Pub Date : 2023-11-01DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2271999
Guendalina Simoncini
AbstractThis article delves into the historical foundations of countering and preventing violent extremism (CVE-PVE) using contemporary Tunisia as a case study. While PVE emerged in the 2010s, representing a shift from stringent counterterrorism to a more holistic preventative strategy, it recalls colonial notions and practices. This work seeks to contextualize PVE, emphasizing continuities and changes across colonial, post-colonial, and neocolonial control and prevention practices. Using a genealogical and discursive methodology, the research examines contemporary policy documents, political discourse, colonial archives and transitional justice records. Central to this exploration is the French colonial notion of pacification, which refers to the action to restore order and prevent disorder in regions resisting colonial dominance. The study sheds light on the colonial origins of present-day preventative measures such as administrative control, referral, persuasion and peacebuilding. The article posits that the concept of pacification is pivotal to understanding modern PVE practices. A sincere thanks to Alice Martini and Amna Kaleem, along with fellow participants of the EWIS workshop ‘Constituting modern subjects by disciplining the extremes: international histories, global hierarchies, and intersectionality in PVE’ convened in Thessaloniki during the summer of 2022. Their insightful comments have been invaluable. Additionally, I wish to express my deep gratitude to the esteemed reviewers, whose constructive feedback significantly augmented the quality of this research paper. The author report there are no competing interests to declare.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 All translations from French and Arabic contained in the article are by the author.2 For a comprehensive discussion on the origins and characteristics of CVE/PVE, see: Romaniuk (Citation2015); Kundnani and Hayes (Citation2018); Martini, Ford, and Jackson (Citation2020); Stephens, Sieckelinck, and Boutellier (Citation2021), van de Weert and Eijkman (Citation2019).3 For an in-depth exploration of Gallula’s life and contributions, one is directed to the tome: Cohen (Citation2012).4 Since 25 July 2021, President Kais Saied, who won 2019 election, has begun a formal process of dismantling the democratic structure built after 2011. He dissolved the parliament and organised a referendum on a new constitution that critically expands the powers of President of the Republic at the expense of a façade parliament, and a weakened judicial power under his oversight. A new process of repression of dissent began with arrests of dissident politicians and journalists and censure on freedom of speech and press.5 The commission’s endeavours have been characterised by persistent controversies and disputes from their inception, illustrating the pronounced politicisation of transitional justice in Tunisia (Robins and Gready Citation2023). The TDC
摘要本文以当代突尼斯为例,探讨打击和预防暴力极端主义的历史基础。尽管PVE出现于2010年代,代表着从严格的反恐向更全面的预防战略的转变,但它让人想起了殖民时期的观念和做法。这项工作旨在将PVE置于背景下,强调殖民时期、后殖民时期和新殖民时期控制和预防实践的连续性和变化。使用宗谱和话语的方法,研究考察了当代政策文件,政治话语,殖民档案和过渡时期的司法记录。这一探索的核心是法国殖民的绥靖概念,它指的是在抵制殖民统治的地区恢复秩序和防止混乱的行动。这项研究揭示了当今预防措施的殖民起源,如行政控制、移交、说服和建设和平。文章认为,和平的概念是关键的理解现代PVE实践。衷心感谢Alice Martini和Amna Kaleem以及EWIS研讨会的其他参与者,该研讨会于2022年夏天在塞萨洛oniki召开,主题为“通过规范极端来构建现代学科:国际历史,全球等级制度和PVE的交叉性”。他们富有洞察力的评论是无价的。此外,我要对尊敬的审稿人表示深深的感谢,他们的建设性反馈极大地提高了本文的质量。作者报告没有利益冲突需要申报。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。注1本文中所有法语和阿拉伯语翻译均由作者完成关于CVE/PVE的起源和特征的全面讨论,见:Romaniuk (Citation2015);Kundnani and Hayes (Citation2018);Martini, Ford, and Jackson (Citation2020);2 . Stephens, Sieckelinck, and Boutellier (Citation2021), van de Weert and Eijkman (Citation2019)如果想深入了解加卢拉的生平和贡献,可以参考他的著作《科恩》(Citation2012)自2021年7月25日以来,赢得2019年选举的凯斯·赛义德总统已开始正式拆除2011年之后建立的民主结构。他解散了议会,并组织了一场关于新宪法的全民公决,该宪法以牺牲公平的议会为代价,极大地扩大了共和国总统的权力,并削弱了他监督下的司法权。镇压异议的新进程开始于逮捕持不同政见的政治家和新闻记者,并谴责言论和新闻自由委员会的努力从一开始就存在持续的争议和争端,说明了突尼斯过渡时期司法的明显政治化(Robins和Gready Citation2023)。TDC被指控过分支持伊斯兰保守派受害者。此外,审计院还因涉嫌财务管理不善而对其进行了审查。该组织主席Sihem Ben Sedrine一再面临批评和指控。尽管存在这些指控,但各种利益攸关方都承认其历史和纪念意义,认为它是“一项巨大的贡献,在突尼斯基本上被忽视”(brsamsillon Citation2019)即使在阿拉伯起义后的背景下,古典萨拉菲派的安静主义政治家和圣战分子之间的界限已经模糊,我认为圣战萨拉菲派是那些将小圣战视为建立伊斯兰国的唯一有效手段的团体(Wiktorowicz Citation2004)。本研究是在比萨大学资助的政治学博士项目框架内进行的。作者简介:guendalina Simoncini是意大利佛罗伦萨高等师范学院的博士后研究员。她于2022年获得比萨大学政治学博士学位。在获得博士学位之前,她获得了格拉纳达大学阿拉伯和伊斯兰研究学士学位,以及伊拉斯谟世界大学地中海研究联合硕士学位。她的研究主要集中在马格里布国家的政治暴力、反恐、人权和性别研究。她还为突尼斯和欧洲的非政府组织和国际组织提供了与PVE/CVE相关的研究顾问。电子邮件:guendalina.simoncini@sns.it, guen.simoncini@gmail.com
