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Contextualizing Bicultural Competence Across Youths' Adaptation From High School to College: Prospective Associations With Mental Health and Substance Use. 青少年从高中到大学适应过程中的双文化能力情境化:与心理健康和药物使用的前瞻性关联。
IF 4.8 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-03-01 Epub Date: 2023-03-23 DOI: 10.1177/21677026231159667
Michaela S Gusman, M Dalal Safa, Kevin J Grimm, Leah D Doane

Bicultural competence, the ability to navigate bicultural demands, is a salient developmental competency for youth of color linked with positive adjustment. This study investigated how discrimination experiences informed developmental trajectories of behavioral and affective bicultural competence across youth's adaptation from high school to college, and how these biculturalism trajectories predicted later adjustment (i.e., internalizing symptoms and binge drinking). Data were collected between 2016 through 2020 and included 206 U.S. Latino youth (Mage=17.59, 64% female, 85% Mexican origin, 11% first and 62% second generation immigrants). Linear latent growth analyses revealed that youth who experienced greater time-varying discrimination demonstrated lower concurrent behavioral and affective bicultural competence. Higher behavioral bicultural competence intercepts were associated with fewer internalizing symptoms in the third college year. No other significant associations emerged for internalizing symptoms or binge drinking. These findings have implications for mental health equity among Latino youth during a critical period of psychopathology onset.

双文化能力,即驾驭双文化需求的能力,是有色人种青少年与积极适应相关的一种突出的发展能力。本研究调查了歧视经历如何影响青少年从高中到大学的适应过程中行为和情感双文化能力的发展轨迹,以及这些双文化轨迹如何预测日后的适应(即内化症状和酗酒)。数据收集于 2016 年至 2020 年,包括 206 名美国拉丁裔青少年(年龄=17.59,64% 为女性,85% 为墨西哥裔,11% 为第一代移民,62% 为第二代移民)。线性潜增长分析表明,经历过较大时变歧视的青少年同时表现出较低的行为和情感双文化能力。较高的行为双文化能力截距与较少的大学三年级内化症状有关。在内化症状或酗酒方面没有出现其他明显的关联。这些发现对拉丁裔青少年在心理病理学发病的关键时期实现心理健康公平具有重要意义。
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引用次数: 0
Australia and the US nuclear umbrella: from deterrence taker to deterrence maker 澳大利亚与美国的核保护伞:从威慑接受者到威慑制造者
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2024-01-11 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2024.2302589
Peter J. Dean, Stephan Fruehling, Andrew O’Neil
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引用次数: 0
Middle-power behaviours: Australia’s status-quoist/Lockean and Indonesia’s reformist/Kantian approaches to crises of legitimacy in the Indo-Pacific 中间力量行为:澳大利亚的地位主义/洛克主义和印度尼西亚的改革主义/康德主义处理印度洋-太平洋地区合法性危机的方法
IF 1.5 3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-19 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2023.2283473
Christian Harijanto
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引用次数: 0
Introduction to the special section: reflecting on Allan Gyngell’s contributions to Australian foreign affairs practice, scholarship, and education 专题导论:反思艾伦·金格尔对澳大利亚外交实践、学术和教育的贡献
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-14 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2023.2274952
Joanne Wallis, Tim Legrand
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引用次数: 0
Democracy, firms, and cyber punishment: what cyberspace challenge do democracies face from the private sector? 民主、公司和网络惩罚:民主国家面临来自私营部门的哪些网络空间挑战?
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-11 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2023.2274443
Nori Katagiri
ABSTRACTI explore four sets of explanations on what makes it hard for democracies to penalise hackers for their digital actions. My analysis reveals that of the four challenges, two are more compelling than the others. First, scholarship suggests that democracies seek to meet the expectation to comply with international rules of engagement and refrain from aggressive cyberspace behaviour. Second, some argue that democracies face strong challenge from constituents who fear escalation. My investigation shows that these challenges are less severe than the following two. First, democracies struggle with complications that arise out of particular interactions that private actors engage on their behalf. Second, democracies face pressure from firms that hesitate to be part of activities that cause legal and financial consequences. States may also hesitate when they anticipate lawsuits by victims and firms implicated in hostile actions. In sum, democracies struggle with punishment strategy not so much because of behavioural ethics or escalation fear as consequences of having technology firms involved in hostile operations.KEYWORDS: Cybersecuritydemocratic statespunishmentprivate sector Disclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsNori KatagiriNori Katagiri is associate professor of political science and director of international studies at Saint Louis University. His Ph.D. is in political science from the University of Pennsylvania. Prior to joining Saint Louis University, he was associate professor of international security studies at Air War College, Maxwell AFB. His research interests include security issues in cybersecurity, international security, and East Asia.
