Abstract:This paper reexamines the genetic affiliation of Taokas-10 using the comparative method. Taokas-10 is a wordlist of a Formosan language recorded near Miaoli, Taiwan, in the beginning of the twentieth century by the Japanese linguist Naoyoshi Ogawa. It was assumed to be a dialect of Taokas due to its geographic position, and although later researchers noted its resemblance to another Formosan language—Atayal—no evidence has been presented to justify this claim. This paper presents a thorough examination of its phonology, lexicon, and parts of its morphosyntax. The evidence is clear that the language in the Taokas-10 dataset was in fact a dialect of Atayal, with some lexical borrowings from neighboring Formosan languages (Saisiyat, Taokas, and other Atayal dialects). Although it is most closely related to Matu'uwal (Mayrinax) Atayal, it still shows peculiarities in both phonology and lexicon. It was likely a remnant of a larger Atayal population living in the lowlands of Miaoli that was later assimilated by Hakka Chinese, who now dominate the region.
{"title":"Taokas-10 Revisited: Taokas or Atayal?","authors":"Andre Goderich","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.0031","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.0031","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper reexamines the genetic affiliation of Taokas-10 using the comparative method. Taokas-10 is a wordlist of a Formosan language recorded near Miaoli, Taiwan, in the beginning of the twentieth century by the Japanese linguist Naoyoshi Ogawa. It was assumed to be a dialect of Taokas due to its geographic position, and although later researchers noted its resemblance to another Formosan language—Atayal—no evidence has been presented to justify this claim. This paper presents a thorough examination of its phonology, lexicon, and parts of its morphosyntax. The evidence is clear that the language in the Taokas-10 dataset was in fact a dialect of Atayal, with some lexical borrowings from neighboring Formosan languages (Saisiyat, Taokas, and other Atayal dialects). Although it is most closely related to Matu'uwal (Mayrinax) Atayal, it still shows peculiarities in both phonology and lexicon. It was likely a remnant of a larger Atayal population living in the lowlands of Miaoli that was later assimilated by Hakka Chinese, who now dominate the region.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"60 1","pages":"447 - 473"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44008549","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
Abstract:This paper demonstrates an unexplained typological oddity in the historical phonology of Proto-Austronesian: PAn *q, widely believed to be a voiceless uvular stop, is rarely continued as a uvular consonant outside of the Formosan languages. The rarity of uvular reflexes of PAn *q in Austronesian languages is striking: of the 1,000 or so non-Formosan Austronesian languages, only two, Muna and Mapos Buang, show possible uvular reflexes of *q while maintaining an inherited contrast between that segment and reflexes of *k. If PAn *q was a uvular stop, and maintained as such in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-Central/Eastern Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-Central Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-South Halmahera–West New Guinea, and Proto-Oceanic, why are there so few Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan with uvular reflexes of *q? Several possible explanations are considered here, ranging from simple typological explanations to cultural factors related to sound symbolism and taboo. The most promising approach relates drift away from *q to expansion of the vowel inventory.
