Hui-Shan Lin, Åshild Næss, V. Alfarano, Brenda H. Boerger, Anders Vaa, J. Middleton, Alexander D. Smith, P. Li, H. Lim, Elizabeth Zeitoun
Abstract:Based on 424 firsthand data, this paper provides an in-depth investigation on Cə- reduplication in Truku, which varies between first root-consonant (C1-) and second root-consonant (C2-) copying. The variation has previously been proposed to be either phonologically governed by the presence of glottal stop or semantically governed, dependent upon whether reciprocity is denoted. This paper shows that although both proposals are plausible, they are inconsistent with the data available in previous studies as well as the firsthand data collected for this study. This paper shows instead that the variation of the copying site is both semantically and phonologically governed. Semantically, reciprocity and plurality together behave differently from other semantic functions such as purpose and simultaneously doing X. Phonologically, for semantic functions that exhibit variation between C1ə- and C2ə- reduplication, the variation is governed by the phonological features of the initial and the second consonant of the root and are driven by the competition of different forces: the force to prevent marked segments (i.e., [ʔ, ɣ, ħ]) and sequences (i.e., [jə, wə, xə, mə]) in the reduplicant and the force to achieve perfect correspondence between the reduplicant and the base, which are nicely captured by constraint interactions in Optimality Theory.
{"title":"Variable Copying Sites in Truku Cə- Reduplication","authors":"Hui-Shan Lin, Åshild Næss, V. Alfarano, Brenda H. Boerger, Anders Vaa, J. Middleton, Alexander D. Smith, P. Li, H. Lim, Elizabeth Zeitoun","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0000","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0000","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Based on 424 firsthand data, this paper provides an in-depth investigation on Cə- reduplication in Truku, which varies between first root-consonant (C1-) and second root-consonant (C2-) copying. The variation has previously been proposed to be either phonologically governed by the presence of glottal stop or semantically governed, dependent upon whether reciprocity is denoted. This paper shows that although both proposals are plausible, they are inconsistent with the data available in previous studies as well as the firsthand data collected for this study. This paper shows instead that the variation of the copying site is both semantically and phonologically governed. Semantically, reciprocity and plurality together behave differently from other semantic functions such as purpose and simultaneously doing X. Phonologically, for semantic functions that exhibit variation between C1ə- and C2ə- reduplication, the variation is governed by the phonological features of the initial and the second consonant of the root and are driven by the competition of different forces: the force to prevent marked segments (i.e., [ʔ, ɣ, ħ]) and sequences (i.e., [jə, wə, xə, mə]) in the reduplicant and the force to achieve perfect correspondence between the reduplicant and the base, which are nicely captured by constraint interactions in Optimality Theory.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"62 1","pages":"1 - 116 - 117 - 142 - 143 - 167 - 168 - 183 - 184 - 212 - 46 - 47 - 80 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42045117","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper examines the uses of the prefix e- (ve-) in Äiwoo, an Oceanic language of the Temotu subgroup. It argues that the functions of this prefix can be subsumed under the label pluractionality, and that it is a likely reflex of the Proto-Oceanic prefix *paRi-. However, the distribution of the Äiwoo pluractional prefix is unusual in that it most common by far with intransitive position verbs; it can also occur on transitive verbs, but this is infrequent in the available data. This paper argues that this distribution is linked to the fact that Äiwoo has a distinct transitive actor voice which covers many of the typical pluractional functions with transitives. This is particularly clear when one compares Äiwoo (v)e- to its likely cognate (v)ö- in the Santa Cruz languages, which only applies to transitive verbs with detransitivizing functions; many of the functions of SC (v)ö- are covered by the actor voice in Äiwoo. The fact that Äiwoo appears to retain both a reflex of *paRi- and an actor voice/undergoer voice distinction may provide new perspectives on the history of *paRi-, since most Oceanic languages have lost the voice distinction; this may have led to an expansion of the functions of *paRi-, as suggested by the comparison between Äiwoo and the Santa Cruz languages.
