In October 2018, a collaboration between young rap artists in Thailand’s Indy rap scene, Rap Against Dictatorship (RAD), launched a video criticizing the ruling Junta that went viral within days of publication. The Junta soon after released its own video as a response to RAD. The production and publication of both videos are what Scollon (2001) calls social actions mediated by a distinct cultural toolkit. This study analyzed how modes such as music, text, color, camera angle, gestures, voice, image and iconicity emerged in both videos to realize scalar differences in civic participation. The Junta’s video represents a high sociolinguistic scale, whereas RAD realizes a lower scale. In a time of political unrest in Thailand, sociolinguistic scale and the semiotic resources that people employ to realize scales are a lens to analyze how different stakeholders address various perspectives of the political situation and appeal to different levels of civic participation.
2018年10月，泰国印地说唱界的年轻说唱艺术家rap Against Dicatorship（RAD）合作推出了一段批评执政的Junta的视频，该视频在发布后几天内迅速走红。不久之后，Junta发布了自己的视频作为对RAD的回应。这两个视频的制作和发布都是Scollon（2001）所说的由独特的文化工具包调解的社会行动。本研究分析了音乐、文本、颜色、视角、手势、声音、图像和象似性等模式是如何在两个视频中出现的，以实现公民参与的标量差异。Junta的视频代表了较高的社会语言学等级，而RAD则实现了较低的等级。在泰国政治动荡的时代，社会语言学量表和人们用来实现量表的符号学资源是分析不同利益相关者如何处理政治局势的不同视角并吸引不同水平的公民参与的一个视角。
{"title":"Multimodality as civic participation","authors":"F. D. de Groot, Andrew Jocuns","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22006.deg","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22006.deg","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000In October 2018, a collaboration between young rap artists in Thailand’s Indy rap scene, Rap Against Dictatorship (RAD), launched a video criticizing the ruling Junta that went viral within days of publication. The Junta soon after released its own video as a response to RAD. The production and publication of both videos are what Scollon (2001) calls social actions mediated by a distinct cultural toolkit. This study analyzed how modes such as music, text, color, camera angle, gestures, voice, image and iconicity emerged in both videos to realize scalar differences in civic participation. The Junta’s video represents a high sociolinguistic scale, whereas RAD realizes a lower scale. In a time of political unrest in Thailand, sociolinguistic scale and the semiotic resources that people employ to realize scales are a lens to analyze how different stakeholders address various perspectives of the political situation and appeal to different levels of civic participation.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46014910","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The relationship between time and politics is complex and multilayered, especially in issues such as global warming. This facilitates political playing with and about time; political actors use and frame time in various ways. Drawing upon the work of Reinhart Koselleck, this article examines temporal statements about the environment and the climate in Swedish election campaigns 1988 to 2018 and shows how political rhetoric has been constituted by several competing modalities of time. However, these modalities can become problematic for political thinking about the future. To resolve the climate crisis, we need a politics that acknowledges both historical and political contingency. Engaging with the past, without seeking to extrapolate a unified narrative of historical progress, explores the past from various perspectives and shows how the present is contingent. This could enable a renegotiation of possible futures and a politics for the future that facilitates both understanding and action.
{"title":"Visions of the good future","authors":"A. Friberg","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22030.fri","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22030.fri","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The relationship between time and politics is complex and multilayered, especially in issues such as global\u0000 warming. This facilitates political playing with and about time; political actors use and frame time in various ways. Drawing upon\u0000 the work of Reinhart Koselleck, this article examines temporal statements about the environment and the climate in Swedish\u0000 election campaigns 1988 to 2018 and shows how political rhetoric has been constituted by several competing modalities of time.\u0000 However, these modalities can become problematic for political thinking about the future. To resolve the climate crisis, we need a\u0000 politics that acknowledges both historical and political contingency. Engaging with the past, without seeking to extrapolate a\u0000 unified narrative of historical progress, explores the past from various perspectives and shows how the present is contingent.\u0000 This could enable a renegotiation of possible futures and a politics for the future that facilitates both understanding and\u0000 action.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49414538","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper analyzes the legitimation strategies used by Jerry John Rawlings, a Ghanaian revolutionary leader, to license his revolutionary actions, including political enemy executions and a crackdown on corrupt practices. It adapts and extends van Leeuwen’s legitimation framework by demonstrating how Rawlings exploited historical memory and the notion of sacrifice in conjunction with the strategies of authorization, rationalization and moralization to formulate his revolutionary rhetoric. The analysis reveals that the legitimation strategies enabled Rawlings to project a patriot-cum-nationalist identity as well as construct himself as a noble revolutionary mandated by the people of Ghana to represent their interests, protect them from evildoers and lead the process of social transformation. The study illustrates the persuasive power of revolutionary discourses in terms of how they function ideologically in the message they communicate (or exaggerate) and conceal.
