In many Oceanic languages, middle and reciprocal meanings are expressed by reflexes of Proto-Oceanic *paRi-, a polysemous and polyfunctional prefix with collective, associative, iterative, and reciprocal functions. Traditionally, reflexive constructions in Oceanic languages were marked differently from middles and reciprocals. Where reflexes of Proto-Oceanic *paRi- show a lower productivity or disappeared, Oceanic languages co-opted available morphemes and constructions to express the functions once performed by the prefix. In terms of polysemes, along with the middle/reciprocal one, which is rooted in the history of these constructions, two paths of extension developed over time: (i) from middle/reciprocal to reflexive (with reflexes of Proto-Oceanic *paRi-), and (ii) from reflexive to reciprocal, but different from middle (with innovated markers). The aim of this paper is twofold: (i) to provide a description of middles, reflexives, and reciprocals in Nalögo, a Reefs–Santa Cruz Oceanic language, and (ii) to contribute to the discussion on the typology and diachrony of such constructions within the Oceanic family. In particular, I show that Nalögo has two innovated markers, the reflexive =lëbu (maybe from Proto-Oceanic *[ta]bulo(s) ‘turn round, turn back’) and the reciprocal -welo. Furthermore, Nalögo displays a so-far unknown path of semantic extension within the Oceanic family: from reflexive to middle. While the reflexive–middle polysemy is widely attested in the languages of the world, it constitutes a typological rarity in Oceanic languages.
{"title":"Middle, Reflexive, and Reciprocal Constructions in Nalögo: A Typological and Diachronic Account","authors":"V. Alfarano","doi":"10.1353/ol.0.a915664","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.0.a915664","url":null,"abstract":"In many Oceanic languages, middle and reciprocal meanings are expressed by reflexes of Proto-Oceanic *paRi-, a polysemous and polyfunctional prefix with collective, associative, iterative, and reciprocal functions. Traditionally, reflexive constructions in Oceanic languages were marked differently from middles and reciprocals. Where reflexes of Proto-Oceanic *paRi- show a lower productivity or disappeared, Oceanic languages co-opted available morphemes and constructions to express the functions once performed by the prefix. In terms of polysemes, along with the middle/reciprocal one, which is rooted in the history of these constructions, two paths of extension developed over time: (i) from middle/reciprocal to reflexive (with reflexes of Proto-Oceanic *paRi-), and (ii) from reflexive to reciprocal, but different from middle (with innovated markers). The aim of this paper is twofold: (i) to provide a description of middles, reflexives, and reciprocals in Nalögo, a Reefs–Santa Cruz Oceanic language, and (ii) to contribute to the discussion on the typology and diachrony of such constructions within the Oceanic family. In particular, I show that Nalögo has two innovated markers, the reflexive =lëbu (maybe from Proto-Oceanic *[ta]bulo(s) ‘turn round, turn back’) and the reciprocal -welo. Furthermore, Nalögo displays a so-far unknown path of semantic extension within the Oceanic family: from reflexive to middle. While the reflexive–middle polysemy is widely attested in the languages of the world, it constitutes a typological rarity in Oceanic languages.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"89 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-12-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139017390","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The Formosan language Seediq displays an understudied case of morphological opacity, where a single phonological innovation has resulted in the syncretism of five Proto-Austronesian functional affixes in affirmative declaratives. How and why these affixes remain functionally intact in modern Seediq has important implications for understanding the tension and interplay between semantic transparency and morphological opacity. In this squib, I demonstrate that the marginal overlap of these affixes' lexical subcategorization may have reduced obstacles to learnability and processing, enabling them to remain functionally distinct despite the absence of morphological distinctions. The case of Seediq therefore highlights the often-neglected fact that sound change-induced morphological opacity may obscure but not necessarily obliterate syntax.