{"title":"Bringing back the concept of colonial pacification in the study of preventing violent extremism (PVE) practices: the case of Tunisia","authors":"Guendalina Simoncini","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2271999","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2271999","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis article delves into the historical foundations of countering and preventing violent extremism (CVE-PVE) using contemporary Tunisia as a case study. While PVE emerged in the 2010s, representing a shift from stringent counterterrorism to a more holistic preventative strategy, it recalls colonial notions and practices. This work seeks to contextualize PVE, emphasizing continuities and changes across colonial, post-colonial, and neocolonial control and prevention practices. Using a genealogical and discursive methodology, the research examines contemporary policy documents, political discourse, colonial archives and transitional justice records. Central to this exploration is the French colonial notion of pacification, which refers to the action to restore order and prevent disorder in regions resisting colonial dominance. The study sheds light on the colonial origins of present-day preventative measures such as administrative control, referral, persuasion and peacebuilding. The article posits that the concept of pacification is pivotal to understanding modern PVE practices. A sincere thanks to Alice Martini and Amna Kaleem, along with fellow participants of the EWIS workshop ‘Constituting modern subjects by disciplining the extremes: international histories, global hierarchies, and intersectionality in PVE’ convened in Thessaloniki during the summer of 2022. Their insightful comments have been invaluable. Additionally, I wish to express my deep gratitude to the esteemed reviewers, whose constructive feedback significantly augmented the quality of this research paper. The author report there are no competing interests to declare.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Notes1 All translations from French and Arabic contained in the article are by the author.2 For a comprehensive discussion on the origins and characteristics of CVE/PVE, see: Romaniuk (Citation2015); Kundnani and Hayes (Citation2018); Martini, Ford, and Jackson (Citation2020); Stephens, Sieckelinck, and Boutellier (Citation2021), van de Weert and Eijkman (Citation2019).3 For an in-depth exploration of Gallula’s life and contributions, one is directed to the tome: Cohen (Citation2012).4 Since 25 July 2021, President Kais Saied, who won 2019 election, has begun a formal process of dismantling the democratic structure built after 2011. He dissolved the parliament and organised a referendum on a new constitution that critically expands the powers of President of the Republic at the expense of a façade parliament, and a weakened judicial power under his oversight. A new process of repression of dissent began with arrests of dissident politicians and journalists and censure on freedom of speech and press.5 The commission’s endeavours have been characterised by persistent controversies and disputes from their inception, illustrating the pronounced politicisation of transitional justice in Tunisia (Robins and Gready Citation2023). The TDC","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"46 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135271711","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-11-01DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2274729
Joanne Yao
