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“You Here, Don’t Do It This Way”: Allegory and Domestic Dwellings in Bernardino de Sahagún’s Nahuatl Sermons of the House "你在这里,不要这样做":贝尔纳迪诺-德-萨哈贡的纳瓦特尔语《房屋布道》中的寓言和家庭住宅
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10999129
B. Alcântara, Pedro A. Muñoz
Bernardino de Sahagún is well known for having headed a major research project about the Nahuas of Central Mexico in the sixteenth century. However, many years before this project began, Sahagún wrote several sets of sermons in the Nahuatl language. This article analyzes eleven of these sermons, composed during the 1540s by this zealous Franciscan, possibly with the help of Nahua students and graduates of the Colegio de Tlatelolco. These sermons develop one shared allegory, “the House of the Soul,” by comparing the building elements of an ideal dwelling with doctrinal and moral topics and by contrasting the ways the Nahuas live their lives and build their homes to the ways the Spaniards do. In the approach adopted in this article, the rhetorical and doctrinal features of these sermons are examined, and the information they contain about Nahua households compared with other sources of the period is highlighted.
贝尔纳迪诺-德-萨阿贡(Bernardino de Sahagún)因在十六世纪领导了一项关于墨西哥中部纳瓦斯人的大型研究项目而闻名于世。然而,在该项目开始之前的许多年,萨阿贡就用纳瓦语写了几套布道。本文分析了其中的 11 篇布道,这些布道是这位热心的方济各会士在 15 世纪 40 年代创作的,可能得到了特拉特洛尔科学院的纳瓦语学生和毕业生的帮助。这些布道通过将理想住所的建筑元素与教义和道德主题进行比较,并将纳瓦尼亚人的生活方式和建造房屋的方式与西班牙人的方式进行对比,发展了一个共同的寓言故事--"灵魂之屋"。本文采用的方法是研究这些布道中的修辞和教义特征,并强调这些布道与当时其他资料相比所包含的有关纳瓦人家庭的信息。
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引用次数: 0
The Baller and the Court: Hernando Ruiz de Alarcón’s Battle with Ololiuhqui and His Courtship of the Mexican Inquisition in Seventeenth-Century Mexico 球星与宫廷埃尔南多-鲁伊斯-德-阿拉尔孔与奥洛柳赫基的斗争以及他在十七世纪墨西哥向墨西哥宗教裁判所求爱的经历
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10999165
E. Polanco
Ololiuhqui, the seeds of coatl xoxouhqui (morning glory, Turbina corymbosa), contain a nonhuman life force within them that Central Mexican Nahua specialists have used to diagnose and prognosticate cocoliztli (illness) and help guide cocoxqueh (sick people) back to pactinemiliztli (health). In the seventeenth century, Spanish priest Hernando Ruiz de Alarcón went on a campaign against ololiuhqui and its users that lasted more than two decades. Early in his war against ololiuhqui, the priest became ill, and some Nahuas in his parish viewed his cocoliztli as a result of his contempt toward the seed. This further fueled his rage toward ololiuhqui and drove him to uncover and punish specialists and their clients. After 1617, when the archbishop of Mexico licensed Ruiz de Alarcón to investigate Native “heterodoxy,” the zealous priest quickly found that non-Native people were also involved in ololiuhqui networks and seldom wished to comply with his investigations. As a result, well into the 1630s the priest courted the Holy Office of the Inquisition in Mexico with the goal of obtaining jurisdiction over all colonial racial and ethnic categories in New Spain. Ruiz de Alarcón failed to extirpate the relationship Nahuas had with ololiuhqui, and he also failed to become an official member of the Holy Office’s networks.
Ololiuhqui是牵牛花(牵牛花,Turbina corymbosa)的种子,其中含有一种非人类的生命力,墨西哥中部纳瓦族专家用它来诊断和预测疾病,并帮助引导cocoxqueh(生病的人)恢复健康。十七世纪,西班牙牧师埃尔南多-鲁伊斯-德-阿拉尔孔(Hernando Ruiz de Alarcón)发起了一场持续二十多年的反对奥洛柳奎及其使用者的运动。在与 ololiuhqui 作斗争的初期,牧师病倒了,他所在教区的一些纳瓦斯人认为他的 cocoliztli 是他蔑视这种种子的结果。这进一步激起了他对奥洛柳赫基的愤怒,促使他揭露和惩罚专家及其客户。1617 年后,当墨西哥大主教授权鲁伊斯-德-阿拉尔孔调查土著人的 "异端邪说 "时,这位热心的牧师很快发现,非土著人也参与了 ololiuhqui 网络,而且很少愿意服从他的调查。因此,一直到 16 世纪 30 年代,这位牧师都在向墨西哥的宗教裁判所求助,希望获得对新西班牙所有殖民地种族和民族的管辖权。鲁伊斯-德-阿拉尔孔未能消除纳瓦斯人与奥洛柳赫基的关系,也未能成为神圣法庭网络的正式成员。
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引用次数: 0
Ganienkeh, Out of the City and Away from the Reservation: The Making of an Indigenous Space, 1974–1979 Ganienkeh, Out of the City and Away from the Reservation:土著空间的形成,1974-1979 年
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10999217
Amanda Johnson
In 1974, a group of Kahnawá:ke Mohawk families claimed a New York State–run campsite with the intent of starting a “traditional” Indigenous community they named Ganienkeh. Residents ultimately secured a permanent space in upstate New York for the community to grow in 1979. Using newspapers, interviews, and organizational newsletters, this article argues that the sources of this takeover depended on Ganienkeh people who exercised sovereignty on their own innovative terms. Using the power of gender, kinship, and family, they maintained support from outside groups and successfully fought against and capitalized on the cultural tensions of the decade.
