1. PROLOGUE. Thomas (Tom) Edward Dutton died on December 21, 2021, aged eighty-six. He made important contributions to the study of New Guinea languages in several domains. He carried out surveys of the 100 or so indigenous languages of Central and Southeast Papua and did in-depth descriptions of several of these, especially Koiari and Koita. He wrote textbooks for Tok Pisin and Police Motu, the chief lingue franche of Papua New Guinea (PNG). He contributed many maps and articles to the massive twovolume Language Atlas of the Pacific. He was the Foundation Professor of Linguistics at The University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG) from 1975 to 1977. He served as managing editor of Pacific Linguistics (PL) publications between 1987 and 1996. He co-supervised the dissertations of many PhD students who worked on languages of New Guinea.
{"title":"Thomas Edward Dutton (1935–2021)","authors":"A. Pawley","doi":"10.1353/ol.2022.0009","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2022.0009","url":null,"abstract":"1. PROLOGUE. Thomas (Tom) Edward Dutton died on December 21, 2021, aged eighty-six. He made important contributions to the study of New Guinea languages in several domains. He carried out surveys of the 100 or so indigenous languages of Central and Southeast Papua and did in-depth descriptions of several of these, especially Koiari and Koita. He wrote textbooks for Tok Pisin and Police Motu, the chief lingue franche of Papua New Guinea (PNG). He contributed many maps and articles to the massive twovolume Language Atlas of the Pacific. He was the Foundation Professor of Linguistics at The University of Papua New Guinea (UPNG) from 1975 to 1977. He served as managing editor of Pacific Linguistics (PL) publications between 1987 and 1996. He co-supervised the dissertations of many PhD students who worked on languages of New Guinea.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"61 1","pages":"602 - 613"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"49168690","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Although Formosan languages provide little support for Proto-Austronesian lexical bases of the shape CVNCVC, reflexes of such forms are common outside Taiwan, except in the northern Philippines, where they are relatively rare. This observation has produced two contrasting positions about the history of medial prenasalization in Austronesian languages. Although his higherorder subgrouping ideas were unclear, Dempwolff allowed medial -NC- in his "Uraustronesisch" (equivalent to modern Proto-Malayo-Polynesian), and a similar practice appears in later work by Blust, where Proto-Malayo-Polynesian was explicitly recognized. In opposing this view, Reid, in works over the past forty years, has claimed that -NC- developed after Northern Philippine languages separated from all other Austronesian languages outside Taiwan, implying that there is no Philippine subgroup. Evidence is presented that many Northern Philippine languages contain native lexical items with -NC-, a conclusion that is consistent with the reduced incidence of such forms in non-Northern Philippine languages such as Tagalog, and with clear evidence of a Philippine branch of the Austronesian family.
{"title":"Rare, but Real: Native Nasal Clusters in Northern Philippine Languages","authors":"Robert Blust","doi":"10.1353/ol.2022.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2022.0021","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Although Formosan languages provide little support for Proto-Austronesian lexical bases of the shape CVNCVC, reflexes of such forms are common outside Taiwan, except in the northern Philippines, where they are relatively rare. This observation has produced two contrasting positions about the history of medial prenasalization in Austronesian languages. Although his higherorder subgrouping ideas were unclear, Dempwolff allowed medial -NC- in his \"Uraustronesisch\" (equivalent to modern Proto-Malayo-Polynesian), and a similar practice appears in later work by Blust, where Proto-Malayo-Polynesian was explicitly recognized. In opposing this view, Reid, in works over the past forty years, has claimed that -NC- developed after Northern Philippine languages separated from all other Austronesian languages outside Taiwan, implying that there is no Philippine subgroup. Evidence is presented that many Northern Philippine languages contain native lexical items with -NC-, a conclusion that is consistent with the reduced incidence of such forms in non-Northern Philippine languages such as Tagalog, and with clear evidence of a Philippine branch of the Austronesian family.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"61 1","pages":"405 - 468"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44906714","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:Addressed here are earlier researchers' proposals for a Marquesic subgroup of East Polynesian including Marquesan, Hawaiian, and Mangarevan, and sometimes Rapan and dialects of Tuamotuan. Instead of marking a genetic subgroup, shared lexical similarities are here attributed to late borrowing emanating from the Marquesas. As demonstrated in Wilson (2021), Marquesan belongs to the East Polynesian Distal subgroup, nested within which is the Far Eastern Polynesian subgroup containing Mangarevan and Rapa Nui. Later, Mangarevan borrowed features developed in Marquesan and not found in Rapa Nui. Some members of East Polynesian Proximal, the sister subgroup of East Polynesian Distal, share late features otherwise exclusive to Marquesan or to Marquesan and Mangarevan. Hawaiian, for example, shares a considerable number of such features. Borrowings from Marquesan into Hawaiian and Mangarevan are evidence of Marquesan influence in eastern East Polynesia. That influence also resulted in borrowings into Tuamotuan, Tahitian, and Rapan. Differentiating the borrowing relationship of Mangarevan to Marquesan from the genetic relationship of Mangarevan to Marquesan and Rapanui is important relative to determining the southeastern direction of settlement movement from the Marquesas. The influence of Marquesan on other languages can be attributed to the Marquesas being the first high island area colonized in East Polynesia, with that influence waning after the Society Islands were colonized and became more populated.