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoanne YaoJoanne Yao is a senior lecturer in international politics at Queen Mary, University of London. She previously worked at Durham University, and received her PhD from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) in 2017. Her first book, The Ideal River (Manchester University Press, 2022) examines the construction of the ‘ideal river’ in the European geographical imagination and the establishment of the first international organizations. Email: joanne.yao@qmul.ac.uk
点击放大图片点击缩小图片附加信息投稿人说明joanne Yao joanne Yao是伦敦大学玛丽皇后学院国际政治高级讲师。她曾在杜伦大学工作,并于2017年获得伦敦政治经济学院博士学位。她的第一本书《理想之河》(曼彻斯特大学出版社,2022年)考察了欧洲地理想象中“理想之河”的建设和第一个国际组织的建立。电子邮件:joanne.yao@qmul.ac.uk
{"title":"<i>Before the West</i> book forum - Introduction, <i>the Francesco Guicciardini prize forum</i>","authors":"Joanne Yao","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2274729","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2274729","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsJoanne YaoJoanne Yao is a senior lecturer in international politics at Queen Mary, University of London. She previously worked at Durham University, and received her PhD from the London School of Economics and Political Science (LSE) in 2017. Her first book, The Ideal River (Manchester University Press, 2022) examines the construction of the ‘ideal river’ in the European geographical imagination and the establishment of the first international organizations. Email: joanne.yao@qmul.ac.uk","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"72 12","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135220884","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-29DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2274737
Sandra Halperin
{"title":"Smashing the Liquor Machine: A Global History of Prohibition, <i>the Francesco Guicciardini prize forum</i>","authors":"Sandra Halperin","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2274737","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2274737","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"19 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136136176","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-29DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2274759
Mark Lawrence Schrad
{"title":"Response to reviewers <i>, the Francesco Guicciardini Prize Forum</i>","authors":"Mark Lawrence Schrad","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2274759","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2274759","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"7 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136135240","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-29DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2274760
Richard Johnson
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsRichard JohnsonRichard Johnson is Senior Lecturer in US Politics and Policy at Queen Mary, University of London. He is the author of The End of the Second Reconstruction: Obama, Trump, and the Crisis of Civil Rights (Polity, 2020) and US Foreign Policy: Domestic Roots and International Impact (Bristol, 2021). Email: richard.johnson@qmul.ac.uk
{"title":"“Everyone’s a critic”, <i>Joseph Fletcher Prize Forum</i>","authors":"Richard Johnson","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2274760","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2274760","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Additional informationNotes on contributorsRichard JohnsonRichard Johnson is Senior Lecturer in US Politics and Policy at Queen Mary, University of London. He is the author of The End of the Second Reconstruction: Obama, Trump, and the Crisis of Civil Rights (Polity, 2020) and US Foreign Policy: Domestic Roots and International Impact (Bristol, 2021). Email: richard.johnson@qmul.ac.uk","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"20 9","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136134894","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-27DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2274734
Victoria Tin-bor Hui
Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsVictoria Tin-bor HuiVictoria Tin-bor Hui is Associate Professor in Political Science at the University of Notre Dame. She received her Ph.D. in Political Science from Columbia University and her B.SSc. in Journalism from the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Hui studies the centrality of violence in the formation and transformation of “China” in history along with repression and resistance in Hong Kong. Email: thui@nd.edu