摘要我对民主国家难以惩罚黑客数字行为的原因进行了四套解释。我的分析显示,在这四个挑战中,有两个比其他更令人信服。首先,学术研究表明,民主国家寻求满足人们的期望,遵守国际交战规则,避免在网络空间采取咄咄逼人的行为。其次,一些人认为,民主国家面临着来自担心局势升级的选民的强大挑战。我的调查显示,这些挑战没有下面两个那么严峻。首先,民主国家与私人行为者代表他们参与的特定互动所产生的复杂性作斗争。其次,民主国家面临着来自企业的压力,这些企业不愿参与导致法律和财务后果的活动。当国家预期与敌对行动有牵连的受害者和公司提起诉讼时,也可能会犹豫不决。总而言之,民主国家在惩罚策略上的挣扎,与其说是因为行为道德或升级恐惧,不如说是因为科技公司参与敌对行动的后果。关键词:网络安全民主国家惩罚私营部门披露声明作者未报告潜在的利益冲突。作者简介:本文作者是圣路易斯大学政治学副教授、国际研究中心主任。他在宾夕法尼亚大学获得政治学博士学位。在加入圣路易斯大学之前,他是麦克斯韦空军基地空军战争学院国际安全研究副教授。他的研究兴趣包括网络安全、国际安全和东亚安全问题。
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引用次数: 0
Spies and scholars in the cyber age: researching intelligence in Australian policy and regional security 网络时代的间谍和学者:研究澳大利亚政策和地区安全中的情报
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2023.2279084
David Schaefer
The limited treatment of intelligence by IR and strategic studies academics in Australia distorts the scholarly research and public understanding of policymaking in Canberra. This article provides an overview of intelligence-focused research in Australia, including the traditional challenges which constrained the field, its limited engagement with more conventional scholarship, and the potential for more applied historical study of intelligence-related issues in the future. It demonstrates how key developments in Australian alliance diplomacy and cyber security are heavily influenced by intelligence and identifies trends in the US–China relationship and regional security which are elevating the strategic importance of Australia’s intelligence agencies. More interest from the academic community in the role and contribution of intelligence to foreign and defence policy will be needed in the coming years if scholarship is to remain in touch with the reality of Australian statecraft.
澳大利亚国际关系和战略研究学者对情报的有限处理扭曲了堪培拉的学术研究和公众对政策制定的理解。本文概述了澳大利亚以情报为中心的研究,包括限制该领域的传统挑战,其与更传统的奖学金的有限接触,以及未来对情报相关问题进行更多应用历史研究的潜力。它展示了澳大利亚联盟外交和网络安全的关键发展如何受到情报的严重影响,并确定了美中关系和地区安全的趋势,这些趋势正在提升澳大利亚情报机构的战略重要性。如果学术要与澳大利亚治国之道的现实保持联系,未来几年学术界需要对情报在外交和国防政策中的作用和贡献产生更多的兴趣。
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引用次数: 0
Passing of Allan Gyngell AO Allan Gyngell AO去世
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-09 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2023.2275112
Penny Wong
ABSTRACTThis is a ministerial statement of condolence by Senator the Hon Penny Wong in remembrance of Allan Gyngell AO, FAIIA: eminent Australian foreign policy analyst and adviser to successive Australian governments, and former Australian diplomat. AcknowledgementThis statement by Senator the Hon. Penny Wong has been reproduced with the kind permission of the Australian Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade: https://www.foreignminister.gov.au/minister/penny-wong/media-release/passing-allan-gyngell-aoDepartment of Foreign Affairs and Trade website: https://www.dfat.gov.auDisclosure statementNo potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).Additional informationNotes on contributorsPenny WongPenny Wong is the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Commonwealth of Australia.