{"title":"Uvular Reflexes of Proto-Austronesian *q: Mysterious Disappearance or Drift Toward Oblivion?","authors":"J. Blevins","doi":"10.1353/ol.2021.0019","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2021.0019","url":null,"abstract":"Abstract:This paper demonstrates an unexplained typological oddity in the historical phonology of Proto-Austronesian: PAn *q, widely believed to be a voiceless uvular stop, is rarely continued as a uvular consonant outside of the Formosan languages. The rarity of uvular reflexes of PAn *q in Austronesian languages is striking: of the 1,000 or so non-Formosan Austronesian languages, only two, Muna and Mapos Buang, show possible uvular reflexes of *q while maintaining an inherited contrast between that segment and reflexes of *k. If PAn *q was a uvular stop, and maintained as such in Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-Central/Eastern Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-Central Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-South Halmahera–West New Guinea, and Proto-Oceanic, why are there so few Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan with uvular reflexes of *q? Several possible explanations are considered here, ranging from simple typological explanations to cultural factors related to sound symbolism and taboo. The most promising approach relates drift away from *q to expansion of the vowel inventory.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"60 1","pages":"335 - 366"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43941927","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"A Sketch Grammar of Pondi by Russell Barlow (review)","authors":"W. Foley","doi":"10.1353/ol.2021.0015","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2021.0015","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"60 1","pages":"485 - 488"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-11-10","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47282082","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This paper demonstrates an unexplained typological oddity in the historical phonology of Proto-Austronesian: PAN *q, widely believed to be a voiceless uvular stop, is rarely continued as a uvular consonant outside of the Formosan languages. The rarity of uvular reflexes of PAN *q in Austronesian languages is striking: of the 1,000 or so non-Formosan Austronesian languages, only two, Muna and Mapos Buang, show possible uvular reflexes of *q while maintaining an inherited contrast between that segment and reflexes of *k. If PAN *q was a uvular stop, and maintained as such in Proto-MalayoPolynesian, Proto-Central/Eastern Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-Central MalayoPolynesian, Proto-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-South Halmahera–West New Guinea, and Proto-Oceanic, why are there so few Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan with uvular reflexes of *q? Several possible explanations are considered here, ranging from simple typological explanations to cultural factors related to sound symbolism and taboo. The most promising approach relates drift away from *q to expansion of the vowel inventory.
{"title":"Uvular Reflexes of Proto-Austronesian *q: Mysterious Disappearance or Drift Toward Oblivion?","authors":"J. Blevins","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.0030","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.0030","url":null,"abstract":"This paper demonstrates an unexplained typological oddity in the historical phonology of Proto-Austronesian: PAN *q, widely believed to be a voiceless uvular stop, is rarely continued as a uvular consonant outside of the Formosan languages. The rarity of uvular reflexes of PAN *q in Austronesian languages is striking: of the 1,000 or so non-Formosan Austronesian languages, only two, Muna and Mapos Buang, show possible uvular reflexes of *q while maintaining an inherited contrast between that segment and reflexes of *k. If PAN *q was a uvular stop, and maintained as such in Proto-MalayoPolynesian, Proto-Central/Eastern Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-Central MalayoPolynesian, Proto-Eastern-Malayo-Polynesian, Proto-South Halmahera–West New Guinea, and Proto-Oceanic, why are there so few Austronesian languages outside of Taiwan with uvular reflexes of *q? Several possible explanations are considered here, ranging from simple typological explanations to cultural factors related to sound symbolism and taboo. The most promising approach relates drift away from *q to expansion of the vowel inventory.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"47565137","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The expression of reflexivity in Indonesian and related languages is based on various strategies, see Cole and Hermon (2005), Kartono (2013), and Schadler (2014) for discussion. This paper focuses on the expression of reflexivity based on the element diri and its cognates, not discussed in these papers. As a reflexive marker, bare diri is not specified for grammatical features such as number, gender, and person, so it imposes no restrictions on the value of the subject argument. It is only allowed with a subset of verbs, namely agent– theme verbs. Our goal is to determine its precise role. After applying a number of diagnostics for argumenthood (Dimitriadis and Everaert 2014), we show that diri is not an argument. We propose that the role of diri is that of an element marking detransitivization of the verb and reflecting an operation combining the latter’s agent and theme roles into one complex agent–theme role (“a bundling operation” in the sense of Reinhart and Siloni 2005). This complex role is assigned to the remaining argument resulting in a reflexive interpretation. Further tests also show that agent and patient roles are indeed present in verbs with diri after the bundling operation.