{"title":"‘The rise and Fall of Eurasian world orders’, <i>the Francesco Guicciardini prize forum</i>","authors":"Victoria Tin-bor Hui","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2274734","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2274734","url":null,"abstract":"Click to increase image sizeClick to decrease image size Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsVictoria Tin-bor HuiVictoria Tin-bor Hui is Associate Professor in Political Science at the University of Notre Dame. She received her Ph.D. in Political Science from Columbia University and her B.SSc. in Journalism from the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Hui studies the centrality of violence in the formation and transformation of “China” in history along with repression and resistance in Hong Kong. Email: thui@nd.edu","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"1 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-27","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136311508","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-26DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2273383
Seanon S. Wong
AbstractWhat is it like to negotiate with a ‘madman’? What are the behavioural traits typical of him? How might being ‘mad’ enable him to take advantage of his counterpart? Conversely, what harm can it do to him? How might such negotiation style impact international politics? I advance four arguments, derived primarily from insights in microsociology and from a close study of Hitler, Khrushchev, Saddam, Gaddafi and Milošević. First, face-to-face interactions are sui generis as a channel of communication because interlocutors are subject to the imperatives of time (to act and react swiftly), space (on the spot) and competence. Second, the ‘madman’ is ‘mad’ because he exploits these imperatives to dominate others. He manipulates and even disrupts the ‘rhythm’ of an interaction, through constant and unexpected swings in mood, pace and level of courteousness. Third, contrary to the image of him in popular perception, the ‘mad’ leader is for the most part rather composed and clear-headed, if not calculating, even when expressing anger. Finally, being ‘mad’ can backfire in the long run. Whether it is advisable to be ‘mad’ from a utilitarian perspective may depend on how long a leader expects his tenure to last. I thank Roseanne McManus, Zachary Jacobson and Rose McDermott for their comments on an earlier draft of this article at the 2021 Annual Meeting of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations. I am grateful to the editors and the anonymous reviewers for their detailed feedback and constructive criticism. I am also much indebted to Aimee Wong for her superb research support.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 I use masculine pronouns because most world leaders, past and present, have been male. More pertinently, leaders perceived as ‘mad’ have invariably been male. Diplomacy is heavily gendered, with men occupying not only most high offices, but also important diplomatic posts (Aggestam and Towns Citation2018; Towns and Niklasson 2017). In the fourth section of this article, in which I discuss how a reputation for madness may backfire, I hypothesise how that might especially be true for female leaders.2 The empirical focus of this article is on world leaders. But the claims made may equally apply to other high-level diplomats (the US Secretary of State, foreign ministers, special envoys, etc.) tasked with managing, formulating, and conducting their country’s foreign policy.3 The cases of Hitler, Khrushchev, Saddam, and Gaddafi are selected after McManus (2019, 989). According to her, these leaders most evoke the image of a ‘madman’ in popular perception because they evinced the associated traits discussed earlier. I add to them a fifth and relatively contemporary candidate, Milošević. The Serbian leader developed a comparable reputation. For instance, US President Bill Clinton once called him ‘another Hitler’, a ‘madman’ (The Guardian, “Refugees feeling NATO bombs, says Milosevic,” A
