
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-19 DOI: 10.1017/s0026749x22000531
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引用次数: 0
Revisiting Rabindranath Tagore’s critique of nationalism 重访泰戈尔对民族主义的批判
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-14 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000051
R. Lamba
Abstract This article revisits Rabindranath Tagore’s critique of nationalism as well as his interventions on the theme of samaj. The claim is that contained within Tagore’s reflections on nationalism and samaj is a vision of political community that is stipulated as an alternative to the one espoused by the nation-state mode of politics. Tagore’s formulations of the possibilities within samaj suggest his commitment to normative orders grounded in a notion of relationship as a basis for social cooperation. Tagore contrasts and prioritizes the relationship-based orientation of samaj with what he calls the ‘mechanical’ emphasis of forms of community associated with the nation-state. Tagore articulated his views during the high noon of anti-colonial nationalism in India, and he offers a striking secular and modern political alternative to nationalist visions of community, which I classify as upholding a vision of societal politics. In underscoring the modern and political bases of Tagore’s critique of nationalism and his endorsement of social and political forms related to samaj, I suggest that it would be a mistake to classify Tagore’s perspective on nationalism and samaj as reflecting anti-political, or local-traditionalist, or aesthetic responses to the problems attached to national models of community.
摘要本文回顾了泰戈尔对民族主义的批判,以及他对萨马杰主题的干预。其主张是,泰戈尔对民族主义和萨马杰的反思中包含了一种政治共同体的愿景,这种愿景被规定为民族国家政治模式所支持的愿景的替代方案。泰戈尔对萨马杰内部可能性的表述表明,他致力于建立在关系概念基础上的规范秩序,以此作为社会合作的基础。泰戈尔将萨马杰基于关系的取向与他所说的与民族国家相关的社区形式的“机械”强调进行了对比和优先考虑。泰戈尔在印度反殖民民族主义的正午时分阐述了他的观点,他为民族主义的社区愿景提供了一个引人注目的世俗和现代政治选择,我将其归类为维护社会政治愿景。在强调泰戈尔对民族主义的批判以及他对与萨马杰有关的社会和政治形式的认可的现代和政治基础时,我认为,将泰戈尔关于民族主义和萨马杰的观点归类为对国家社区模式所附问题的反政治、地方传统主义或美学回应是错误的。
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引用次数: 0
A region in dispute: Racialized anticommunism and Manila’s role in the origins of Konfrontasi, 1961–63 一个有争议的地区:种族化的反共主义和马尼拉在对抗起源中的作用,1961-63
IF 0.9 2区 社会学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2022-12-09 DOI: 10.1017/S0026749X22000397
Joseph Scalice
Abstract Prior scholarship has treated the Philippines as an outside party to the conflict over the formation of Malaysia, known as Konfrontasi, which has been dealt with as a dispute between Malaysia and Indonesia. This article demonstrates the centrality of the Macapagal administration to the origins of Konfrontasi. Treating Manila as a core actor gives new insight into Konfrontasi, which can be best understood as a regional conflict over the racial and social shape of island Southeast Asia in the final stages of decolonization. Racialized anticommunism, expressed through the forcible redivision of the region to ensure social stability, emerges as the preoccupation of all the state actors promoting and opposing the formation of Malaysia. At the same time, an examination of developments in the Philippines and the actions of the Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP) gives new insight into the critical function of the Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) in this affair.
摘要Prior奖学金将菲律宾视为马来西亚组建冲突的外部当事方,称为Konfrontasi,该冲突被视为马来西亚和印度尼西亚之间的争端。这篇文章展示了马卡帕加尔政府对Konfrontasi起源的中心地位。将马尼拉视为核心角色,让人们对Konfrontasi有了新的认识,这可以最好地理解为在非殖民化的最后阶段,围绕东南亚岛屿的种族和社会形态的区域冲突。通过强行重新划分该地区以确保社会稳定来表达的种族主义反共主义,成为所有促进和反对马来西亚成立的国家行为者的当务之急。与此同时,对菲律宾的事态发展和菲律宾共产党(PKP)的行动进行审查,使人们对印度尼西亚共产党(PKI)在这一事件中的关键作用有了新的认识。
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引用次数: 0
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Modern Asian Studies
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