反身性在印尼语及相关语言中的表达基于各种策略，详见Cole and Hermon(2005)、Kartono(2013)和Schadler(2014)的讨论。本文的重点是基于diri及其同源词的反身性表达，这是本文未讨论的。作为一种反身标记，裸dii不用于数字、性别和人称等语法特征，因此它对主语参数的值没有限制。它只允许用于动词的一个子集，即代理-主题动词。我们的目标是确定它的确切作用。在应用了一些论证性的诊断(Dimitriadis和Everaert 2014)之后，我们表明，diri不是一个论证。我们提出diri的作用是一个标志着动词去及物化的元素，反映了将后者的代理和主题角色结合成一个复杂的代理-主题角色的操作(Reinhart和Siloni 2005意义上的“捆绑操作”)。这个复杂的角色被分配给了剩余的参数，从而产生了反身性的解释。进一步的测试还表明，捆绑操作后，代理和患者角色确实存在于带有diri的动词中。
{"title":"Introducing diri: Understanding the Role of diri as a Reflexivizer","authors":"B. Kartono, E. Reuland, M. Everaert","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.0028","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.0028","url":null,"abstract":"The expression of reflexivity in Indonesian and related languages is based on various strategies, see Cole and Hermon (2005), Kartono (2013), and Schadler (2014) for discussion. This paper focuses on the expression of reflexivity based on the element diri and its cognates, not discussed in these papers. As a reflexive marker, bare diri is not specified for grammatical features such as number, gender, and person, so it imposes no restrictions on the value of the subject argument. It is only allowed with a subset of verbs, namely agent– theme verbs. Our goal is to determine its precise role. After applying a number of diagnostics for argumenthood (Dimitriadis and Everaert 2014), we show that diri is not an argument. We propose that the role of diri is that of an element marking detransitivization of the verb and reflecting an operation combining the latter’s agent and theme roles into one complex agent–theme role (“a bundling operation” in the sense of Reinhart and Siloni 2005). This complex role is assigned to the remaining argument resulting in a reflexive interpretation. Further tests also show that agent and patient roles are indeed present in verbs with diri after the bundling operation.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"44362742","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
In recent years, much more lexical data have become available for the Temotu languages, a purported subgroup of Oceanic. This paper reexamines some significant changes to Oceanic consonants in light of this larger dataset. While the bulk of previous analyses is retained, several changes hypothesized in earlier literature are shown to require revision. The syncope and truncation sound changes proposed by Ross and Næss are reinterpreted as emergent from prosodic effects, and as a result of closer study of other sound changes, we find that the hypothesized Utupua–Vanikoro branch is not phonologically well founded. A second merger of sounds in Proto-Oceanic, in addition to the one presented in Ross and Næss, is uncovered for all of Temotu languages, giving support for its acceptance as a subgroup of Oceanic. In a synthesis near the end, we show that evidence from recent archaeological work on the Temotu region that aligns with the linguistic history proposed here.
{"title":"Reexamining the Phonological History of Oceanic’s Temotu Subgroup","authors":"William James Lackey, Brenda H. Boerger","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.0029","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.0029","url":null,"abstract":"In recent years, much more lexical data have become available for the Temotu languages, a purported subgroup of Oceanic. This paper reexamines some significant changes to Oceanic consonants in light of this larger dataset. While the bulk of previous analyses is retained, several changes hypothesized in earlier literature are shown to require revision. The syncope and truncation sound changes proposed by Ross and Næss are reinterpreted as emergent from prosodic effects, and as a result of closer study of other sound changes, we find that the hypothesized Utupua–Vanikoro branch is not phonologically well founded. A second merger of sounds in Proto-Oceanic, in addition to the one presented in Ross and Næss, is uncovered for all of Temotu languages, giving support for its acceptance as a subgroup of Oceanic. In a synthesis near the end, we show that evidence from recent archaeological work on the Temotu region that aligns with the linguistic history proposed here.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"0 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-28","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66487546","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
{"title":"Russell Barlow. 2020. A Sketch Grammar of Pondi. Canberra: Australian National University Press. xiv + 200 pp. ISBN 9781760463830. Downloadable at press.anu.au","authors":"W. Foley","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.0027","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.0027","url":null,"abstract":"","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"43158768","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
This squib describes three theoretically challenging phonological processes found in the Manide, Inagta Alabat, and Umiray Dumaget languages spoken on the large northern Philippine island of Luzon. These three well-documented processes do not conform to current theoretical expectations about what is a likely or even a possible diachronic process, although each is part of a larger, complex context of sound change which does conform to theoretical expectation. A brief background survey of vocalic changes triggered by voiced stops is given, followed by the puzzling changes that depart from this more general pattern.