与“疯子”谈判是什么感觉?他的典型行为特征是什么?“疯了”如何能让他利用对方呢?反过来说,这对他有什么坏处呢?这种谈判方式将如何影响国际政治?我提出了四个论点,它们主要来自微观社会学的见解,以及对希特勒、赫鲁晓夫、萨达姆、卡扎菲和Milošević的深入研究。首先,面对面的交流是一种独特的沟通渠道,因为对话者受制于时间(迅速行动和反应)、空间(现场)和能力的要求。其次,“疯子”之所以“疯”,是因为他利用这些命令来支配他人。他操纵甚至破坏互动的“节奏”,通过不断和意想不到的情绪波动,速度和礼貌水平。第三,与大众对他的印象相反,这位“疯狂”的领导人即使在表达愤怒的时候,即使不精于算计,在很大程度上也相当冷静、头脑清醒。最后,从长远来看,“生气”可能会适得其反。从功利主义的角度来看,“抓狂”是否明智,可能取决于一位领导人预计自己的任期会持续多久。我要感谢罗珊·麦克马纳斯、扎卡里·雅各布森和罗斯·麦克德莫特在美国外交关系历史学家协会2021年年会上对本文初稿的评论。我非常感谢编辑和匿名审稿人提供的详细反馈和建设性的批评。我也非常感谢Aimee Wong对我的出色研究支持。披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。我之所以使用阳性代词,是因为过去和现在的大多数世界领导人都是男性。更确切地说,被视为“疯狂”的领导人无一例外都是男性。外交是严重性别化的,男性不仅占据了大多数高级职位,而且占据了重要的外交职位(Aggestam and Towns Citation2018;Towns and niklason 2017)。在这篇文章的第四部分中,我讨论了疯狂的名声是如何适得其反的,我假设这对女性领导者来说尤其如此本文的实证重点是世界各国领导人。但这种说法同样适用于其他负责管理、制定和实施本国外交政策的高级外交官(美国国务卿、外交部长、特使等)希特勒、赫鲁晓夫、萨达姆、卡扎菲的案例是在麦克马纳斯之后选出的(1919,989)。根据她的说法,这些领导人最容易让人联想到“疯子”的形象,因为他们表现出了前面讨论过的相关特征。我再加上第五个相对现代的候选人Milošević。这位塞尔维亚领导人的名声也不相上下。例如,美国总统克林顿曾称他为“另一个希特勒”、“疯子”(英国《卫报》1999年4月23日,《米洛舍维奇说,难民感受到了北约的炸弹》)。与米洛舍维奇亲自谈判的美国大使詹姆斯·w·帕杜(2018,7)也是如此。法国记者弗洛伦斯·哈特曼(Florence Hartmann)写了一本名为《米洛舍维奇,对角线》(la diagonale du fou)的书,也提出了类似的前提(Hartmann Citation2002)例如,普鲁伊特和卡尼瓦莱的开创性文本(Citation1993),或者流行的教科书,如乐维基、巴里和桑德斯的Citation2020.5肖特、威廉姆斯和克里斯蒂的Citation1976。有关评论,请参阅哦,拜伦森和韦尔奇引文2018.6 Daft和兰格尔引文1984。有关评论,请参阅Ishii, Lyons和Carr Citation2019.7。然而,他们也会持怀疑态度。如果没有机会亲自认识这些领导人,他们不仅会质疑这种调查的可靠性,还会质疑其道德。作为众所周知的“戈德华特规则”的一部分,美国精神病学协会的《医学伦理原则》(2013)第7.3节指出,“精神科医生提供专业意见是不道德的,除非他或她(亲自)对个人进行了检查,并获得了发表此类声明的适当授权。”正如英国资深外交官卡恩•罗斯(Carne Ross)所写的那样,这位大使的举止友好而严肃,他称之为“外交家的典范”。他的表情表明他是一个值得认真对待的人:他心事重重。他可能皱眉,但绝不会做鬼脸。他可能会提高嗓门,但他永远不会大喊大叫。衡量是他的风度。这位大使已经学会了控制自己的情绪,准确而有效地表达自己要说的话。除了需要很多话的时候,很少有话是浪费的……这幅肖像是我所认识的大使的集合”(Ross citation2007,130,233)在美国政治背景下,热衷于利用这种咄咄逼人的风格来控制和支配他人的领导人的一个类似例子是林登·b·约翰逊(Lyndon B. Johnson)。 作为参议院多数党领袖,约翰逊会“包围”他的目标,一位参议员同僚,并给他所谓的“约翰逊治疗”。正如埃文斯和诺瓦克所描述的那样,他的语气“可能是恳求、指责、哄骗、兴奋、轻蔑、眼泪、抱怨和威胁的暗示。”所有这些都在一起。它包含了人类所有的情感。它的速度是惊人的,而且都是一个方向。来自目标的感叹词很少。约翰逊在他们说话之前就预料到了。他靠近了,脸离目标只有一毫米远,眼睛睁得又睁得又窄,眉毛忽上忽下。臭名昭著的“治疗”是“一种近乎催眠的经历,使目标变得震惊和无助”(Evans and Novak citation1966,115)约翰莫伯利。这样的人Gwenda Scarlett采访。2002年10月23日。丘吉尔档案中心。GBR/0014/DOHP 96.11“斯洛博丹·米洛舍维奇与通往代顿的道路”和“代顿和平协定的谈判”。2014。鲁道夫·佩里纳在2006年12月对查尔斯·斯图尔特·肯尼迪的采访。外交研究与培训协会,2008年9月6日,美国国务院档案馆,“CNN记者Zain Verjee访谈”。这一观察结果可能特别适用于女性领导者。国际政治的性别二分法意味着,与男子相比,妇女- -包括领导人和外交官在内- -更有可能被归入非理性的领域(Tickner Citation1992)。简单地说,如果一位女性领导人在外交场合表现出上述“疯子”的特征,其他人可能会很快将其归因于她的性格,而不是将她的行为视为理性的、深思熟虑的关切、兴趣和意图的表达,从而对她不屑一顾。最近的研究表明,由于这种二分法,女性领导者在危机谈判中往往会通过过度补偿自己的行为来对抗性别刻板印象(Schwartz和Blair Citation2020;Bashevkin Citation2018;邮电学报2020;Schramm and Stark引文2020)。这可以解释为什么尽管近几十年来女性领导人越来越多,但(据我所知)还没有一个人赢得了“疯女人”的绰号。相反,许多女性领导人已经获得了一种与之相反的名声——也许是她们故意培养的。就像她的(刻板印象和理想化的)男性同行一样,她坚定、坚忍、头脑冷静。例如,玛格丽特·撒切尔、安格拉·默克尔、戈尔达·梅厄和马德琳·奥尔布赖特(这四位都在不同程度上被称为本国的“铁娘子”)。其他资料资助本研究得到香港研究资助局青年事业计划(项目编号:24602217)及一般研究基金(项目编号:14619721)的部分资助。作者简介黄世勋,香港中文大学政府及公共行政学系副教授,香港亚太研究所国际事务研究中心主任。他的学术兴趣包括国际关系理论、安全研究、外交、政治心理学、身份认同与群体间冲突、东亚(特别是中国)国际关系。他曾获得安东尼·德奥斯青年学者奖(2022年)和国际研究协会外交研究部的文章奖(2017年)。电子邮件:seanwong@cuhk.edu.hk
{"title":"Face-to-face with a madman","authors":"Seanon S. Wong","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2273383","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2273383","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractWhat is it like to negotiate with a ‘madman’? What are the behavioural traits typical of him? How might being ‘mad’ enable him to take advantage of his counterpart? Conversely, what harm can it do to him? How might such negotiation style impact international politics? I advance four arguments, derived primarily from insights in microsociology and from a close study of Hitler, Khrushchev, Saddam, Gaddafi and Milošević. First, face-to-face interactions are sui generis as a channel of communication because interlocutors are subject to the imperatives of time (to act and react swiftly), space (on the spot) and competence. Second, the ‘madman’ is ‘mad’ because he exploits these imperatives to dominate others. He manipulates and even disrupts the ‘rhythm’ of an interaction, through constant and unexpected swings in mood, pace and level of courteousness. Third, contrary to the image of him in popular perception, the ‘mad’ leader is for the most part rather composed and clear-headed, if not calculating, even when expressing anger. Finally, being ‘mad’ can backfire in the long run. Whether it is advisable to be ‘mad’ from a utilitarian perspective may depend on how long a leader expects his tenure to last. I thank Roseanne McManus, Zachary Jacobson and Rose McDermott for their comments on an earlier draft of this article at the 2021 Annual Meeting of the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations. I am grateful to the editors and the anonymous reviewers for their detailed feedback and constructive criticism. I am also much indebted to Aimee Wong for her superb research support.Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author.Notes1 I use masculine pronouns because most world leaders, past and present, have been male. More pertinently, leaders perceived as ‘mad’ have invariably been male. Diplomacy is heavily gendered, with men occupying not only most high offices, but also important diplomatic posts (Aggestam and Towns Citation2018; Towns and Niklasson 2017). In the fourth section of this article, in which I discuss how a reputation for madness may backfire, I hypothesise how that might especially be true for female leaders.2 The empirical focus of this article is on world leaders. But the claims made may equally apply to other high-level diplomats (the US Secretary of State, foreign ministers, special envoys, etc.) tasked with managing, formulating, and conducting their country’s foreign policy.3 The cases of Hitler, Khrushchev, Saddam, and Gaddafi are selected after McManus (2019, 989). According to her, these leaders most evoke the image of a ‘madman’ in popular perception because they evinced the associated traits discussed earlier. I add to them a fifth and relatively contemporary candidate, Milošević. The Serbian leader developed a comparable reputation. For instance, US President Bill Clinton once called him ‘another Hitler’, a ‘madman’ (The Guardian, “Refugees feeling NATO bombs, says Milosevic,” A","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"70 2","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136382210","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-26DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2273010
Aleš Karmazin
AbstractThis paper analyses Remembrance of Earth’s Past, also known as The Three-Body Trilogy, by Liu Cixin and its connections to Chinese politics and Historical IR. I examine how the Trilogy as a contemporary pop-cultural artefact and a fictional narrative sustains, recrafts and critically deals with the historical, conceived here as constructions of history, historical trajectories and the key historic challenges. I respond to the call of this special issue to consider new dimensions of how storytelling and Historical IR can be disruptive. On the theoretical level, I distinguish the notions of external and internal disruptions (critiques) with the help of pragmatism and post-colonialism. On the empirical level, I argue that the Trilogy offers an internal critique of China’s long-term obsession with developmentalist modernisation by expressing ironies and uncertainties of it. It reveals limits (‘selvedges’) of development(alism) by showing that it is ultimately unachievable, unnecessary and uncontrollable. In other words, the internal disruption stems from exposing the final frontiers of the given tradition where its internal logic starts to crumble. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis paper results from Metropolitan University Prague research project no. 100-4 ‘Center for Security Studies’ (2023) based on a grant from the Institutional Fund for the Long-term Strategic Development of Research Organizations.Notes on contributorsAleš KarmazinAleš Karmazin is an assistant professor at the Department of Asian Studies and the Center for Security Studies at the Metropolitan University Prague. He has been interested in analysing political order from different perspectives. He mainly focuses on China, India and global order. His works have been published by Politics, Journal of Chinese Political Science, Europe Asia Studies, Asia Europe Journal and others.