{"title":"When Sound Change Obscures Morphosyntax: Insights from Seediq","authors":"Victoria Chen","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913562","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913562","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The Formosan language Seediq displays an understudied case of morphological opacity, where a single phonological innovation has resulted in the syncretism of five Proto-Austronesian functional affixes in affirmative declaratives. How and why these affixes remain functionally intact in modern Seediq has important implications for understanding the tension and interplay between semantic transparency and morphological opacity. In this squib, I demonstrate that the marginal overlap of these affixes' lexical subcategorization may have reduced obstacles to learnability and processing, enabling them to remain functionally distinct despite the absence of morphological distinctions. The case of Seediq therefore highlights the often-neglected fact that sound change-induced morphological opacity may obscure but not necessarily obliterate syntax.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"119 1","pages":"289 - 303"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198793","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Based on the observed patterns of variation in vowel-final [-ʔ], [-h], and [Ø] in seven function words that are produced in utterance-final position, this study offers a study of linguistic contact between Betawi and Standard Indonesian that together contribute to the emergence of a variety of Indonesian called Jakarta Indonesian. The relationship between these varieties is identified in the patterns of variation that show a general trend toward increased use of the Standard Indonesian-influenced form among educated speakers and females. Using a large-scale speech corpus, this investigation provides evidence of the patterns of variation and sound change that are taking place, their direction, and how their adoption correlates with genders and educational categories represented in the corpus. In addition, this study demonstrates the importance of a naturalistic speech corpus in examining the actual patterns of variation by focusing on colloquial speech, which we know to be the locus of language change.
{"title":"Variation and Change in Jakarta Indonesian: Evidence from Final Glottals","authors":"Ferdinan Okki Kurniawan","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913561","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913561","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Based on the observed patterns of variation in vowel-final [-ʔ], [-h], and [Ø] in seven function words that are produced in utterance-final position, this study offers a study of linguistic contact between Betawi and Standard Indonesian that together contribute to the emergence of a variety of Indonesian called Jakarta Indonesian. The relationship between these varieties is identified in the patterns of variation that show a general trend toward increased use of the Standard Indonesian-influenced form among educated speakers and females. Using a large-scale speech corpus, this investigation provides evidence of the patterns of variation and sound change that are taking place, their direction, and how their adoption correlates with genders and educational categories represented in the corpus. In addition, this study demonstrates the importance of a naturalistic speech corpus in examining the actual patterns of variation by focusing on colloquial speech, which we know to be the locus of language change.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"39 1","pages":"267 - 288"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139199449","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Tagalog is a strongly head-initial language: arguments without special discourse status typically follow their lexical heads. However, genitive-marked pronominal arguments display a word order alternation where instead of following their lexical head, they may precede it. This alternation, which I refer to here as Genitive Inversion, has received comparatively little attention in the research on Tagalog, even though it is relatively commonplace. This paper offers a detailed description of the behavior of Genitive Inversion, showing what kinds of arguments it can apply to and what environments it can apply in. I show that this process raises questions about the basic properties of Tagalog and discuss directions for potential analyses and avenues for further research into this topic.
{"title":"Observations on Tagalog Genitive Inversion","authors":"Henrison Hsieh","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913560","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913560","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Tagalog is a strongly head-initial language: arguments without special discourse status typically follow their lexical heads. However, genitive-marked pronominal arguments display a word order alternation where instead of following their lexical head, they may precede it. This alternation, which I refer to here as Genitive Inversion, has received comparatively little attention in the research on Tagalog, even though it is relatively commonplace. This paper offers a detailed description of the behavior of Genitive Inversion, showing what kinds of arguments it can apply to and what environments it can apply in. I show that this process raises questions about the basic properties of Tagalog and discuss directions for potential analyses and avenues for further research into this topic.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"1 1","pages":"242 - 266"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139198600","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Divergence and diversity at the level of phonology and lexicon in many of the Austronesian languages of Borneo are widely recognized and well studied. However, the source of this divergence is debated. In this paper, lexical items in the languages of Borneo which lack secure Austronesian etymologies are the object of study. Some of these words show potential semantic and phonological matches with Austroasiatic forms, suggesting a possible early period of in situ contact between Austronesian speakers and speakers of Mon-Khmer languages on the island of Borneo.
{"title":"Lexical Evidence in Austronesian for an Austroasiatic presence in Borneo","authors":"J. Blevins, Daniel Kaufman","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913565","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913565","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Divergence and diversity at the level of phonology and lexicon in many of the Austronesian languages of Borneo are widely recognized and well studied. However, the source of this divergence is debated. In this paper, lexical items in the languages of Borneo which lack secure Austronesian etymologies are the object of study. Some of these words show potential semantic and phonological matches with Austroasiatic forms, suggesting a possible early period of in situ contact between Austronesian speakers and speakers of Mon-Khmer languages on the island of Borneo.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"193 ","pages":"366 - 413"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139204535","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:From the time of their earliest reconstructable ancestor, Austronesian languages have avoided morphemes that allow dissimilar labials as the onsets of successive syllables. What is of interest to phonologists is that this inherited morpheme structure constraint continues to hold on the word level in many (but not all) daughter languages. As a result of the extension of phonotactic restrictions from the level of the morpheme to the level of the word, lexical bases that are affixed in ways that violate this constraint show various repairs aimed at removing a marked sequence, most commonly one in which a labial-initial base drops the initial syllable when infixed with -um-. The range of attested repair options is surveyed in relation to claims made in earlier analyses, additional support is given for previously-recognized repairs, and two new functionally-equivalent avoidance strategies are described. Finally, although the most common repair option (pseudo nasal substitution) may be inherited from Proto-Austronesian, other structurally-distinct but functionally-equivalent repairs apparently constitute a drift, namely a product of the continued operation of inherited structural pressures after language separation, a type of change that can be viewed as the diachronic counterpart of a synchronic conspiracy.
