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Disfavor or Favor? Assessing the Valence of White Americans' Racial Attitudes 不喜欢还是喜欢?评估美国白人种族态度的效价
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00021119
Alexander Agadjanian, John Carey, Yusaku Horiuchi, Timothy J. Ryan
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引用次数: 1
A Gap in Our Understanding? Reconsidering the Evidence for Partisan Knowledge Gaps 我们认识上的差距?重新考虑党派知识差距的证据
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00020178
Carolyn E. Roush, G. Sood
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引用次数: 4
Locally Controlled Minimum Wages Leapfrog Public Preferences 地方控制的最低工资超越了公众的偏好
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00021133
Gábor Simonovits, Julia Payson
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引用次数: 0
Why (some) immigrants resist assimilation: US racism and the African immigrant experience. 为什么(某些)移民抵制同化?美国种族主义与非洲移民的经历。
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 Epub Date: 2023-07-10 DOI: 10.1561/100.00021091
Claire L Adida, Amanda Lea Robinson

Scholarship shows that Black immigrants to the US resist assimilation to reduce exposure to racial discrimination faced by native-born African Americans. But, not all Black immigrants are equally likely to be (mis)perceived as African American. We argue that immigrants who are likely to be misidentified as African American have incentives to reify ethnic boundaries as a form of protection against racial discrimination. We develop this argument from interviews and focus groups with African immigrants. We then use a lab experiment to measure rates of miscategorization and identify its correlates among African immigrants. Finally, we test our argument with a novel survey of Somalis, an immigrant population with two ethnic subgroups who differ in their likelihood of being miscategorized as African Americans. We show that this difference shapes the degree of resistance to assimilation. These findings improve our understanding of the relationship between racial discrimination and incentives for Black immigrants to resist assimilation.

学术研究表明,移民到美国的黑人抵制同化,以减少遭受土生土长的非裔美国人所面临的种族歧视。但是,并非所有黑人移民都同样有可能被(误)认为是非裔美国人。我们认为,那些有可能被误认为是非裔美国人的移民有动机重新划定种族界限,以此来抵御种族歧视。我们从对非洲移民的访谈和焦点小组中得出这一论点。然后,我们利用实验室实验来测量非裔移民的错误归类率,并确定其相关因素。最后,我们对索马里人进行了一项新颖的调查,以验证我们的论点。索马里人是一个移民群体,有两个种族亚群,他们被误划为非裔美国人的可能性不同。我们的研究表明,这种差异会影响抵制同化的程度。这些发现加深了我们对种族歧视与黑人移民抵制同化的动机之间关系的理解。
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引用次数: 0
Executive Absolutism: The Dynamics of Authority Acquisition in a System of Separated Powers 行政专制:分权体制下权力获取的动态
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00021219
William G. Howell, Kenneth A. Shepsle, Stephane Wolton
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引用次数: 1
Overreacting and Posturing: How Accountability and Ideology Shape Executive Policies 反应过度和故作姿态:问责制和意识形态如何塑造行政政策
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00020177
P. Bils
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引用次数: 0
Polarization and Group Cooperation 两极分化与群体合作
3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2023-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00021036
Andrea Robbett, Peter Hans Matthews
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引用次数: 1
Ban the Box? Information, Incentives, and Statistical Discrimination 禁止盒子?信息、激励和统计歧视
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-08-17 DOI: 10.1561/100.00022021
John W. Patty, E. M. Penn
"Banning the Box"refers to a policy campaign aimed at prohibiting employers from soliciting applicant information that could be used to statistically discriminate against categories of applicants (in particular, those with criminal records). In this article, we examine how the concealing or revealing of informative features about an applicant's identity affects hiring both directly and, in equilibrium, by possibly changing applicants' incentives to invest in human capital. We show that there exist situations in which an employer and an applicant are in agreement about whether to ban the box. Specifically, depending on the structure of the labor market, banning the box can be (1) Pareto dominant, (2) Pareto dominated, (3) benefit the applicant while harming the employer, or (4) benefit the employer while harming the applicant. Our results have policy implications spanning beyond employment decisions, including the use of credit checks by landlords and standardized tests in college admissions.
“封箱”指的是一项政策运动,旨在禁止雇主索取可能被用于统计歧视不同类别申请人(特别是有犯罪记录的申请人)的申请人信息。在本文中,我们研究了隐瞒或披露申请人身份的信息特征是如何直接影响招聘的,并在均衡的情况下,通过可能改变申请人投资人力资本的动机来影响招聘。我们表明,存在雇主和申请人就是否禁止盒子达成一致的情况。具体来说,根据劳动力市场的结构,禁止盒子可以是(1)帕累托主导,(2)帕累托主导,(3)有利于申请人而损害雇主,或(4)有利于雇主而损害申请人。我们的研究结果对政策的影响超越了就业决策,包括房东对信用检查的使用和大学录取中的标准化测试。
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引用次数: 2
Parents, Infants, and Voter Turnout: Evidence from the United States 父母、婴儿和选民投票率:来自美国的证据
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-30 DOI: 10.1561/100.00020072
Angela Cools
Despite evidence that infants affect families’ economic and social behaviors, little is known about how young children influence their parents’ political engagement. I show that U.S. women with an infant during an election year are 3.5 percentage points less likely to vote than women without children; men with an infant are 2.2 percentage points less likely to vote. Suggesting that this effect may be causal, I find no significant decreases in turnout the year before parents have an infant. Using a triple-difference approach, I then show that universal vote-by-mail systems mitigate the negative association between infants and mothers’ turnout.
