Politics & Policy最新文献

Australian local government does not enjoy the status of its counterparts in comparable democracies and has long sought acknowledgment in the federal constitution. As these campaigns have consistently failed, this study considers how, and in which forms, local government obtains its own political legitimacy within a governance system centered on the citizen–state relationship, in addition to evaluating the relationships between the different forms of legitimacy. We find that positive perceptions of local government effectiveness are associated with higher levels of support for constitutional change, but that local governments need to pay more attention to systems of accountability and oversight, how building and planning issues are handled, and how they communicate with residents. Generally, and unsurprisingly, local government is appreciated more by those who rely on their services yet who are not always the loudest voices in public debates. Constitutional legitimacy is more likely when other sources of legitimacy are enhanced.

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Tran, Carolyn-Thi Thanh Dung, and Brian Dollery. 2022. “Administrative Intensity and Financial Sustainability: An Empirical Analysis of the Victorian Local Government System.” Politics & Policy 50(3): 540–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12466.

Van Acker, Elizabeth. 2009. “Service Delivery of Relationship Support Programs in Australia: Implications for the ‘Community Sector.’” Politics & Policy 37(6): 1307–29. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2009.00221.x.

Wallis, Joe Tor Brodtkorb, Brian Dollery, and Muiris MacCarthaigh. 2017. “Commissions and Local Government Reform: Expressed Leadership Identities of Commissioners in Inquiries Proposing Municipal Mergers in Northern Ireland and New South Wales.” Politics & Policy 45(2): 285–308. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12199.

Setting the decision agenda requires restricting information and focusing attention on specific issue dimensions. Agenda setting also carries opportunity costs: focusing on some issues and proposals means others go unaddressed. Agenda setting thus generates conflict about the choice of issues and selection of alternatives and proposals. Using data on “views” attached to U.S. Senate committee reports and Volden and Wiseman's legislative effectiveness scores, I show that more effective legislators are more likely to express disagreement with agenda-setting choices. And rather than harm senators' future prospects at advancing legislation, expressing disagreement is associated with more subsequent legislative success relative to what other individual and institutional characteristics would predict, particularly in the middle stages of the legislative process. This article's findings illuminate potential short-term benefits to expressing disagreement in agenda setting. I also find these activities have declined over time, which suggests changes in the institutional environment about venues for expressing disagreement.

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Heidbreder, Brianne. 2012. “Agenda Setting in the States: How Politics and Policy Needs Shape Gubernatorial Agendas.” Politics & Policy 40(2): 296–319. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2012.00345.x.

Sohn, Hyodong. 2023. “Policy Agenda Trade-offs for Sustainability: The Compositional Change of Attention about Energy in Legislative Hearings.” Politics & Policy 51(6): 973–1007. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12563.

Steger, Wayne P. 2008. “The President's Legislative Program: An Issue of Sincere versus Strategic Behavior.” Politics & Policy 33(2): 312–29. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2005.tb00645.x.

Drawing on a review of 112 Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF) applications to China published during 2006–2022, this article finds that, consistent with ACF assumptions, policy processes in China are complex processes of top-down decision making, horizontal negotiation, networked influence, and bottom-up initiation. The review finds policy processes in many subsystems of China inconsistent with one implicit assumption of the framework: the difficulty of reconciling conflicting beliefs between warring coalitions. Compared with the results from a review of the English ACF applications to countries around the globe, policy-oriented learning and imposition by a hierarchically superior jurisdiction were identified more frequently as pathways to policy change in reviewed applications to China. The Xi Jinping administration encourages between-coalition learning and negotiation to pursue the ideal of building a well-off and equitable society. At the same time, his top-level reforms have changed the long-time status quo in some subsystems by national policy reforms.

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Nam, Aerang, and Christopher M. Weible. 2023. “Examining Experts' Discourse in South Korea's Nuclear Power Policy Making: An Advocacy Coalition Framework Approach to Policy Knowledge.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 201–21. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12522.

Nwalie, Martin Ike. 2019. “Advocacy Coalition Framework and Policy Changes in a Third-World Country.” Politics & Policy 47(3): 545–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12302.

von Malmborg, Fredrik. 2023. “Combining the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Argumentative Discourse Analysis: The Case of the ‘Energy Efficiency First’ Principle in EU Energy and Climate Policy.” Politics & Policy 51(2): 222–41. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12525.