{"title":"How Borrowing Led to \"Marquesic\" and Obscured East Polynesian Distal","authors":"W. Wilson","doi":"10.1353/ol.2022.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2022.0019","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:Addressed here are earlier researchers' proposals for a Marquesic subgroup of East Polynesian including Marquesan, Hawaiian, and Mangarevan, and sometimes Rapan and dialects of Tuamotuan. Instead of marking a genetic subgroup, shared lexical similarities are here attributed to late borrowing emanating from the Marquesas. As demonstrated in Wilson (2021), Marquesan belongs to the East Polynesian Distal subgroup, nested within which is the Far Eastern Polynesian subgroup containing Mangarevan and Rapa Nui. Later, Mangarevan borrowed features developed in Marquesan and not found in Rapa Nui. Some members of East Polynesian Proximal, the sister subgroup of East Polynesian Distal, share late features otherwise exclusive to Marquesan or to Marquesan and Mangarevan. Hawaiian, for example, shares a considerable number of such features. Borrowings from Marquesan into Hawaiian and Mangarevan are evidence of Marquesan influence in eastern East Polynesia. That influence also resulted in borrowings into Tuamotuan, Tahitian, and Rapan. Differentiating the borrowing relationship of Mangarevan to Marquesan from the genetic relationship of Mangarevan to Marquesan and Rapanui is important relative to determining the southeastern direction of settlement movement from the Marquesas. The influence of Marquesan on other languages can be attributed to the Marquesas being the first high island area colonized in East Polynesia, with that influence waning after the Society Islands were colonized and became more populated.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"61 1","pages":"281 - 321"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"46141719","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The argument for a Philippine subgroup of Austronesian languages that has been presented by Blust is further strengthened through the addition of 320 new etymologies, amounting to an increase of about 25% over the earlier dataset. While the earlier publication aimed at comprehensiveness, this one adopts a more restrictive approach that virtually eliminates the likelihood of cognate distributions being the result of borrowing. The emphasis is thus on the quality of individual comparisons, rather than on the impact of an argument based, at least in part, on quantity. In addition, it clearly describes the foundations of the theory being defended, and provides an explicit discussion of method that lays bare certain misconceptions about the nature of historical linguistics held by some critics of the earlier proposal.
{"title":"Proto-Philippine Addenda: Theory, Method and Data","authors":"Robert Blust","doi":"10.1353/ol.2022.0020","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2022.0020","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The argument for a Philippine subgroup of Austronesian languages that has been presented by Blust is further strengthened through the addition of 320 new etymologies, amounting to an increase of about 25% over the earlier dataset. While the earlier publication aimed at comprehensiveness, this one adopts a more restrictive approach that virtually eliminates the likelihood of cognate distributions being the result of borrowing. The emphasis is thus on the quality of individual comparisons, rather than on the impact of an argument based, at least in part, on quantity. In addition, it clearly describes the foundations of the theory being defended, and provides an explicit discussion of method that lays bare certain misconceptions about the nature of historical linguistics held by some critics of the earlier proposal.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"61 1","pages":"322 - 404"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-06-01","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47063140","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Serial Verbs by Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (review)","authors":"Chia-jung Pan","doi":"10.1353/ol.2021.0030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2021.0030","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2022-02-04","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45903105","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
While a fair amount has been written on semantic change, semantic reconstruction is in some ways the last frontier in historical linguistics. Following principles laid down in past publications starting in 1987, I argue here that Dempwolff's classic reconstruction of “Original Austronesian” *guntiŋ ‘scissors’ is questionable, based both on records of the history of technology, and on evidence that *guntiŋ had another, more plausible meaning by at least PMP times (correlated with the Philippine Neolithic starting circa 2,200 BC). In particular, reflexes of this form (which appears as *sala-guntiŋ in some Philippine languages) refer to an X-shaped architectural structure used to support roof beams in traditional house construction. In addition, in languagesranging from the northeast Philippines to the Malay peninsula, it evidently designated a similar structure used to hold a spear in horizontal position prior to being triggered by an animal taking the bait in a *balatik spring-set spear trap used to take wild pigs. Both of these are features of Neolithic technology that was widely-shared by PMP times, and there is little need to assume that they were borrowed. Scissors, on the other hand, which share the same X-shape when opened, were extremely useful in hair-cutting when once obtained, and quickly acquired the name guntiŋ because of their shape. If they arrived from the Middle East, as seems likely, they would probably have first been acquired by Malays, who then passed them on (along with many other loanwords) to languages all over the Indo-Malaysian archipelago and the Philippines to their north.