1974 年,一群 Kahnawá:ke Mohawk 家庭申请了一个纽约州管理的营地,打算建立一个 "传统 "土著社区,并将其命名为 Ganienkeh。1979 年,居民们最终在纽约州北部获得了一个永久性的社区发展空间。本文利用报纸、访谈和组织通讯,论证了这一接管行动的源头取决于按照自己的创新条件行使主权的加尼恩凯人。他们利用性别、亲属关系和家庭的力量,保持了外部团体的支持,成功地对抗并利用了十年间的文化紧张局势。
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引用次数: 0
Reading the Illegible: Indigenous Writing and the Limits of Colonial Hegemony in the Andes 阅读无法阅读的东西:安第斯土著写作与殖民霸权的局限性
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10999251
Frank Salomon
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引用次数: 0
Parent-Child Incest and the Culture of Marriage in Colonial Guatemala 危地马拉殖民地时期的亲子乱伦与婚姻文化
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10999147
Sarah N. Saffa
Utilizing criminal records from the secular courts, this article examines incidents of sexual relations between parents and their biological children or stepchildren—both of which were considered incestuous under Spanish law—to explore how marriage and the marital relationship could motivate or rationalize episodes of parent-child incest in colonial Guatemala. Examination of parent-child incest through this lens shows how sons and daughters could become entangled in the sexual and emotional lives of their parents, providing a more nuanced view of the lived experience of kinship in colonial Latin America. It also demonstrates how incestuous offenders and their peers could allude to the culture of marriage and the state of the conjugal bond to both subtly and explicitly diminish the incestuous aspects of a sexual encounter, rendering it more culturally intelligible in the process.
本文利用世俗法院的犯罪记录,研究了父母与其亲生子女或继子之间的性关系事件--根据西班牙法律,这两种关系都被视为乱伦--从而探讨在殖民时期的危地马拉,婚姻和婚姻关系如何促使亲子乱伦事件的发生或使其合理化。通过这一视角对亲子乱伦的研究,我们可以看到儿子和女儿是如何与父母的性生活和情感生活纠缠在一起的,从而对拉丁美洲殖民地时期的亲属关系生活经历提供了一个更加细致入微的视角。它还展示了乱伦罪犯及其同龄人如何暗指婚姻文化和夫妻关系的状态,以巧妙或明确地淡化性接触中的乱伦因素,从而使其在文化上更易理解。
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引用次数: 0
“Shrewd and Sagacious” Middlemen: Black Go-Betweens in the Florida Borderlands, 1817–1836 "精明狡猾的 "中间人:佛罗里达边境地区的黑人中间人,1817-1836 年
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10999182
Edward Mair
This article argues that Black Maroons were able to maintain a semiformal space of freedom in Territorial Florida through their work as go-betweens. Scholarship understands the utility of the Maroons to the Florida Indians, but this text posits that Black go-betweens, through their work as guides and interpreters, were also of vital importance to settlers. As Florida was Indigenous space prior to 1835, go-betweens became essential to settler ambitions in Florida, from officials of the Territorial Government to planters. The go-betweens’ ease of interaction with Indigenous and settler society shows that in spite of their status as fugitives from slavery, they could force the two dominant slaveholding societies in Florida to accept their claims of freedom. Furthermore, rather than simply falling prey to bribery, go-betweens used treaty proceedings between the Florida Indians and Territorial Government to have the interests of their own communities heard.