尽管有证据表明婴儿会影响家庭的经济和社会行为,但人们对幼儿如何影响父母的政治参与知之甚少。我的研究表明,在选举年,有孩子的美国女性投票的可能性比没有孩子的女性低3.5个百分点;有婴儿的男性投票的可能性要低2.2个百分点。我认为这种影响可能是因果关系,我发现父母生孩子前一年的投票率没有显著下降。然后,我用三差法证明,普遍的邮寄投票系统减轻了婴儿和母亲投票率之间的负相关关系。
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引用次数: 1
The Unintended Effects of Bottom-Up Accountability: Evidence from a Field Experiment in Peru 自下而上问责制的意外影响:来自秘鲁实地实验的证据
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2022-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00020079
Renard Sexton
Past research suggests that increasing citizen political knowledge and coordination can improve government performance via “bottom-up accountability,” where mobilized local communities exert pressure on elected officials through democratic processes. A randomized field experiment in Peru demonstrates that interventions to promote bottom-up accountability can sometimes have unintended effects on government performance, among other outcomes. I find that accountability workshops reduce participation in the district’s “participatory budgeting” process and increase support for civil unrest as a tool for sanctioning politicians. Although the intervention increases the initiation of recalls for poor-performing mayors, these mayors respond to the recall threat by further reducing their effort. Taken together the evidence suggests that improved information and coordination of local elites is not sufficient to improve government performance where it has previously lagged and can in fact be counterproductive. ∗Postdoctoral Fellow, Niehaus Center, Princeton University; email: rsexton@princeton.edu. The intervention was designed and implemented in collaboration with Innovations for Poverty Action (Lima) and the Centro de Investigación y Promoción del Campesinado (CIPCA), a member of the Propuesta Ciudadana network. I thank Maria Luisa Zeta, Gonzalo Manrique and Juan Manuel Hernandez-Agramonte of IPA for their research assistance, as well as Epifanio Baca and Gustavo Avila of Propuesta Ciudadana, and gratefully acknowledge financial support for this research from the Governance Initiative of the Abdul Latif Jameel Poverty Action Lab at MIT. Thanks for helpful comments from Matthew Bird, Graeme Blair, Darin Christensen, Mike Findley, Mike Gilligan, Kosuke Imai, Livio di Lonardo, Mai Nguyen, Tom Pepinsky, Cyrus Samii, Jake Shapiro, and seminar participants at APSA, PELA and Polmeth. This research comes under IPA IRB Protocol no. 13696.
过去的研究表明,增加公民的政治知识和协调可以通过“自下而上的问责制”改善政府绩效,即动员起来的地方社区通过民主程序向民选官员施加压力。秘鲁的一项随机实地试验表明,促进自下而上问责制的干预措施有时会对政府绩效产生意想不到的影响。我发现问责工作坊减少了对地区“参与式预算”程序的参与,并增加了对内乱作为制裁政客工具的支持。虽然干预增加了表现不佳的市长的召回启动,但这些市长通过进一步减少他们的努力来应对召回威胁。综上所述,证据表明,改善信息和地方精英的协调不足以改善政府绩效,而政府绩效此前一直落后,实际上可能适得其反。*普林斯顿大学Niehaus中心博士后研究员;电子邮件:rsexton@princeton.edu。该干预措施的设计和实施是与创新促进贫困行动(利马)和城市发展计划网络成员之一Investigación y Promoción del Campesinado中心(CIPCA)合作进行的。我感谢IPA的Maria Luisa Zeta、Gonzalo Manrique和Juan Manuel Hernandez-Agramonte的研究协助,以及Propuesta Ciudadana的Epifanio Baca和Gustavo Avila,并感谢麻省理工学院Abdul Latif Jameel贫困行动实验室的治理倡议为本研究提供的资金支持。感谢Matthew Bird、Graeme Blair、Darin Christensen、Mike Findley、Mike Gilligan、Kosuke Imai、Livio di ronardo、Mai Nguyen、Tom Pepinsky、Cyrus Samii、Jake Shapiro以及APSA、PELA和Polmeth研讨会参与者的宝贵意见。本研究遵循国际出版协会IRB协议。13696.
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引用次数: 4
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Quarterly Journal of Political Science
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