【摘要】这是黄潘妮议员为纪念杰出的澳大利亚外交政策分析家、历任澳大利亚政府顾问、前澳大利亚外交官艾伦·金格尔(Allan Gyngell, FAIIA)发表的部长级哀悼声明。澳大利亚外交和贸易部(https://www.foreignminister.gov.au/minister/penny-wong/media-release/passing-allan-gyngell-aoDepartment of Foreign Affairs and Trade)的网站:https://www.dfat.gov.auDisclosure声明作者没有报告潜在的利益冲突。黄佩妮(penny Wong)是澳大利亚联邦外交部长。
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引用次数: 0
Racialised foreign policy and the prospects for Indigenous diplomacy 种族化的外交政策和土著外交的前景
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-08 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2023.2273055
Henry Reynolds
First Nations peoples of Australia have long engaged in international diplomatic efforts as part of their political struggles in pursuit of rights that are now embedded in international law. However, these efforts and the commendable advocacy of Indigenous diplomacy by Mary Graham and Morgan Brigg in their Australian National University lecture also face forces deriving from the racialised foundations of the Australian polity that run though the White Australia Policy and exert a powerful influence in contemporary foreign policy. The resulting tensions are amply on display in Foreign Minister Penny Wong's support of an Indigenous Diplomacy Agenda. One striking example is the gap between the Australian Government's embrace of the AUKUS trilateral security pact and Article 30 of the United Nations Declaration of the Rights of Indigenous People that stipulates consultation about military activity on Indigenous land. In the contemporary moment Australian foreign and government policy apparently remains enthralled with ‘forever' Anglo friends on the other side of the world. Significant change is needed if Australia is to advance Indigenous diplomacy; change that will require substantively recognising the rights of First Nations peoples to shed Australia's reputation for white racism and truly become ‘of the Indo–Pacific’.
澳大利亚的第一民族长期以来一直从事国际外交努力,作为其政治斗争的一部分,以追求现已纳入国际法的各项权利。然而,这些努力以及玛丽·格雷厄姆(Mary Graham)和摩根·布里格(Morgan Brigg)在澳大利亚国立大学(Australian National University)的讲座中倡导的值得称赞的土著外交,也面临着来自澳大利亚政治的种族化基础的力量,这种力量贯穿于“白澳政策”(White Australia Policy)中,并对当代外交政策产生了强大的影响。由此产生的紧张局势充分体现在外交部长黄penny Wong对土著外交议程的支持上。一个显著的例子是澳大利亚政府接受AUKUS三边安全协定与《联合国土著人民权利宣言》第30条之间的差距,该条规定就土著土地上的军事活动进行协商。在当代,澳大利亚的外交和政府政策显然仍然迷恋于世界另一端的“永远的”盎格鲁朋友。如果澳大利亚要推进土著外交,就需要做出重大改变;这一改变将需要从本质上承认第一民族的权利,以摆脱澳大利亚白人种族主义的声誉,真正成为“印度-太平洋”。
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引用次数: 2
Allan Gyngell's podcasting contribution to Australian foreign policy Allan Gyngell对澳大利亚外交政策的播客贡献
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-07 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2023.2272825
Darren J. Lim, Walter Colnaghi
This article analyses Allan Gyngell's contribution to Australian foreign policy through his podcast, ‘Australia in the World'. We outline two mechanisms. First, we explore how the unique features of the podcast medium as a form of communication channelled Allan's approach – in both form and substance – to Australian foreign policy thought. Second, we show how Allan leveraged the podcast to help pry open a political culture where bureaucrats seldom made public contributions.
本文通过播客“世界上的澳大利亚”分析了艾伦·金格尔对澳大利亚外交政策的贡献。我们概述了两种机制。首先,我们探讨播客媒体作为一种交流形式的独特特征是如何将艾伦的方法(无论是形式还是内容)引入澳大利亚外交政策思想的。其次,我们展示了艾伦是如何利用播客来撬开官僚们很少做出公共贡献的政治文化。
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引用次数: 0
Remembering Allan Gyngell as a foreign policy educator 记住作为外交政策教育家的艾伦·金格尔
3区 社会学 Q2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS Pub Date : 2023-11-02 DOI: 10.1080/10357718.2023.2272831
Benjamin Day
This reflection examines Allan Gyngell’s underappreciated influence as a foreign policy educator. The article begins by describing how the final chapter of Gyngell’s long and distinguished career constituted a full and final embrace of his role as a foreign policy educator. The second section illustrates how Gyngell’s scholarship and ideas tangibly impact seminar rooms in Australian universities. Finally, Gyngell’s skills as a foreign policy communicator are considered. By charting his influence across these dimensions, this reflection makes the case that Gyngell’s contribution to foreign policy education will come to be recognised as his most significant and enduring legacy.
本文回顾了艾伦·金格尔作为外交政策教育家的未被充分认识的影响。这篇文章首先描述了金格尔漫长而杰出的职业生涯的最后一章如何构成了他作为外交政策教育家的角色的全面和最终的拥抱。第二部分说明了金格尔的学术和思想如何切实影响澳大利亚大学的研讨室。最后,考察了金格尔作为外交政策传播者的技巧。通过描绘他在这些方面的影响力,本文的反思表明,金格尔对外交政策教育的贡献将被视为他最重要、最持久的遗产。
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引用次数: 0
期刊
Australian Journal of International Affairs
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