{"title":"Repair and Drift in Austronesian Languages: Avoidance of Dissimilar Labials as the Onsets of Successive Syllables","authors":"Robert Blust","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913563","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913563","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:From the time of their earliest reconstructable ancestor, Austronesian languages have avoided morphemes that allow dissimilar labials as the onsets of successive syllables. What is of interest to phonologists is that this inherited morpheme structure constraint continues to hold on the word level in many (but not all) daughter languages. As a result of the extension of phonotactic restrictions from the level of the morpheme to the level of the word, lexical bases that are affixed in ways that violate this constraint show various repairs aimed at removing a marked sequence, most commonly one in which a labial-initial base drops the initial syllable when infixed with -um-. The range of attested repair options is surveyed in relation to claims made in earlier analyses, additional support is given for previously-recognized repairs, and two new functionally-equivalent avoidance strategies are described. Finally, although the most common repair option (pseudo nasal substitution) may be inherited from Proto-Austronesian, other structurally-distinct but functionally-equivalent repairs apparently constitute a drift, namely a product of the continued operation of inherited structural pressures after language separation, a type of change that can be viewed as the diachronic counterpart of a synchronic conspiracy.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"1 1","pages":"304 - 323"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139200333","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper discusses the diachrony of inalienable possessive constructions in East Bird's Head, a small Papuan family of the Bird's Head peninsula in northwest New Guinea. In particular, it focuses on a phenomenon known as Split Inalienable Coding, in which a language has two or more possessive coding strategies closely or exclusively associated with the expression of inalienable possession. Based on the available data, Split Inalienable Coding can be reconstructed to the proto-Meax branch of East Bird's Head, but not to proto-East Bird's Head itself. It is argued that Split Inalienable Coding was innovated in pre-proto-Meax, and had begun to erode in proto-Meax; after the divergence of the Meax branch, further changes in the daughter languages have obscured the original system of Split Inalienable Coding. As Split Inalienable Coding is found in other neighboring yet unrelated languages, the role of contact in the development of Split Inalienable Coding in pre-proto-Meax is also discussed. From the present-day distribution, it is inferred that Split Inalienable Coding first developed in an Austronesian/Papuan contact zone in the east of the Bird's Head, before spreading to other nearby Austronesian languages.
{"title":"Split Inalienable Coding in the East Bird's Head Family","authors":"Laura Arnold","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913559","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913559","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper discusses the diachrony of inalienable possessive constructions in East Bird's Head, a small Papuan family of the Bird's Head peninsula in northwest New Guinea. In particular, it focuses on a phenomenon known as Split Inalienable Coding, in which a language has two or more possessive coding strategies closely or exclusively associated with the expression of inalienable possession. Based on the available data, Split Inalienable Coding can be reconstructed to the proto-Meax branch of East Bird's Head, but not to proto-East Bird's Head itself. It is argued that Split Inalienable Coding was innovated in pre-proto-Meax, and had begun to erode in proto-Meax; after the divergence of the Meax branch, further changes in the daughter languages have obscured the original system of Split Inalienable Coding. As Split Inalienable Coding is found in other neighboring yet unrelated languages, the role of contact in the development of Split Inalienable Coding in pre-proto-Meax is also discussed. From the present-day distribution, it is inferred that Split Inalienable Coding first developed in an Austronesian/Papuan contact zone in the east of the Bird's Head, before spreading to other nearby Austronesian languages.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"171 ","pages":"213 - 241"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139203603","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Several recent studies place the languages of Borneo into one of two large groups, the Greater North Borneo subgroup and the Barito–Basap linkage. These same studies place both Greater North Borneo and Barito–Basap with the Western Indonesian subgroup, a large subgroup which is claimed to be a primary branch of Malayo-Polynesian. This paper demonstrates that the exclusively lexical evidence used to justify such subgroups is invalid as subgrouping evidence. Instead, it is shown that the languages of Borneo developed a small number of Bornean-only lexical items through contact, borrowing, and early innovations within the first Proto-Malayo-Polynesian-speaking settlers of the island. To support these claims, a detailed description of both the methods of lexical innovation evaluation as well as the types of linguistic relations that such lexical innovations support is undertaken in this paper. A new standard for the use of lexical evidence in subgrouping arguments is established, with wide-ranging implications for not only the classification of Bornean languages but of western Malayo-Polynesian languages in general.