{"title":"The Challenge of Semantic Reconstruction 3: Proto-Malayo-Polynesian *guntiŋ ‘scissors’?","authors":"Robert Blust","doi":"10.1353/ol.2021.0024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2021.0024","url":null,"abstract":"While a fair amount has been written on semantic change, semantic reconstruction is in some ways the last frontier in historical linguistics. Following principles laid down in past publications starting in 1987, I argue here that Dempwolff's classic reconstruction of “Original Austronesian” *guntiŋ ‘scissors’ is questionable, based both on records of the history of technology, and on evidence that *guntiŋ had another, more plausible meaning by at least PMP times (correlated with the Philippine Neolithic starting circa 2,200 BC). In particular, reflexes of this form (which appears as *sala-guntiŋ in some Philippine languages) refer to an X-shaped architectural structure used to support roof beams in traditional house construction. In addition, in languagesranging from the northeast Philippines to the Malay peninsula, it evidently designated a similar structure used to hold a spear in horizontal position prior to being triggered by an animal taking the bait in a *balatik spring-set spear trap used to take wild pigs. Both of these are features of Neolithic technology that was widely-shared by PMP times, and there is little need to assume that they were borrowed. Scissors, on the other hand, which share the same X-shape when opened, were extremely useful in hair-cutting when once obtained, and quickly acquired the name guntiŋ because of their shape. If they arrived from the Middle East, as seems likely, they would probably have first been acquired by Malays, who then passed them on (along with many other loanwords) to languages all over the Indo-Malaysian archipelago and the Philippines to their north.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"0 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-12-31","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66487596","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This squib describes three theoretically challenging phonological processes found in the Manide, Inagta Alabat, and Umiray Dumaget languages spoken on the large northern Philippine island of Luzon. These three well-documented processes do not conform to current theoretical expectations about what is a likely or even a possible diachronic process, although each is part of a larger, complex context of sound change which does conform to theoretical expectation. A brief background survey of vocalic changes triggered by voiced stops is given, followed by the puzzling changes that depart from this more general pattern.
{"title":"Three Puzzles for Phonological Theory in Philippine Minority Languages","authors":"J. W. Lobel, Robert Blust, E. Thomas","doi":"10.1353/ol.2021.0014","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2021.0014","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This squib describes three theoretically challenging phonological processes found in the Manide, Inagta Alabat, and Umiray Dumaget languages spoken on the large northern Philippine island of Luzon. These three well-documented processes do not conform to current theoretical expectations about what is a likely or even a possible diachronic process, although each is part of a larger, complex context of sound change which does conform to theoretical expectation. A brief background survey of vocalic changes triggered by voiced stops is given, followed by the puzzling changes that depart from this more general pattern.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"60 1","pages":"474 - 484"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"45959305","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:The expression of reflexivity in Indonesian and related languages is based on various strategies, see Cole and Hermon (2005), Kartono (2013), and Schadler (2014) for discussion. This paper focuses on the expression of reflexivity based on the element diri and its cognates, not discussed in these papers. As a reflexive marker, bare diri is not specified for grammatical features such as number, gender, and person, so it imposes no restrictions on the value of the subject argument. It is only allowed with a subset of verbs, namely agent–theme verbs. Our goal is to determine its precise role. After applying a number of diagnostics for argumenthood (Dimitriadis and Everaert 2014), we show that diri is not an argument. We propose that the role of diri is that of an element marking detransitivization of the verb and reflecting an operation combining the latter's agent and theme roles into one complex agent–theme role ("a bundling operation" in the sense of Reinhart and Siloni 2005). This complex role is assigned to the remaining argument resulting in a reflexive interpretation. Further tests also show that agent and patient roles are indeed present in verbs with diri after the bundling operation.
{"title":"Introducing diri: Understanding the Role of diri as a Reflexivizer","authors":"","doi":"10.1353/ol.2021.0021","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2021.0021","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:The expression of reflexivity in Indonesian and related languages is based on various strategies, see Cole and Hermon (2005), Kartono (2013), and Schadler (2014) for discussion. This paper focuses on the expression of reflexivity based on the element diri and its cognates, not discussed in these papers. As a reflexive marker, bare diri is not specified for grammatical features such as number, gender, and person, so it imposes no restrictions on the value of the subject argument. It is only allowed with a subset of verbs, namely agent–theme verbs. Our goal is to determine its precise role. After applying a number of diagnostics for argumenthood (Dimitriadis and Everaert 2014), we show that diri is not an argument. We propose that the role of diri is that of an element marking detransitivization of the verb and reflecting an operation combining the latter's agent and theme roles into one complex agent–theme role (\"a bundling operation\" in the sense of Reinhart and Siloni 2005). This complex role is assigned to the remaining argument resulting in a reflexive interpretation. Further tests also show that agent and patient roles are indeed present in verbs with diri after the bundling operation.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"60 1","pages":"412 - 446"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47432052","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：