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Insights from the Blinder–Oaxaca Decomposition on Polarization in the US Senate 来自盲人的见解——美国参议院两极分化的瓦哈卡分解
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-12 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019219
Daniel M. Butler
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引用次数: 1
Party Bans: Deterrence or Backlash? Evidence from the Basque Country 党禁:威慑还是反弹?巴斯克国家的证据
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-07-12 DOI: 10.1561/100.00018119
Andreu Arenas
This paper investigates the electoral effects of party bans, studying the case of the ban on Batasuna, the political wing of ETA. In an initial electoral term, in 2003, Batasuna was banned from contesting local elections in all Basque municipalities; in a second term, in 2007, it was banned only in a subset of them, and in 2011 it became legal again. Exploiting the finite and heterogeneous length of the ban across municipalities, I find that a longer ban has a negative effect on electoral support for the targeted party. This effect is explained by the extent of the immediate loss in support in treated municipalities under the 2007 ban, observable in this instance because Batasuna called for a null vote. This pattern and further heterogeneous effects are consistent with voters learning from the new electoral scenario rather than with a direct cost attributable to the party no longer having institutional representation. This suggests that party bans may be used by incumbents to reduce their challengers’ strength by triggering an electoral reshuffling, with voters learning about new parties and potentially switching allegiances.
本文调查了政党禁令对选举的影响,研究了埃塔政治派别巴塔苏纳的禁令。在2003年的第一个选举任期内,巴塔苏纳被禁止参加巴斯克所有市镇的地方选举;在2007年的第二个任期内,它只在其中的一小部分被禁止,并于2011年再次合法化。利用各城市禁令的有限和不同长度,我发现更长的禁令会对目标政党的选举支持产生负面影响。这种影响的解释是,根据2007年的禁令,受到处理的市镇立即失去了支持,在这种情况下,巴塔苏纳呼吁进行无效投票,这是可以观察到的。这种模式和进一步的异质性影响与选民从新的选举场景中学习一致,而不是与该党不再拥有机构代表权的直接成本一致。这表明,现任者可能会利用政党禁令来降低挑战者的实力,引发选举重组,让选民了解新政党,并可能改变忠诚。
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引用次数: 3
Polarized Extremes and the Confused Centre: Campaign Targeting of Voters with Correlation Neglect 两极分化的极端和混乱的中心:忽略相关性的选民竞选目标
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-23 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019125
Gilat Levy, Inés Moreno de Barreda, R. Razin
Polarized Extremes and the Confused Centre: Campaign Targeting of Voters with Correlation Neglect
两极分化的极端和混乱的中间:忽视相关性的选民竞选目标
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引用次数: 7
Presidents and the Status Quo 总统和现状
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-02-23 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019170
Kenneth Lowande
The dominant paradigm for policymaking by chief executives is they are first-movers who change the status quo. I re-evaluate this notion by extending recent advances in measuring the conservatism of policy, and by constructing a new comprehensive measure of presidential action. Though executive unilateralism theories predict whether a given status quo will change, empirical studies rely on aggregate analyses of executive productivity and second-order predictions based on assumptions about the spatial distribution of policies. I find evidence of the ecological fallacy in presidency research: despite aggregate findings in support of the theory, it poorly predicts policies addressed by presidential initiatives. Moreover, I show most of the prediction error is due to a high falsenegative rate—with the president acting despite supposed separation of powers constraints. This suggests either that Congress is a weaker countervailing policymaker than previously thought, or that unilateral action is a poor conceptual paradigm for understanding presidential policymaking.
首席执行官决策的主导模式是,他们是改变现状的先行者。我通过扩展衡量政策保守性的最新进展,并构建一个新的总统行动综合衡量标准,重新评估了这一概念。尽管行政单边主义理论预测了给定的现状是否会改变,但实证研究依赖于对行政生产力的总体分析和基于政策空间分布假设的二阶预测。我在总统研究中发现了生态谬误的证据:尽管总体研究结果支持这一理论,但它对总统倡议所涉及的政策预测不佳。此外,我表明,大多数预测错误是由于高误报率——总统不顾所谓的分权限制行事。这表明,要么国会是一个比以前认为的更弱的反补贴政策制定者,要么单方面行动是理解总统政策制定的一个糟糕的概念范式。
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引用次数: 7
Does the Media Cover the Economy Accurately? An Analysis of Sixteen Developed Democracies 媒体对经济的报道准确吗?16个发达民主国家分析
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-10 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019098
Mark A. Kayser, Michael Peress
Can voters learn what they need to learn to hold governments accountable for the economy through news coverage? Employing the first large-scale cross-national dataset of media coverage of the economy — over 2 million articles related to three economic indicators in 32 mainstream newspapers, one left-wing and one right-wing, in 16 developed countries and 6 languages — we investigate media coverage of the economy that bears implications for electoral accountability and partisan advantage. We find that the tone of most mainstream newspapers tracks the economy faithfully, although the frequency of coverage increases with negative outcomes. While we find some evidence for partisan bias in tone for growth headlines and in frequency of coverage for unemployment articles, its substantive magnitude is diminutive. Mainstream newspaper coverage of the economy provides voters with largely accurate information.