{"title":"Voice and Pluractionality in Äiwoo","authors":"Åshild Næss","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0001","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0001","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper examines the uses of the prefix e- (ve-) in Äiwoo, an Oceanic language of the Temotu subgroup. It argues that the functions of this prefix can be subsumed under the label pluractionality, and that it is a likely reflex of the Proto-Oceanic prefix *paRi-. However, the distribution of the Äiwoo pluractional prefix is unusual in that it most common by far with intransitive position verbs; it can also occur on transitive verbs, but this is infrequent in the available data. This paper argues that this distribution is linked to the fact that Äiwoo has a distinct transitive actor voice which covers many of the typical pluractional functions with transitives. This is particularly clear when one compares Äiwoo (v)e- to its likely cognate (v)ö- in the Santa Cruz languages, which only applies to transitive verbs with detransitivizing functions; many of the functions of SC (v)ö- are covered by the actor voice in Äiwoo. The fact that Äiwoo appears to retain both a reflex of *paRi- and an actor voice/undergoer voice distinction may provide new perspectives on the history of *paRi-, since most Oceanic languages have lost the voice distinction; this may have led to an expansion of the functions of *paRi-, as suggested by the comparison between Äiwoo and the Santa Cruz languages.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"62 1","pages":"47 - 80"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44085594","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This squib provides an overview of conjunctions in Siraya. Unlike in most other Formosan languages, conjunctions in Siraya often appear as enclitics after the coordinated elements. All clitics occur in the second position attached to the first prosodic word. Two coordinators, =appa 'and' and =lava 'or' always appear as enclitics, while ra 'but' only sometimes does.
{"title":"Conjunctions in Siraya","authors":"P. Li","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0005","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0005","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This squib provides an overview of conjunctions in Siraya. Unlike in most other Formosan languages, conjunctions in Siraya often appear as enclitics after the coordinated elements. All clitics occur in the second position attached to the first prosodic word. Two coordinators, =appa 'and' and =lava 'or' always appear as enclitics, while ra 'but' only sometimes does.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"62 1","pages":"168 - 183"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42104593","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Kaxabu is an Austronesian language of Taiwan with fewer than ten speakers, all of whom are over the age of seventy and mainly use Taiwanese Southern Min in daily life. A number of morphological changes are observed. The affixes 'perfective' and ta- … -i 'hortative' have become fossilized and have been replaced by other more productive lexical or morphosyntactic processes. Reflexes of the Proto-Austronesian monosyllabic suffixes *-en 'uvp',*-an 'uvl', and *-i 'imp/dep.uvl' have become clitics while the disyllabic prefixes pa-ka- 'caus (stat)' (reconstructed at the PAn level as *pa-ka-) and ma-ti- 'wear (av)' now also occur as (function/content) words paka 'cause, make' and mati 'wear'. The aim of this paper is to examine these morphological changes, and more specifically, affix fossilization, which constitutes the last step of grammaticalization in paradigmaticity and deaffixation, which is an instance of degrammaticalization. These two processes are quite opposite and result from two concomitant factors which are causing language change: (i) language obsolescence, which indu ces fossilization, and (ii) language contact with Taiwanese Southern Min, which causes deaffixation.Based on these findings, we demonstrate that Kaxabu uses syntactic processes more, and morphological processes less than other Formosan languages, and that it is changing from an agglutinating language to a more isolating language.
{"title":"A Note on Morphological Changes in Kaxabu","authors":"H. Lim, Elizabeth Zeitoun","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0006","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0006","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Kaxabu is an Austronesian language of Taiwan with fewer than ten speakers, all of whom are over the age of seventy and mainly use Taiwanese Southern Min in daily life. A number of morphological changes are observed. The affixes <in> 'perfective' and ta- … -i 'hortative' have become fossilized and have been replaced by other more productive lexical or morphosyntactic processes. Reflexes of the Proto-Austronesian monosyllabic suffixes *-en 'uvp',*-an 'uvl', and *-i 'imp/dep.uvl' have become clitics while the disyllabic prefixes pa-ka- 'caus (stat)' (reconstructed at the PAn level as *pa-ka-) and ma-ti- 'wear (av)' now also occur as (function/content) words paka 'cause, make' and mati 'wear'. The aim of this paper is to examine these morphological changes, and more specifically, affix fossilization, which constitutes the last step of grammaticalization in paradigmaticity and deaffixation, which is an instance of degrammaticalization. These two processes are quite opposite and result from two concomitant factors which are causing language change: (i) language obsolescence, which indu ces fossilization, and (ii) language contact with Taiwanese Southern Min, which causes deaffixation.Based on these findings, we demonstrate that Kaxabu uses syntactic processes more, and morphological processes less than other Formosan languages, and that it is changing from an agglutinating language to a more isolating language.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"62 1","pages":"184 - 212"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43781048","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Åshild Næss, V. Alfarano, Brenda H. Boerger, Anders Vaa
Abstract:This paper describes and compares comitative constructions across the Reefs–Santa Cruz languages Äiwoo, Engdewu, Nalögo, and Natügu. Each of these languages shows a complex array of constructions, with considerable variation across languages both in the forms used, in which constructions are used for genuine comitative versus depictive constructions (as in I climbed with the basket, where I am climbing but the basket is not), and in which additional functions the different constructions can be extended to. At the same time, there are commonalities across the four languages, as would be expected from a low-level Oceanic subgroup such as Reefs–Santa Cruz; but the commonalities are complex and crosscut constructions and language groupings. Our historical account of this situation takes as its starting point the Proto-Oceanic comitative forms *ma, *ma-i, and *aki[ni] and assumes different grammaticalization paths and functional extensions across the languages, in particular, in Äiwoo, on the one hand, and the Santa Cruz languages, on the other. We thus contribute to disentangling the complex historical relationships within this language group, which has only fairly recently been recognized as Oceanic.