{"title":"Three Puzzles for Phonological Theory in Philippine Minority Languages","authors":"J. W. Lobel, Robert Blust, E. Thomas","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.0024","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.0024","url":null,"abstract":"This squib describes three theoretically challenging phonological processes found in the Manide, Inagta Alabat, and Umiray Dumaget languages spoken on the large northern Philippine island of Luzon. These three well-documented processes do not conform to current theoretical expectations about what is a likely or even a possible diachronic process, although each is part of a larger, complex context of sound change which does conform to theoretical expectation. A brief background survey of vocalic changes triggered by voiced stops is given, followed by the puzzling changes that depart from this more general pattern.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":" ","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"41901294","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
The Trans-New Guinea language Mian has a four-valued gender system that has been analyzed in detail as semantic. This means that the principles of gender assignment are based on the meaning of the noun. Languages with purely semantic systems are at one end of a spectrum of possible assignment types, while others are assumed to have both semantic and formal (i.e., phonology or morphology-based) assignment. Given the possibility of gender assignment by both semantic and formal principles, it is worthwhile testing the empirical validity of the categorization of the Mian system as predominantly semantic. Here, we apply three machine learning models to determine independently what role semantics and phonology play in predicting Mian gender. Information about the formal and semantic features of nouns is extracted automatically from a dictionary. Different types of computational classifiers are trained to predict the grammatical gender of nouns, and the performance of the computational classifiers is used to assess the relevance of form and semantics in relation to gender prediction. The results show that semantics is dominant in predicting the gender of nouns in Mian. While it validates the original analysis of the Mian system, it also provides further evidence that claims of an equal contribution of form-based and semantic features in gender assignment do not hold for at least a proper subset of languages with gender.
{"title":"Testing Semantic Dominance in Mian Gender: Three Machine Learning Models","authors":"Marc Allassonnière-Tang, Dunstan Brown, S. Fedden","doi":"10.1353/ol.2020.0026","DOIUrl":"https://doi.org/10.1353/ol.2020.0026","url":null,"abstract":"The Trans-New Guinea language Mian has a four-valued gender system that has been analyzed in detail as semantic. This means that the principles of gender assignment are based on the meaning of the noun. Languages with purely semantic systems are at one end of a spectrum of possible assignment types, while others are assumed to have both semantic and formal (i.e., phonology or morphology-based) assignment. Given the possibility of gender assignment by both semantic and formal principles, it is worthwhile testing the empirical validity of the categorization of the Mian system as predominantly semantic. Here, we apply three machine learning models to determine independently what role semantics and phonology play in predicting Mian gender. Information about the formal and semantic features of nouns is extracted automatically from a dictionary. Different types of computational classifiers are trained to predict the grammatical gender of nouns, and the performance of the computational classifiers is used to assess the relevance of form and semantics in relation to gender prediction. The results show that semantics is dominant in predicting the gender of nouns in Mian. While it validates the original analysis of the Mian system, it also provides further evidence that claims of an equal contribution of form-based and semantic features in gender assignment do not hold for at least a proper subset of languages with gender.","PeriodicalId":51848,"journal":{"name":"OCEANIC LINGUISTICS","volume":"0 1","pages":"-"},"PeriodicalIF":0.9,"publicationDate":"2021-08-17","publicationTypes":"Journal Article","fieldsOfStudy":null,"isOpenAccess":false,"openAccessPdf":"","citationCount":null,"resultStr":null,"platform":"Semanticscholar","paperid":"66487480","PeriodicalName":null,"FirstCategoryId":null,"ListUrlMain":null,"RegionNum":3,"RegionCategory":"文学","ArticlePicture":[],"TitleCN":null,"AbstractTextCN":null,"PMCID":"","EPubDate":null,"PubModel":null,"JCR":null,"JCRName":null,"Score":null,"Total":0}
京公网安备 11010802042870号
京ICP备2023020795号-1
扫码关注我们
求助内容：
应助结果提醒方式：