本文分析了加纳革命领袖杰里·约翰·罗林斯(Jerry John Rawlings)为允许其革命行动而使用的合法化策略，包括处决政敌和打击腐败行为。它通过展示罗林斯如何利用历史记忆和牺牲的概念与授权、合理化和道德化的策略相结合来形成他的革命修辞，从而适应和扩展了范·莱文的合法化框架。分析表明，合法化策略使罗林斯能够投射出一种爱国主义和民族主义的身份，并将自己构建为加纳人民授权的崇高革命者，代表他们的利益，保护他们免受坏人的侵害，并领导社会转型进程。这项研究说明了革命话语的说服力，即它们在传达(或夸大)和隐藏的信息中如何在意识形态上发挥作用。
{"title":"Legitimation in revolutionary discourse","authors":"John Ganaah, M. Nartey, Aditi Bhatia","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22002.gan","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22002.gan","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 This paper analyzes the legitimation strategies used by Jerry John Rawlings, a Ghanaian revolutionary leader, to\u0000 license his revolutionary actions, including political enemy executions and a crackdown on corrupt practices. It adapts and\u0000 extends van Leeuwen’s legitimation framework by demonstrating how Rawlings exploited historical memory and the notion of sacrifice\u0000 in conjunction with the strategies of authorization, rationalization and moralization to formulate his revolutionary rhetoric. The\u0000 analysis reveals that the legitimation strategies enabled Rawlings to project a patriot-cum-nationalist identity as well as\u0000 construct himself as a noble revolutionary mandated by the people of Ghana to represent their interests, protect them from\u0000 evildoers and lead the process of social transformation. The study illustrates the persuasive power of revolutionary discourses in\u0000 terms of how they function ideologically in the message they communicate (or exaggerate) and conceal.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42962071","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a well-acknowledged central economic and diplomatic policy of the Chinese government, which was proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013. By using content analysis and interviews, this paper analyzes Chinese President Xi’s speeches from 2013 to 2020 about the BRI, as well as official statements of the Chinese central government. It identifies at least five competing diplomatic narratives of the BRI. Different from repetitive literature that explores either the economic or political implications of the BRI, this paper contributes by exploring the original story that the Chinese government tries to tell the world. It concludes that initially, the narrative of the BRI has not been portrayed well from the Chinese side.
{"title":"Revealing China’s diplomatic narratives of the Belt and Road Initiative","authors":"Yuan Jiang","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22005.jia","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22005.jia","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a well-acknowledged central economic and diplomatic policy of the Chinese\u0000 government, which was proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013. By using content analysis and interviews, this paper analyzes\u0000 Chinese President Xi’s speeches from 2013 to 2020 about the BRI, as well as official statements of the Chinese central government.\u0000 It identifies at least five competing diplomatic narratives of the BRI. Different from repetitive literature that explores either\u0000 the economic or political implications of the BRI, this paper contributes by exploring the original story that the Chinese\u0000 government tries to tell the world. It concludes that initially, the narrative of the BRI has not been portrayed well from the\u0000 Chinese side.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":"39 9","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-11-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41293830","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Wachowski & Sullivan (2022): Metonymies and Metaphors for Death Around the World","authors":"Fang Zhu","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22137.zhu","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22137.zhu","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44167940","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Li, Lui & Fung (2020): Systemic functional political discourse: A text-based study","authors":"Wenliang Chen, Lijuan Du","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22120.che","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22120.che","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-21","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42146495","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This article presents a qualitative study of media discourses around fake news, examining 288 news articles from two national elections in Denmark in 2019. It explores how news media construct fake news as a national security threat and how journalists articulate their own role in relation to this threat. The study draws on discourse theory and the concept of logics to critically map how particular meaning ascriptions and subject positions come to dominate over others, finding five logics undergirding media discourses: (1) a logic of anticipation; (2) a logic of exteriorisation; (3) a logic of technologisation; (4) a logic of securitisation; and (5) a logic of pre-legitimation. The article concludes that fake news is constructed as an ‘ultimate other’ in Danish media discourses, potentially contributing to blind spots in both public perception and political solutions. This resonates with previous studies from other geo-political contexts, calling for further cross-national research.