{"title":"Comitative Constructions in Reefs–Santa Cruz","authors":"Åshild Næss, V. Alfarano, Brenda H. Boerger, Anders Vaa","doi":"10.1353/ol.2023.0002","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2023.0002","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper describes and compares comitative constructions across the Reefs–Santa Cruz languages Äiwoo, Engdewu, Nalögo, and Natügu. Each of these languages shows a complex array of constructions, with considerable variation across languages both in the forms used, in which constructions are used for genuine comitative versus depictive constructions (as in I climbed with the basket, where I am climbing but the basket is not), and in which additional functions the different constructions can be extended to. At the same time, there are commonalities across the four languages, as would be expected from a low-level Oceanic subgroup such as Reefs–Santa Cruz; but the commonalities are complex and crosscut constructions and language groupings. Our historical account of this situation takes as its starting point the Proto-Oceanic comitative forms *ma, *ma-i, and *aki[ni] and assumes different grammaticalization paths and functional extensions across the languages, in particular, in Äiwoo, on the one hand, and the Santa Cruz languages, on the other. We thus contribute to disentangling the complex historical relationships within this language group, which has only fairly recently been recognized as Oceanic.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"62 1","pages":"116 - 81"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-03-22","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46958842","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Åshild Næss, V. Alfarano, Brenda H. Boerger, Anders Vaa
This paper describes and compares comitative constructions across the Reefs– Santa Cruz languages Äiwoo, Engdewu, Nalögo, and Natügu. Each of these languages shows a complex array of constructions, with considerable variation across languages both in the forms used, in which constructions are used for genuine comitative versus depictive constructions (as in I climbed with the basket, where I am climbing but the basket is not), and in which additional functions the different constructions can be extended to. At the same time, there are commonalities across the four languages, as would be expected from a low-level Oceanic subgroup such as Reefs–Santa Cruz; but the commonalities are complex and crosscut constructions and language groupings. Our historical account of this situation takes as its starting point the ProtoOceanic comitative forms *ma, *ma-i, and *aki[ni] and assumes different grammaticalization paths and functional extensions across the languages, in particular, in Äiwoo, on the one hand, and the Santa Cruz languages, on the other. We thus contribute to disentangling the complex historical relationships within this language group, which has only fairly recently been recognized as Oceanic.