This article argues that China is advancing its relations with Iran and Pakistan based on pragmatic balancing, a key component of soft balancing, to safeguard and advance national self-interest. China's relationship with Pakistan is based on shared interests to counter the Indian hegemony in South Asia and end the Chinese energy security dilemma through an overland route of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). The bilateral relationship has enhanced and expanded over the years, despite steep transformations in regional geopolitics. Meanwhile, abundant Iranian energy reserves and Tehran's willingness to support China against the United States in the Middle East encouraged the Chinese leadership to sign a strategic deal with no significant ramifications for Pakistan and CPEC. The fair-weather friendship between China and Iran remains limited in scope, often suspending cooperation in various domains, including energy and defense. Nonetheless, an all-weather friendship between China and Pakistan sustained the collaboration of security, economy, and diplomacy, meticulously representing sincerity and cordiality.

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Bishwakarma, Jham Kumar, and Zongshan Hu. 2021. “Problems and Prospects for the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC).” Politics & Policy 50(1): 154–79. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12443.

Singh, Amit, and Amit Sarwal. 2017. “Paraspara, Encounters, and Confluences: India's Soft Power Objective in the Indo-Pacific Region.” Politics & Policy 45(5): 733–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12222.

Zaidi, Syed Muhammad Saad. 2020. “American Global Supremacy under Threat? The Chinese Factor.” Politics & Policy 49(2): 502–28. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12402.

The concept of resource curse is widely accepted in the extant literature. However, the burden of proof remains high as some resource-rich countries experience rapid economic growth. This study examines how Nigeria's strategy for governance and management of revenue proceeds from petroleum resources has helped sustain rent-seeking behavior, the resource curse phenomenon, and under-development of the country. Using the theory of new institutionalism and a process-tracing method, the article argues that political and historical dynamics in establishing legislation for governance and management of oil and gas revenues engendered path-dependent rent-seeking practices sustained by selfish political elites. The resource curse is not universal or inevitable in resource-rich countries, but largely a product of institutionalization and sustenance of initial unhealthy practices. We recommend that recognizing the need for savings, stabilization, and investment, and setting clear fiscal rules to check excessive political discretion will reduce rent seeking and the resource curse in Nigeria and elsewhere.

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Ali, Hamid E., and Shahjahan Bhuiyan. 2022. “Governance, Natural Resources Rent, and Infrastructure Development: Evidence from the Middle East and North Africa.” Politics & Policy 50(2): 408–40. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12451.

Ikeanyibe, Okechukwu M. 2018. “Bureaucratic Politics and the Implementation of Liberalization Reforms in Nigeria: A Study of the Unbundling and Reorganization of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation.” Politics & Policy 46(2): 263–94. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12249.

Mähler, Annegret. 2011. “Oil in Venezuela: Triggering Conflicts or Ensuring Stability? A Historical Comparative Analysis.” Politics & Policy 39(4): 583–611. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2011.00305.x.

Previous studies suggest that women are often perceived as less corrupt and more risk averse, possibly due to longstanding asymmetries in power and marginalization that reproduce certain gender stereotypes. However, much remains unclear regarding the origins of these perceptions. Why are some individuals and societies more prone to perceive women as less corrupt than men? We present the first cross-country examination of these questions utilizing data from the latest wave of the World Values Survey, covering a total of 49 countries. Our results suggest that both perceived riskiness of corruption and attitude toward gender equality, in addition to the overall level of gender inequality in society, matter in explaining a stronger belief in gender differences in corruptness. However, the positive association between a higher perceived riskiness and the perception that women are less corrupt is mostly limited to societies with high levels of corruption and gender inequality.

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Caillier, James. 2010. “Citizen Trust, Political Corruption, and Voting Behavior: Connecting the Dots.” Politics & Policy 38(5): 1015–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2010.00267.

Malmberg, Fredrik G., and Henrik Serup Christensen. 2021. “Voting Women, Protesting Men: A Multilevel Analysis of Corruption, Gender, and Political Participation.” Politics & Policy 49(1): 126–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12393.

Tusalem, Rollin F. 2022. “Does Gendered Representation in National Legislatures Promote Substantive Representation and Human Development? Evidence from the Developing World.” Politics & Policy 50(6): 1096–137. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12503.