{"title":"News on fake news","authors":"J. Farkas","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22020.far","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22020.far","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000This article presents a qualitative study of media discourses around fake news, examining 288 news articles from two national elections in Denmark in 2019. It explores how news media construct fake news as a national security threat and how journalists articulate their own role in relation to this threat. The study draws on discourse theory and the concept of logics to critically map how particular meaning ascriptions and subject positions come to dominate over others, finding five logics undergirding media discourses: (1) a logic of anticipation; (2) a logic of exteriorisation; (3) a logic of technologisation; (4) a logic of securitisation; and (5) a logic of pre-legitimation. The article concludes that fake news is constructed as an ‘ultimate other’ in Danish media discourses, potentially contributing to blind spots in both public perception and political solutions. This resonates with previous studies from other geo-political contexts, calling for further cross-national research.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-10-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49213214","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Since the pandemic broke out in 2020, China has widely presented the covid crisis in its mass media and actively constructed collective identity thereof to mobilize medical workers, unify political stances, boost domestic solidarity, and promote international support. This paper combines the Discourse-Historical Approach and a multimodal perspective to investigate how the Chinese state-run news agency People’s Daily discursively achieves these purposes on TikTok. A combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used to present the high-frequency topoi of justifying the crisis and referential and predicational strategies of shaping collective identity within, which can fall into four dimensions: positive Self, negative Self, negative Others, and positive Others. The linguistic resources can be intensified/mitigated by visual-aural ensembles, which can draw the audience’s attention and arouse their emotional attachments. This study also summarizes the embedded values in the discourses and situates them in socio-political contexts.
{"title":"Collective identity construction in the covid-19 crisis","authors":"Cun Zhang, Guiling Liu, Shuang Zhang","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22024.zha","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22024.zha","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000 Since the pandemic broke out in 2020, China has widely presented the covid crisis in its mass media and actively\u0000 constructed collective identity thereof to mobilize medical workers, unify political stances, boost domestic solidarity, and\u0000 promote international support. This paper combines the Discourse-Historical Approach and a multimodal perspective to investigate\u0000 how the Chinese state-run news agency People’s Daily discursively achieves these purposes on TikTok. A\u0000 combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used to present the high-frequency topoi of justifying the crisis and\u0000 referential and predicational strategies of shaping collective identity within, which can fall into four dimensions: positive\u0000 Self, negative Self, negative Others, and positive Others.\u0000 The linguistic resources can be intensified/mitigated by visual-aural ensembles, which can draw the audience’s attention and\u0000 arouse their emotional attachments. This study also summarizes the embedded values in the discourses and situates them in\u0000 socio-political contexts.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47816586","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
L. Windsor, S. Mitchell, T. Osborn, Bryce J. Dietrich, Andrew J. Hampton
We explore how gendered language in Senate floor debates evolves between the 101st and 109th sessions (N=229,526 speeches). We hypothesize that female Senators speak like women in the general population, that their speeches focus on traditionally designated women’s issues, and that they use female linguistic strategies found in the general population when discussing low politics or women’s issues. We also expect women to speak like legislators, adopting more male linguistic approaches for high politics issues or in election year speeches and for female senators to use more male linguistics as time served in the Senate increases. Using a suite of computational linguistics approaches such as topic modeling (Latent Dirichlet Allocation), syntax and semantic analysis (Coh-Metrix), and sentiment analysis (LIWC), our analyses highlight the distinct roles of women speaking for women (e.g. promoting issues like education or healthcare), women speaking like women (e.g. using personal pronouns), and women speaking as Senators.
{"title":"Gender, language, and representation in the United States Senate","authors":"L. Windsor, S. Mitchell, T. Osborn, Bryce J. Dietrich, Andrew J. Hampton","doi":"10.1075/jlp.21053.win","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.21053.win","url":null,"abstract":"\u0000We explore how gendered language in Senate floor debates evolves between the 101st and 109th sessions (N=229,526 speeches). We hypothesize that female Senators speak like women in the general population, that their speeches focus on traditionally designated women’s issues, and that they use female linguistic strategies found in the general population when discussing low politics or women’s issues. We also expect women to speak like legislators, adopting more male linguistic approaches for high politics issues or in election year speeches and for female senators to use more male linguistics as time served in the Senate increases. Using a suite of computational linguistics approaches such as topic modeling (Latent Dirichlet Allocation), syntax and semantic analysis (Coh-Metrix), and sentiment analysis (LIWC), our analyses highlight the distinct roles of women speaking for women (e.g. promoting issues like education or healthcare), women speaking like women (e.g. using personal pronouns), and women speaking as Senators.","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-09-29","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47629748","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Review of Chiluwa (2021): Discourse and Conflict: Analysing Text and Talk of Conflict, Hate and Peace-building","authors":"Le Cheng, Xiaofang Chen","doi":"10.1075/jlp.22034.che","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1075/jlp.22034.che","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51676,"journal":{"name":"Journal of Language and Politics","volume":" ","pages":""},"PeriodicalIF":1.3,"publicationDate":"2022-07-19","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46188942","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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