{"title":"Comitative Constructions in Reefs–Santa Cruz","authors":"Åshild Næss, V. Alfarano, Brenda H. Boerger, Anders Vaa","doi":"10.1353/ol.0.0073","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.0.0073","url":null,"abstract":"This paper describes and compares comitative constructions across the Reefs– Santa Cruz languages Äiwoo, Engdewu, Nalögo, and Natügu. Each of these languages shows a complex array of constructions, with considerable variation across languages both in the forms used, in which constructions are used for genuine comitative versus depictive constructions (as in I climbed with the basket, where I am climbing but the basket is not), and in which additional functions the different constructions can be extended to. At the same time, there are commonalities across the four languages, as would be expected from a low-level Oceanic subgroup such as Reefs–Santa Cruz; but the commonalities are complex and crosscut constructions and language groupings. Our historical account of this situation takes as its starting point the ProtoOceanic comitative forms *ma, *ma-i, and *aki[ni] and assumes different grammaticalization paths and functional extensions across the languages, in particular, in Äiwoo, on the one hand, and the Santa Cruz languages, on the other. We thus contribute to disentangling the complex historical relationships within this language group, which has only fairly recently been recognized as Oceanic.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43026839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Kaxabu is an Austronesian language of Taiwan with fewer than ten speakers, all of whom are over the age of seventy and mainly use Taiwanese Southern Min in daily life. A number of morphological changes are observed. The affixes < in > ‘perfective’ and ta- ::: -i ‘hortative’ have become fossilized and have been replaced by other more productive lexical or morphosyntactic processes. Reflexes of the Proto-Austronesian monosyllabic suffixes *-en ‘UVP’, *-an ‘UVL’, and *-i ‘IMP/DEP.UVL’ have become clitics while the disyllabic prefixes pa-ka- ‘CAUS (STAT)’ (reconstructed at the PAN level as *pa-ka-) and ma-ti- ‘wear (AV)’ now also occur as (function/content) words paka ‘cause, make’ and mati ‘wear’. The aim of this paper is to examine these morphological changes, and more specifically, affix fossilization, which constitutes the last step of grammaticalization in paradigmaticity and deaffixation, which is an instance of degrammaticalization. These two processes are quite opposite and result from two concomitant factors which are causing language change: (i) language obsolescence, which induces fossilization, and (ii) language contact with Taiwanese Southern Min, which causes deaffixation. Based on these findings, we demonstrate that Kaxabu uses syntactic processes more, and morphological processes less than other Formosan languages, and that it is changing from an agglutinating language to a more isolating language.
{"title":"A Note on Morphological Changes in Kaxabu","authors":"H. Lim, Elizabeth Zeitoun","doi":"10.1353/ol.0.0077","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.0.0077","url":null,"abstract":"Kaxabu is an Austronesian language of Taiwan with fewer than ten speakers, all of whom are over the age of seventy and mainly use Taiwanese Southern Min in daily life. A number of morphological changes are observed. The affixes < in > ‘perfective’ and ta- ::: -i ‘hortative’ have become fossilized and have been replaced by other more productive lexical or morphosyntactic processes. Reflexes of the Proto-Austronesian monosyllabic suffixes *-en ‘UVP’, *-an ‘UVL’, and *-i ‘IMP/DEP.UVL’ have become clitics while the disyllabic prefixes pa-ka- ‘CAUS (STAT)’ (reconstructed at the PAN level as *pa-ka-) and ma-ti- ‘wear (AV)’ now also occur as (function/content) words paka ‘cause, make’ and mati ‘wear’. The aim of this paper is to examine these morphological changes, and more specifically, affix fossilization, which constitutes the last step of grammaticalization in paradigmaticity and deaffixation, which is an instance of degrammaticalization. These two processes are quite opposite and result from two concomitant factors which are causing language change: (i) language obsolescence, which induces fossilization, and (ii) language contact with Taiwanese Southern Min, which causes deaffixation. Based on these findings, we demonstrate that Kaxabu uses syntactic processes more, and morphological processes less than other Formosan languages, and that it is changing from an agglutinating language to a more isolating language.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46901483","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the uses of the prefix e- (ve-) in Äiwoo, an Oceanic language of the Temotu subgroup. It argues that the functions of this prefix can be subsumed under the label pluractionality, and that it is a likely reflex of the Proto-Oceanic prefix *paRi-. However, the distribution of the Äiwoo pluractional prefix is unusual in that it most common by far with intransitive position verbs; it can also occur on transitive verbs, but this is infrequent in the available data. This paper argues that this distribution is linked to the fact that Äiwoo has a distinct transitive actor voice which covers many of the typical pluractional functions with transitives. This is particularly clear when one compares Äiwoo (v)e- to its likely cognate (v)ö- in the Santa Cruz languages, which only applies to transitive verbs with detransitivizing functions; many of the functions of SC (v)ö- are covered by the actor voice in Äiwoo. The fact that Äiwoo appears to retain both a reflex of *paRi- and an actor voice/undergoer voice distinction may provide new perspectives on the history of *paRi-, since most Oceanic languages have lost the voice distinction; this may have led to an expansion of the functions of *paRi-, as suggested by the comparison between Äiwoo and the Santa Cruz languages.