{"title":"Evidence and Models of Linguistic Relations: Subgroups, Linkages, Lexical Innovations, and Borneo","authors":"Alexander D. Smith","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.a913564","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.a913564","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Several recent studies place the languages of Borneo into one of two large groups, the Greater North Borneo subgroup and the Barito–Basap linkage. These same studies place both Greater North Borneo and Barito–Basap with the Western Indonesian subgroup, a large subgroup which is claimed to be a primary branch of Malayo-Polynesian. This paper demonstrates that the exclusively lexical evidence used to justify such subgroups is invalid as subgrouping evidence. Instead, it is shown that the languages of Borneo developed a small number of Bornean-only lexical items through contact, borrowing, and early innovations within the first Proto-Malayo-Polynesian-speaking settlers of the island. To support these claims, a detailed description of both the methods of lexical innovation evaluation as well as the types of linguistic relations that such lexical innovations support is undertaken in this paper. A new standard for the use of lexical evidence in subgrouping arguments is established, with wide-ranging implications for not only the classification of Bornean languages but of western Malayo-Polynesian languages in general.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"265 ","pages":"324 - 365"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-11-30","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"139204730","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper examines the curious occurrence of preverbal determiners in Moriori (Chatham Islands), which are best analyzed as passive markers. In some Moriori sentences, a determiner is found following the clause-initial tense/aspect particle and preceding the verb. Examining the morphological markings of the arguments in these sentences shows that the verb is in the passive form, though without the usual -Cia passive suffix. This paper demonstrates that preverbal determiners mark a passive verb, and are in complementary distribution with the standard passive suffix. Previous analyses for preverbal determiners, including being part of continuous aspect particle or introducing a nominalized verb, are ruled out. Preverbal determiners which identify a verb as passive are not found in any other Polynesian language, making this construction unique.
{"title":"Preverbal Determiners and the Passive in Moriori","authors":"J. Middleton","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0003","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0003","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines the curious occurrence of preverbal determiners in Moriori (Chatham Islands), which are best analyzed as passive markers. In some Moriori sentences, a determiner is found following the clause-initial tense/aspect particle and preceding the verb. Examining the morphological markings of the arguments in these sentences shows that the verb is in the passive form, though without the usual -Cia passive suffix. This paper demonstrates that preverbal determiners mark a passive verb, and are in complementary distribution with the standard passive suffix. Previous analyses for preverbal determiners, including being part of continuous aspect particle or introducing a nominalized verb, are ruled out. Preverbal determiners which identify a verb as passive are not found in any other Polynesian language, making this construction unique.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"62 1","pages":"117 - 142"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49199313","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper presents a critical evaluation of a recent update to Sagart's "numeral-based phylogeny" of Austronesian languages. The update takes the form of new evidence, including new etymologies and reconstructions of words meaning 'six' and 'ten' which differ from conventional reconstructions, and updated and expanded evidence for "Southern Austronesian," a subgroup that contains Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. This paper argues that Sagart's new evidence is unconvincing and does not provide additional support for the numeral-based phylogeny. Rather, this paper details shortcomings in new etymologies for 'six' and 'ten', as well as issues in the comparisons made between Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. It is concluded that conventional subgrouping proposals remain superior to the numeral-based phylogeny despite recent updates.
{"title":"Some Remarks on Sagart's New Evidence for a Numeral-Based Phylogeny of Austronesian","authors":"Alexander D. Smith","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0004","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0004","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper presents a critical evaluation of a recent update to Sagart's \"numeral-based phylogeny\" of Austronesian languages. The update takes the form of new evidence, including new etymologies and reconstructions of words meaning 'six' and 'ten' which differ from conventional reconstructions, and updated and expanded evidence for \"Southern Austronesian,\" a subgroup that contains Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. This paper argues that Sagart's new evidence is unconvincing and does not provide additional support for the numeral-based phylogeny. Rather, this paper details shortcomings in new etymologies for 'six' and 'ten', as well as issues in the comparisons made between Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. It is concluded that conventional subgrouping proposals remain superior to the numeral-based phylogeny despite recent updates.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"62 1","pages":"143 - 167"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41813408","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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