选民能否通过新闻报道了解他们需要学习的东西,让政府对经济负责?利用第一个大规模的跨国家经济媒体报道数据集“在16个发达国家和6种语言的32家主流报纸(一家左翼报纸和一家右翼报纸)上,超过200万篇与三项经济指标有关的文章”,我们调查了媒体对经济的报道,这些报道对选举问责制和党派优势有影响。我们发现,大多数主流报纸的基调都忠实地跟踪经济,尽管报道频率随着负面结果的增加而增加。虽然我们在增长头条新闻的语气和失业文章的报道频率中发现了一些党派偏见的证据,但其实质性程度却很小。主流报纸对经济的报道为选民提供了基本准确的信息。
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引用次数: 4
Do Reelection Incentives Improve Policy Implementation? Accountability versus Political Targeting 重选激励措施能改善政策执行吗?问责与政治目标
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-10 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019089
A. Frey
Do Reelection Incentives Improve Policy Implementation? Accountability versus Political Targeting
重选激励措施能改善政策执行吗?问责与政治目标
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引用次数: 1
Trumping Hate on Twitter? Online Hate Speech in the 2016 U.S. Election Campaign and its Aftermath 推特上的特朗普仇恨?2016年美国大选中的网络仇恨言论及其后果
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-10 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019045
A. Siegel, E. Nikitin, Pablo Barberá, Joanna Sterling, Bethany Pullen, Richard Bonneau, Jonathan Nagler, Joshua A. Tucker
Trumping Hate on Twitter? Online Hate Speech in the 2016 U.S. Election Campaign and its Aftermath
推特上的特朗普仇恨?2016年美国大选中的网络仇恨言论及其后果
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引用次数: 27
A Model of Interest Group Influence and Campaign Advertising 利益集团影响与竞选广告模型
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019123
Zuheir Desai, John Duggan
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引用次数: 1
"Leakage" in International Regulatory Regimes: Did the OECD Anti-bribery Convention Increase Bribery? 国际监管制度的“渗漏”:经合组织反贿赂公约是否增加了贿赂?
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019193
Terrence L. Chapman, Nathan M. Jensen, Edmund J. Malesky, S. Wolford
When do well-intended regulatory regimes have unintended consequences? We examine one obstacle to successful regulation, “regulatory leakage,” in the context of the OECD Anti-Bribery Convention (ABC). Leakage occurs when regulated behavior decreases for actors under a regime’s jurisdiction, but increases among those outside of it. We analyze a formal model that demonstrates how the ABC may simultaneously reduce bribery among firms from member countries, while increasing bribery by firms from non-ABC member countries. We also show how the ABC may lead firms from ABC member countries to shift to bribery through intermediaries. New empirical evidence of MNC activity in Vietnam shows evidence of both regulatory leakage and bribery through intermediaries.
善意的监管制度何时会产生意想不到的后果?我们在经合组织反贿赂公约(ABC)的背景下研究了成功监管的一个障碍,即“监管泄漏”。当受监管行为在某一制度管辖范围内减少,而在该制度管辖范围外增加时,就会发生泄漏。我们分析了一个正式模型,该模型证明了ABC如何同时减少成员国企业之间的贿赂行为,同时增加非ABC成员国企业的贿赂行为。我们还展示了ABC如何引导ABC成员国的公司通过中介机构进行贿赂。关于跨国公司在越南活动的新经验证据表明,存在监管漏洞和通过中介机构行贿的证据。
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引用次数: 5
Contemporary U.S. Policymaking 当代美国的政策制定
IF 1.7 3区 社会学 Q1 Social Sciences Pub Date : 2021-01-01 DOI: 10.1561/100.00019221
D. Baron
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引用次数: 1
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