{"title":"Voice and Pluractionality in Äiwoo","authors":"Åshild Næss","doi":"10.1353/ol.0.0074","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.0.0074","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the uses of the prefix e- (ve-) in Äiwoo, an Oceanic language of the Temotu subgroup. It argues that the functions of this prefix can be subsumed under the label pluractionality, and that it is a likely reflex of the Proto-Oceanic prefix *paRi-. However, the distribution of the Äiwoo pluractional prefix is unusual in that it most common by far with intransitive position verbs; it can also occur on transitive verbs, but this is infrequent in the available data. This paper argues that this distribution is linked to the fact that Äiwoo has a distinct transitive actor voice which covers many of the typical pluractional functions with transitives. This is particularly clear when one compares Äiwoo (v)e- to its likely cognate (v)ö- in the Santa Cruz languages, which only applies to transitive verbs with detransitivizing functions; many of the functions of SC (v)ö- are covered by the actor voice in Äiwoo. The fact that Äiwoo appears to retain both a reflex of *paRi- and an actor voice/undergoer voice distinction may provide new perspectives on the history of *paRi-, since most Oceanic languages have lost the voice distinction; this may have led to an expansion of the functions of *paRi-, as suggested by the comparison between Äiwoo and the Santa Cruz languages.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"0 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66481011","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper examines the curious occurrence of preverbal determiners in Moriori (Chatham Islands), which are best analyzed as passive markers. In some Moriori sentences, a determiner is found following the clause-initial tense/aspect particle and preceding the verb. Examining the morphological markings of the arguments in these sentences shows that the verb is in the passive form, though without the usual -Cia passive suffix. This paper demonstrates that preverbal determiners mark a passive verb, and are in complementary distribution with the standard passive suffix. Previous analyses for preverbal determiners, including being part of continuous aspect particle or introducing a nominalized verb, are ruled out. Preverbal determiners which identify a verb as passive are not found in any other Polynesian language, making this construction unique.
{"title":"Preverbal Determiners and the Passive in Moriori","authors":"John S. Middleton","doi":"10.1353/ol.0.0075","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.0.0075","url":null,"abstract":"This paper examines the curious occurrence of preverbal determiners in Moriori (Chatham Islands), which are best analyzed as passive markers. In some Moriori sentences, a determiner is found following the clause-initial tense/aspect particle and preceding the verb. Examining the morphological markings of the arguments in these sentences shows that the verb is in the passive form, though without the usual -Cia passive suffix. This paper demonstrates that preverbal determiners mark a passive verb, and are in complementary distribution with the standard passive suffix. Previous analyses for preverbal determiners, including being part of continuous aspect particle or introducing a nominalized verb, are ruled out. Preverbal determiners which identify a verb as passive are not found in any other Polynesian language, making this construction unique.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"0 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"42326918","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper presents a critical evaluation of a recent update to Sagart’s “numeral-based phylogeny” of Austronesian languages. The update takes the form of new evidence, including new etymologies and reconstructions of words meaning ‘six’ and ‘ten’ which differ from conventional reconstructions, and updated and expanded evidence for “Southern Austronesian,” a subgroup that contains Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. This paper argues that Sagart’s new evidence is unconvincing and does not provide additional support for the numeral-based phylogeny. Rather, this paper details shortcomings in new etymologies for ‘six’ and ‘ten’, as well as issues in the comparisons made between Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. It is concluded that conventional subgrouping proposals remain superior to the numeral-based phylogeny despite recent updates.
{"title":"Some Remarks on Sagart’s New Evidence for a Numeral-Based Phylogeny of Austronesian","authors":"Alexander D. Smith","doi":"10.1353/ol.0.0072","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.0.0072","url":null,"abstract":"This paper presents a critical evaluation of a recent update to Sagart’s “numeral-based phylogeny” of Austronesian languages. The update takes the form of new evidence, including new etymologies and reconstructions of words meaning ‘six’ and ‘ten’ which differ from conventional reconstructions, and updated and expanded evidence for “Southern Austronesian,” a subgroup that contains Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. This paper argues that Sagart’s new evidence is unconvincing and does not provide additional support for the numeral-based phylogeny. Rather, this paper details shortcomings in new etymologies for ‘six’ and ‘ten’, as well as issues in the comparisons made between Kra-Dai and Malayo-Polynesian. It is concluded that conventional subgrouping proposals remain superior to the numeral-based phylogeny despite recent updates.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2023-01-20","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"48955839","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
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