{"title":"China’s search for the future to answer the past: Liu Cixin, (science-)fiction and Chinese developmentalism","authors":"Aleš Karmazin","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2273010","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2273010","url":null,"abstract":"AbstractThis paper analyses Remembrance of Earth’s Past, also known as The Three-Body Trilogy, by Liu Cixin and its connections to Chinese politics and Historical IR. I examine how the Trilogy as a contemporary pop-cultural artefact and a fictional narrative sustains, recrafts and critically deals with the historical, conceived here as constructions of history, historical trajectories and the key historic challenges. I respond to the call of this special issue to consider new dimensions of how storytelling and Historical IR can be disruptive. On the theoretical level, I distinguish the notions of external and internal disruptions (critiques) with the help of pragmatism and post-colonialism. On the empirical level, I argue that the Trilogy offers an internal critique of China’s long-term obsession with developmentalist modernisation by expressing ironies and uncertainties of it. It reveals limits (‘selvedges’) of development(alism) by showing that it is ultimately unachievable, unnecessary and uncontrollable. In other words, the internal disruption stems from exposing the final frontiers of the given tradition where its internal logic starts to crumble. Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationFundingThis paper results from Metropolitan University Prague research project no. 100-4 ‘Center for Security Studies’ (2023) based on a grant from the Institutional Fund for the Long-term Strategic Development of Research Organizations.Notes on contributorsAleš KarmazinAleš Karmazin is an assistant professor at the Department of Asian Studies and the Center for Security Studies at the Metropolitan University Prague. He has been interested in analysing political order from different perspectives. He mainly focuses on China, India and global order. His works have been published by Politics, Journal of Chinese Political Science, Europe Asia Studies, Asia Europe Journal and others.","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"11 5","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-26","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"136377085","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Pub Date : 2023-10-24DOI: 10.1080/09557571.2023.2271996
Monalisa Adhikari
Analysing the peace processes of Nepal and Myanmar, this article argues that the changing landscape of peacebuilding support to conflict-affected states(CAS) marked by multiple international actors is increasing the bargaining leverage of elites in CAS to shape post-conflict institutions in their favour. It highlights that multiple and competing forms of international engagement allow elites in CAS not only to ‘co-opt’ international support as widely discussed in peace studies but also undertake multiple strategies categorised cumulatively as ‘hedging’- to harness distinct benefits from varied international actors, exploit the differences between multiple international institutional prescripts, and offset dependency on one by aligning with another. These strategies enhance the agency of elites to resist Western pressures to adapt liberal reforms and instead shape post-conflict institutional outcomes in their favour. Such resistance fosters ‘illiberal’ institutions where elites renege on critical pledges of the peace process on inclusion and security sector reform to protect their interests.
{"title":"Non-Western engagement in peace processes and the rise of ‘hedging’ by elites in conflict-affected states","authors":"Monalisa Adhikari","doi":"10.1080/09557571.2023.2271996","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1080/09557571.2023.2271996","url":null,"abstract":"Analysing the peace processes of Nepal and Myanmar, this article argues that the changing landscape of peacebuilding support to conflict-affected states(CAS) marked by multiple international actors is increasing the bargaining leverage of elites in CAS to shape post-conflict institutions in their favour. It highlights that multiple and competing forms of international engagement allow elites in CAS not only to ‘co-opt’ international support as widely discussed in peace studies but also undertake multiple strategies categorised cumulatively as ‘hedging’- to harness distinct benefits from varied international actors, exploit the differences between multiple international institutional prescripts, and offset dependency on one by aligning with another. These strategies enhance the agency of elites to resist Western pressures to adapt liberal reforms and instead shape post-conflict institutional outcomes in their favour. Such resistance fosters ‘illiberal’ institutions where elites renege on critical pledges of the peace process on inclusion and security sector reform to protect their interests.","PeriodicalId":51580,"journal":{"name":"Cambridge Review of International Affairs","volume":"28 1","pages":"0"},"PeriodicalIF":0.0,"publicationDate":"2023-10-24","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"135316349","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"社会学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}