本文认为,黑人马龙人通过充当中间人,在佛罗里达领地维持了一个半统一的自由空间。学术界了解马龙人对佛罗里达印第安人的作用,但本文认为,黑人中间人通过担任向导和翻译,对定居者也至关重要。由于佛罗里达在 1835 年之前是土著领地,因此从领地政府官员到种植园主,中间人对佛罗里达定居者的野心都至关重要。中间人与原住民和定居者社会的轻松互动表明,尽管他们的身份是奴隶逃亡者,但他们可以迫使佛罗里达两个占主导地位的奴隶制社会接受他们的自由诉求。此外,中间人并没有简单地屈服于贿赂,而是利用佛罗里达印第安人和领土政府之间的条约程序来表达自己社区的利益诉求。
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引用次数: 0
John Norton Reconsidered: Influence, Blood, and Belonging in the British Empire and Haudenosaunee Confederacy, 1786–1823 约翰-诺顿再思考:大英帝国和豪德诺索尼邦联的影响、血缘和归属,1786-1823 年
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10999200
Nathan Ince
John Norton (fl. 1770–1823) has long fascinated historians. After having been taken in by the prominent Mohawk leader Thayendanegea Joseph Brant as a young man, Norton claimed to imperial outsiders that he occupied a position of great influence among the Haudenosaunee. Norton bolstered this assertion with the improbable story that his own father had been Cherokee. While many historians have accepted Norton’s claims, there is good reason to reconsider this view. Existing records, including Six Nations council minutes, suggest that not only did Norton misrepresent his ancestry, he greatly exaggerated his standing among the Grand River communities. Rather than an authentic representative of the Haudenosaunee Confederacy, it appears much more likely that Norton mobilized his claims of Cherokee blood and Six Nations belonging in order to gain remarkable influence in the British Atlantic World. Recognizing the power of these claims, his opponents eventually succeeded in undermining Norton’s self-presentation, eventually resulting in his political marginalization and ultimately in his exile from the Grand River under pain of death.
约翰-诺顿(John Norton,约生于 1770-1823 年)一直令历史学家着迷。诺顿年轻时曾被著名的莫霍克族领袖塔延丹格-约瑟夫-布兰特(Thayendanegea Joseph Brant)收留,之后他向帝国外人宣称自己在豪登诺萨尼人中拥有巨大的影响力。诺顿用自己的父亲是切诺基人这一不靠谱的故事来佐证自己的说法。虽然许多历史学家接受了诺顿的说法,但我们有充分的理由重新考虑这一观点。包括六部落会议记录在内的现有记录表明,诺顿不仅歪曲了自己的祖先,还大大夸大了自己在大河族群中的地位。与其说诺顿是豪德诺萨尼部落联盟的真正代表,倒不如说他是为了在英属大西洋世界获得非凡的影响力,才声称自己有切诺基血统和六部落血统。他的反对者认识到这些主张的威力,最终成功地破坏了诺顿的自我陈述,最终导致他在政治上被边缘化,并最终在死亡的威胁下被流放到大河流域。
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引用次数: 0
Creek Internationalism in an Age of Revolution, 1763–1818 革命时代的克里克国际主义,1763-1818 年
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-04-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10999234
Adam Stueck
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引用次数: 0
Smallpox and the Choctaw Civil War 天花与乔克托内战
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10888025
M. Sparacio
The presence of chilakwa (smallpox) in Choctaw villages between 1747 and 1748 complicated factionalism and civil war. Utilizing Sharla Fett’s approach to health culture—defined as “the social relations of healing”—this article outlines how eighteenth-century Choctaws arrived at acceptable contingency plans when faced with illness and argues that community responses to smallpox helped ease factional tensions. Iksa (moiety) obligations for funeral rites—embodying the notion of iyyi kowa (generosity)—bridged political differences, accounting for a period of collaboration between groups best understood as the “smallpox peace.” Smallpox, therefore, surprisingly did not immediately contribute to political instability, although its indirect consequences proved significant during later stages of the civil war. Choctaw health culture informed individual and communal responses to chilakwa, which in turn shaped Choctaw factionalism.
1747 年至 1748 年间,乔克托人村庄出现的天花(chilakwa)使派别纷争和内战变得更加复杂。本文利用沙拉-费特(Sharla Fett)将健康文化定义为 "治疗的社会关系 "的方法,概述了十八世纪乔克托人在面对疾病时如何制定可接受的应急计划,并认为社区对天花的应对措施有助于缓解派系之间的紧张关系。葬礼仪式中的 Iksa(moiety)义务--体现了iyyi kowa(慷慨)的概念--弥合了政治分歧,这也是各群体之间合作时期最好的理解,即 "天花和平 "时期。因此,令人惊讶的是,天花并没有立即导致政治动荡,尽管其间接后果在内战后期被证明是非常重要的。乔克托人的健康文化影响着个人和社区对天花的反应,进而形成了乔克托人的派别主义。
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引用次数: 0
Indigenous Responses to Disease: Ethnohistory Inspired by COVID 原住民对疾病的反应:受 COVID 启发的民族史学
IF 0.4 3区 历史学 Q1 Arts and Humanities Pub Date : 2024-01-01 DOI: 10.1215/00141801-10887953
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引用次数: 0
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Ethnohistory
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