In 2020, Arizonans approved Proposition 207, the Smart and Safe Arizona Act, which legalized recreational marijuana sales. Previous research has typically used non-spatial survey data to understand marijuana legalization voting patterns. However, voting behavior can, in part, be shaped by geographic context, or place, which is unaccounted for in aspatial survey data. We use multiscale geographically weighted regression to analyze how place shaped Proposition 207 voting behavior, independently of demographic variations across space. We find significant spatial variability in the sensitivity of voting for Proposition 207 to changes in several of the predictor variables of opposition and support for recreational marijuana legalization. We argue that local statistical modeling approaches provide a more in-depth understanding of ballot measure voting behavior than the current use of global models.

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Branton, Regina, and Ronald J. McGauvran. 2018. “Mary Jane Rocks the Vote: The Impact of Climate Context on Support for Cannabis Initiatives.” Politics & Policy 46(2): 209–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12248.

Brekken, Katheryn C., and Vanessa M. Fenley. 2020. “Part of the Narrative: Generic News Frames in the U.S. Recreational Marijuana Policy Subsystem.” Politics & Policy 49(1): 6–32. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12388.

Fisk, Jonathan M., Joseph A. Vonasek, and Elvis Davis. 2018. “‘Pot'reneurial Politics: The Budgetary Highs and Lows of Recreational Marijuana Policy Innovation.” Politics & Policy 46(2): 189–208. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12246.

Prior to the 2020 election President Trump suggested the election should be postponed “until the country can make sure that only eligible American citizens can vote.” With the COVID-19 pandemic leading many states to take steps that made it easier for citizens to vote safely, the president and his allies made numerous false claims about voter fraud; others argued that voter fraud is not common and is unlikely to appreciably increase with greater reliance on mail balloting. We rely on a national Internet-based survey experiment conducted prior to the 2020 election to assess the effectiveness of both messages on citizens' support for a hypothetical proposal to postpone the presidential election. The results suggest that respondents were more likely to support postponement if they received a fake news message that fraud is common. The results also suggest that these effects are conditional; both political party and knowledge moderate the relationship.

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Aguado, N. Alexander. 2022. “When Charismatic Leadership Trumps Social Networking: Searching for the Effects of Social Media on Beliefs of Electoral Legitimacy.” Politics & Policy 50(5): 942–51. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12494.

Fisher, Patrick. 2020. “Generational Replacement and the Impending Transformation of the American Electorate.” Politics & Policy 48(1): 38–68. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12340.

Stockemer, Daniel. 2013. “Corruption and Turnout in Presidential Elections: A Macro-Level Quantitative Analysis.” Politics & Policy 41(2): 189–212. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12012.

The objective of this article is to examine the impact of urbanization and civil conflicts on the severity of food insecurity for a panel of 43 African countries over the period 2000–2020. Subsequently, the heterogeneous choice models approach was used for the estimations. The results show that urbanization and civil conflict increase food insecurity. The parallel line probability hypothesis results specifically show that a one-unit increase in urban growth rate increases the probability of belonging to a high-risk food insecurity category by more than .6 times. Furthermore, the results show that the impacts of urbanization on food insecurity are modulated by civil conflicts in Africa leading to the net effect of .692. This corresponds to the policy threshold of 2.315 when the net positive effect is canceled out. Therefore, this study strongly recommends the need for African economies to develop urban agriculture while controlling the pace of urbanization in order to reduce food insecurity and avoid possible civil wars.

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Asare-Nuamah, Peter, Anthony Amoah, and Simplice A. Asongu. 2023. “Achieving Food Security in Ghana: Does Governance Matter?” Politics & Policy 51(4): 614–35. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12540.

Ayanoore, Ishmael, and Sam Hickey. 2022. “Reframing the Politics of Natural Resource Governance in Africa: Insights from the Local Content Legislation Process in Ghana.” Politics & Policy 50(1): 119–36. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12449.

Oehmke, James F., Sera L. Young, Godfrey Bahiigwa, Boaz Blackie Keizire, and Lori Ann Post. 2018. “The Behavioral-Economics Basis of Mutual Accountability to Achieve Food Security.” Politics & Policy 46(1): 32–57. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12244.